^ 


/ 1  / 


"V/-/ 


i:> 


S& 


THE  ISLANDS 

OF 

TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


eg 


o 


ft 

a 

S3 


i 

6 

I 

m 

a 

c3 

ft 

I 


i 

o 

e3 

w 

u 
o 

CO 


-i 


THE  ISLANDS 


OF 


TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


•ffUustratcD 


BY 


ADOLPH  F.  3ANDELIER 


t-^. 


NEW  YORK 
1910 


Copyright,  1910,  by 

The  Hispanic  Society 

OF  America 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

The  Basin  op  Lake  Titicaca 1 

Notes 23 


The  Islands  of  Titicaca  and  Koati 39 

Notes 55 

The  Indians  of  the  Island  of  Titicaca 59 

Notes 129 

The  Ancient  Ruins  on  the  Island  of  Titicaca 163 

Notes 241 

The  Ruins  on  the  Island  of  Koati 257 

Notes 285 

Aboriginal  Myths  and  Traditions  Concerning  the  Island 
OF  Titicaca 291 

Notes 331 

List  of  Indigenous  Plants 341 

Index 343 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


The  peaks  of  Sorata   (Hanko-uma  or  Illampu  and  Hanko-Kunix  or 
Hilampi)  from  the  port  of  Chililaya Frontispiece 

Plate  I                                        facing  page 
Map  of  Lake  Titicaca 3 

Plate  II 
Map  of  the  Island  of  Titicaca 6 

Plate  III 
The  Isthmus  of  Challa,  Kca-Kollu  and  Koati 8 

Plate  IV 
Pucai'a 10 

Plate  V 
Hacienda  of  Challa,  etc 14 

Plate  VI 
Uajran-Kala 18 

Plate  VII 
Kenua  tree,  etc 20 

Plate  VIII 
Western  Lake  and  Peruvian  coast 41 

Plate  IX 
Island  of  Koati 42 

Plate  X 
Indian  Authorities  of  Challa 46 

Plate  XI 
Indian  Pictograph 48 


viii  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

Plate  XII                                     facing  park 
Indian  Medicine-man 52 

Plate  XIII 
Indian  Dancers,  Chayllpa 61 

Plate  XIV 
Indian  Dancers,  Kena-Kena 62 

Plate  XV 
Indian  Dancers,  Pusipiani,  etc 66 

Plate  XVI 
Chirihnanos 72 

Plate  XVII 
Indian  Skulls 78 

Plate  XVIII 
Kea-Kollu  Chico 84 

Plate  XIX 
Kea-Kollu,  Ground-jjlans 88 

Plate  XX 
Kea-Kollu  Chico,  Ground-plans 90 

Plate  XXI 
Indian  Pottery 94 

Plate  XXII 
Trephined  Skulls 98 

Plate  XXIII 
Primitive  Agricultural  Implements 102 

Plate  XXIV 
Collca-Pata,  Ground-plan 110 

Plate  XXV 
Ciria-Pata,   Ground-plan 112 

Plate  XXVI 
Graves  at  Ciria-Pata 118 

Plate  XXVII 
Pottery  from  Ciria-Pata 122 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS  ix 

Plate  XXVIII                                facing  page 
Drinking  Cups       124 

Plate  XXIX 
Sculptured  Stone 165 

Plate  XXX 
Weapons 168 

Plate  XXXI 
Drinking  Cups       172 

Plate  XXXII 
Decorative   Objects 174 

Plate  XXXIII 
Pilco-Kayma,   Ground-plans 176 

Plate  XXXIV 
Pilco-Kayma,  Architectural  Details 178 

Plate  XXXV 
Pilco-Kayma,  Architectural  Details 180 

Plate  XXXVI 
Pilco-Kayma,  Architectural  Details 182 

Plate  XXXVII 
Pilco-Kayma,  Architectural  Details 184 

Plate  XXXVIII 
Fountain  of  the  Inca,  Ground-plan 186 

Plate  XXXIX 
Fountain  of  the  Inca,  Details 188 

Plate  XL 
Fountain  of  the  Inca 192 

Plate  XLI 
Metallic  Implements,  Pucara ,  196 

Plate  XLII 
Kuins  at  Pucara 198 

Plate  XLIII 
Ground-plan,  Pucara  and  Ahijadero 200 


X  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

Plate  XLIV                                    facing  page 
Pucara,  Ground-plan 202 

Plate  XLV 
Inca  Pottery 204 

Plate  XL VI 
View  of  Kasapata 206 

Plate  XLVII 
Kasapata,   Ground-plans 208 

Plate  XLVIII 
Inca  Pottery  from  Kasapata 210 

Plate  XLIX 
Ornaments,  Beads,  etc 212 

Plate  L 
Inca  Jar  with  Stand  of  Clay 214 

Plate  LI 
Potsherds  from  Kasapata 216 

Plate  LII 
Kasapata,   Ground-plans 218 

Plate  LIII 
Kasapata  and  Sicuyu,  Graves 220 

Plate  LIV 
Potsherds,  Kasapata        222 

Plate  LV 
Ground-plan  of  Sacred  Rock  and  Surroundings 226 

Plate  LVI 
Details  from  Incan-Taqui  and  Chincana        228 

Plate  LVII 
Objects  in  Silver 232 

Plate  LVIII 
Objects  in  Silver 238 

Plate  LIX 
Titi-Kala  or  Sacred  Rock 240 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS  xi 

Plate  LX  facing  page 

Ground-plans,  Chincana  and  Sacred  Rock 257 

Plate  LXI 
Stone-chest  with  Cover       259 

Plate  LXII 
Ancient  Poncho 260 

Plate  LXIII 
Chincana,  Details 262 

Plate  LXIV 
Chincana,  General  View 26-i 

Plate  LXV 
Chincana,  Part  of  Ruins 266 

Plate  LXVI 
Objects  in  Copper  and  Bronze 268 

Plate  LXVII 
Inca  Vase 270 

Plate  LXVIII 
Chucaripu,  Ground-plan 272 

Plate  LXIX 
Ancient   Poncho 274 

Plate  LXX 
Kona,  Ground-plan 276 

Plate  LXXI 
Island  of  Koati,  Map,  etc 278 

Plate  LXXII 
Ruins  on  eastern  slope  of  Koati 280 

Plate  LXXIII 
Ruins  of  Iuak-U>T.i  on  Koati 282 

Plate  LXXIV 
Details  of  Inak-Uyu 291 

Plate  LXXV 
Graves  on  Koati 293 


xii  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

Plate  LXXVI                                  ^^^ing  page 
Painted  Bowl,  Koati 294 

Plate  LXXVII 
Stone  Objects,  Koati 296 

Plate  LXXVIII 
Objects  in  Gold,  Koati  and  Titicaea 298 

Plate  LXXIX 
Pottery,  Koati  and  Titicaea 300 

Plate  LXXX 
Chieheria,  Ground-plan        302 

Plate  LXXXI 
Stone  Objects,  Koati  and  Copaeavana 306 

Plate  LXXXII 
Village  of  Copaeavana 310 

Plate  LXXXIII 
Stone  Seats,  Copaeavana 314 

Plate  LXXXIV 
Copaeavana,  Church       318 

Plate  LXXXV 
Manuscript  Map  of  Lake  Titicaea  from  1573 358 


PREFACE 

The  explorations  which  I  began  under  the  auspices  of  the 
late  Mr.  Henry  Villard  of  the  city  of  New  York  in  July, 
1892,  were  continued  until  April  1,  1894,  when  Mr.  Villard 
gave  the  collections  I  had  gathered  for  him  to  the  American 
Museum  of  Natural  History  at  New  York.  After  that  date 
my  work  was  entirely  for  the  Museum. 

In  July,  1894,  I  started  for  Bolivia  accompanied  by  my 
wife— Fanny  Bitter  Bandelier.  Arriving  at  La  Paz  on 
August  11th,  we  visited  first  the  ruins  of  Tiahuanaco,  on  the 
29th,  remaining  nineteen  days  on  the  site,  securing  speci- 
mens, and  surveying  the  ruins  for  the  purpose  of  making  a 
general  plan  of  them.  We  also  took  notes  on  architectural 
details. 

Soon  after  our  return  to  La  Paz  we  made  another  excur- 
sion, this  time  to  the  slopes  of  the  well  known  Illimani. 
There,  at  an  altitude  of  13,000  feet,  we  explored  remains  of 
terraced  garden  beds,  small  dwellings  of  stone,  and  burial 
cysts,  above  the  hacienda  of  Llujo. 

It  was  not  until  the  26th  of  December  that  we  could  carry 
out  our  plan  to  visit  the  Island  of  Titicaca.  The  Prefect  of 
La  Paz,  Don  Genaro  Sanjinez,  gave  permission  to  the 
steamer  plying  between  Puno  and  Chililaya  to  touch  at  that 
Island  for  us.  But  we  had,  first,  to  obtain  from  the  owner 
of  Challa  (the  principal  hacienda  on  the  Island),  authoriza- 
tion to  reside  on  his  property  and  to  investigate  and  ex- 
cavate on  the  premises.  Not  only  was  our  request  granted 
at  once,  but  Don  Miguel  Garces,  the  owner,  accompanied  us 
on  the  steamer  to  Challa,  installed  us  there  and  imparted 
strict  orders  to  the  several  hundred  of  Aymara  Indians  liv- 

xiii 


xiv  PREFACE 

ing  on  his  property  to  treat  us  with  the  same  respect  as  him- 
self or  any  other  member  of  his  family.  This  injunction 
was  observed  as  long  as  our  friend  remained  with  us.  After 
his  departure,  it  was  only  by  dint  of  lavish  expenditure  of 
money,  and  sometimes  by  assuming  an  austere  attitude,  that 
we  held  our  own  among  the  aborigines.  We  landed  at  Challa 
on  January  1,  1895,  and  remained  on  the  Island  of  Titicaca 
until  April  15th,  with  the  intermission  of  one  week  (early  in 
February)  which  we  spent  at  the  village  of  Copacavana  on 
the  Bolivian  mainland,  where  we  witnessed  the  Indian  fes- 
tivities on  the  occasion  of  a  church  celebration,  at  the  fa- 
mous shrine  of  Copacavana. 

With  this  sole  exception,  we  remained  three  months  and  a 
half  on  Titicaca  Island,  completely  isolated  from  the  outer 
world.  Civil  war  in  Peru  attained  its  climax  during  that 
time  and  all  communication  between  Puno  and  Bolivia  was 
cut  off.  Our  supplies  gave  out ;  not  even  coffee  could  be  had 
at  the  ill-provided  pueblo  of  Copacavana.  Furthermore,  an 
Indian  insurrection  broke  out  at  Yunguyu  (on  Peruvian  soil, 
six  miles  from  Copacavana)  and  spread  with  great  rapidity 
along  the  Bolivian  frontier,  threatening  to  involve  the  Boli- 
vian Aymara  and  endanger  life  and  property  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Copacavana. 

So,  having  completed  our  surveys  and  excavations  on  the 
Island,  we  retreated  to  Copacavana  and  thence,  as  the  situa- 
tion grew  more  and  more  untenable,  to  Puno.  Don  Miguel 
Garces  accompanied  us,  for  in  the  meantime  Lima  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  the  Opposition  and  peace  was  being  re- 
stored in  Peru.  At  Puno  we  prepared  for  a  return  to  the 
Island  with  means  for  navigating  the  Lake,  distinct  from 
those  of  the  natives  which  kept  us  at  the  mercy  of  Indian  ill- 
will.  The  house  of  Cazorla  Brothers  at  Puno  secured  for 
lis  the  use  of  a  flat-bottomed  scow  propelled  by  wheels  driven 
by  hand.  We  also  improved  our  stay  at  Puno  for  surveying 
and  photographing  (there  was  an  itinerant  photographer  at 
Puno  at  the  time)  the  ruins  at  Sillustani  on  Lake  Umayo. 


PREFACE  XV 

On  May  26th  we  again  landed  at  Challa,  with  our  hand- 
wheeler  and  ample  provisions.  On  the  18th  of  June  we  had 
completed  our  investigations  there  with  the  exception  of  the 
photographic  work,  which  had  yet  to  be  postponed,  since  the 
apparatus  was  still  in  the  hands  of  the  Bolivian  custom- 
house officers  at  La  Paz. 

We  next  moved  to  the  Island  of  Koati,  where  the  owner, 
Dr.  Venceslao  del  Carpio,  had  given  us  permission  to  survey 
and  excavate.  There  we  remained  until  the  2d  of  July, 
when  we  returned  to  Copacavana.  Our  collections  had  been 
carried  to  Chililaya,  thanks  to  the  Very  Reverend  Father 
Francisco  Martinez,  Commissary-General  of  the  Franciscan 
order,  whose  authority  prevailed  in  our  favor,  upon  the  re- 
luctant and  hostile  Indians. 

Another  week  spent  on  the  Island  of  Titicaca,  with  the 
photograiDhic  apparatus  received  at  last,  one  more  day  on 
Koati,  and  our  seven  months'  work  on  and  about  these 
Islands  came  to  an  end.  Only  those  who  have  resided  for 
some  time  in  that  section  of  Bolivia  can  appreciate  the  ob- 
stacles it  presents  to  scientific  investigation.  Climate,  na- 
ture and  man  conspire  to  impede,  annoy  and  obstruct. 

On  August  2d  we  landed  at  Chililaya  and  remained  till 
the  29th  of  the  month,  carefully  packing  our  cumbrous  col- 
lections and  excavating  some  of  the  ancient  burial  sites  near 
by.  Mr.  Louis  Ernst  of  Chililaya  had  been,  and  was,  our 
financial  mainstay  during  the  time,  and  we  have  been  the 
recipient  of  many  courtesies  from  him,  as  well  as  from  the 
late  Dr.  Rosquellas,  Captain  of  the  Port  of  Chililaya.  On 
the  29th  of  August,  1895,  we  were  once  more  at  La  Paz, 
thence  to  direct  our  steps  to  the  Illimani  a  second  time,  and 
later  on  to  Peru,  where  we  remained  during  part  of  the  year 
1896,  preparing  the  substance  of  this  report. 

In  the  following  pages  I  cannot  pretend  to  more  than  a 
picture  of  our  work  on  the  Islands  of  Titicaca  and  Koati, 
with  such  results  as  appear  to  me  worthy  of  presentation. 
In  my  documentary  researches,  I  have  met  with  the  most 


xvi  PREFACE 

friendly  support :  in  Peru,  Bolivia,  and  in  the  United  States 
since  our  return.  At  the  national  Archives  and  Library  of 
Lima  the  Director,  Don  Ricardo  Palma,  and  his  able  assist- 
ant, Carlos  Alberto  Romero,  have  literally  showered  upon 
me  favors  of  the  greatest  value.  At  La  Paz  my  intimate 
friend  Don  Manuel  Vicente  Ballivian  has  opened  every  door 
that  was  supposed  to  give  access  to  material;  and  at  New 
York,  the  friendship  of  Mr.  Wilberforce  Eames,  the  Super- 
intendent of  the  Lenox  branch  of  the  New  York  Public 

/     Library,  of  his  assistant,  ¥i^©*^^aUs4sts,  and,  at  the  Astor, 
the  liberality  shown  by  the  General  Director,  Drr  <3h~©itt-- 

1_    ings,  have  been  invaluable. 

In  conclusion,  I  gladly  pay  a  tribute  of  sincere  gratitude 
to  our  special  friend  at  La  Paz,  Mr.  Theodore  Boettiger, 
head  of  the  firm  of  Harrison  &  Boettiger  of  that  city.  To 
him  we  owe  countless  attentions  and  especially  assistance 
of  the  most  effective  nature.  Among  the  many  others,  at 
La  Paz  also,  to  whom  we  remain  indebted  in  an  analogous 
manner,  I  would  yet  specially  mention  Mr.  Frederick  G. 
Eulert.  To  name  all,  would  furnish  too  long  a  list,  however 
much  we  should  like  to  express,  to  each  one  in  particular, 
our  feelings  of  respect  and  esteem. 

Ad.  F.  Bandeliee. 
New  York  City,  January  11th,  1905, 


NOTICE  TO  READERS 

The  Spanish  and  Indian  names  used  in  this  volume  are  to 
be  pronounced,  not  according  to  the  English,  but  according 
to  the  Continental  manner  of  pronunciation,  the  j  having  the 
guttural  sound  of  the  Spanish. 

The  scale  of  plans  and  diagrams  is  reduced  from  the  orig- 
inal in  every  instance,  as  well  as  the  size  of  the  illustrations 
of  objects,  in  comparison  with  the  original. 

The  flag  on  plans  and  diagrams  indicates,  in  every  case, 
the  magnetic  and  not  the  true  North.  The  magnetic  decli- 
nation not  having  been  accurately  determined  at  the  time  I 
made  my  surveys,  I  preferred  not  to  assume  the  responsi- 
bility of  adopting  an  approximate  deviation  of  the  needle, 
which  at  the  time  wa§  supposed  to  be  about  12  degrees  to  the 
east  of  north. 

The  colored  plates  are  due  to  the  skilful  hand  of  my  friend 
and  countryman  Mr.  Rudolph  Weber,  who  has  also  made 
and  retouched  the  photographs  of  objects  and  reproduced 
the  frequently  defective  landscapes  and  scenes  of  Indian 
life. 

Ad.  F.  Bandelier. 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA 


ERRATA 


P.  xvi,  1.  10. 

For  Victor  Paltsists  read  Victor  H.  Paltsits. 

P.  xvi,  11.  11,  12. 

For  Dr.  G.  Billings   read  Dr.  John  S.  Billings. 


r    .     li  „     11        \  I.        \        r         !  \ 


r        A        \ 


■'    '-\  ■'-"  rff  <(i?^ '•  '  §:,      ..■    %.'•':/, 


JV,.  ...... 


■;^^ 


-ft:s*w 


^  ,.,„.,  i   ''*«t1VL    A    C    O"*"      t\  I      T     I     r     A     <•      .\ 


"-»*"'\<f  '„:v- 


.^.. 


A 


'^'         ^"^  .i>>^^'   M^ 


Plate  I 

Map  of  Lake  Titieaca  aud  surroundings 

Reduced  copy  from  atlas  of  Peru,  hy  A.  Kaimondi 


Paet  I 
THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA 


IN  the  heart  of  the  western  part  of  South  America,  be- 
tween the  15th  and  17th  degrees  of  latitude,  south  of  the 
equator,  and  between  the  68th  and  70th  degrees  of  longi- 
tude, west  of  the  meridian  of  Greenwich,  lies  the 
extensive  water  sheet  of  Lake  Titicaca  at  an  aver- 
age altitude  of  12,500  feet  above  the  level  of  the 
sea,^  and  distant  in  a  straight  line  about  300  miles 
from  the  Pacific  Coast  and  at  least  2000  miles  from 
the  Atlantic  shores  of  Brazil.  The  Republic  of  Peru  claims 
two-thirds  of  its  area,-  and  the  Republic  of  Bolivia  the  re- 
maining southeastern  third ;  but  the  boundary  line  is  rather 
indefinite  between  the  two  countries,  across  Lake  Titicaca 
as  well  as  on  the  mainland.  The  great  chain  of  the  Bolivian 
Andes,  or  Cordillera  Real,  skirts  the  Lake  on  its  eastern 
side.  This  mountain  chain,  from  the  towering  peak  of 
Hanko-Uma  or  Illampu  (the  tallest  of  the  Sorata  group)  to 
the  imposing  mass  of  the  Illimani  southeast  of  the  city  of 
La  Paz,  runs  from  northwest  to  southeast,  and  the  Lake  in 
the  same  direction  forms  a  deep  trough  west,  or  rather 
southwest,  of  that  snowy  range. 

The  irregular  shape  of  this  elevated  inland  basin  of  water 
is  best  understood  by  glancing  at  the  accompanying  map. 
Its  length  from  northwest  to  southeast  is  about  130  miles, 
and  its  greatest  width  is  about  41  miles  between  the  Peru- 
vian coast  at  Have  and  the  Bolivian  shores  at  Carabuco.  Such 
figures,  at  the  present  stage  of  geographical  knowledge  of 


4  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

Bolivia,  can  only  be  approximations.^  Minute  indications 
of  geographical  position,  altitude  and  dimensions  are  not 
always  essential  in  an  anthropological  monograph;  but 
whenever  they  could  be  secured  they  will  be  given,  if  only 
as  a  respectful  tribute  to  the  labors  of  others.  Landscape 
and  scenery,  the  nature  of  vegetation,  the  appearance,  rela- 
tive distance  of  high  mountains  and  their  relation  to  the 
cardinal  points,  hence  to  prevailing  atmospheric  currents, 
the  indentations  of  the  shores  and  the  distribution  of  afflu- 
ents, are  more  important  to  archaeology  and  ethnology  than 
geographical  data  of  mathematical  accuracy. 

An  undulating  level,  gradually  slanting  from  the  height 
of  the  Crucero  Alto  (14,666)  to  Puno  on  the  Lake-shore 
(12,544),^  skirts  the  Lake  in  the  northwest  and  north.  The 
elevated  ranges  of  Santa  Rosa  and  Vilcanota,  which  over- 
shadow the  true  source  of  the  Amazon  River ,^  are  not  visible 
from  Puno.  North  of  that  port  the  Lake  makes  an  inroad 
forming  its  most  northerly  lagune,  on  the  banks  of  which 
are  the  approaches  to  the  settlements  of  Taraco  and  Huan- 
cane.  Navigation  on  Lake  Titicaca  does  not  touch  these 
points;^  steamers  ply  directly  between  Puno  and  the  Bo- 
livian shore  at  Huaqui.  The  extreme  northwestern  shore 
of  the  Lake  is  not  visible  from  the  Island  of  Titicaca  nor 
from  the  mainland  of  Copacavana,  so  great  is  the  expanse 
of  the  water  sheet  in  that  direction. 

Puno,  a  Spanish  settlement  founded  in  the  seventeenth 
century'^  and  now  the  capital  of  a  Peruvian  department, 
nestles  at  the  upper  end  of  a  large  bay  called  the  Lagune  of 
Chucuito.  Its  surroundings  are  typical  of  the  bleak  and 
chilly  Puna  of  these  regions.  Trees  are  scarce,  the  slopes 
overgrown  with  a  scrubby  vegetation,  rocks  protrude  boldly 
here  and  there,  and  the  sheet  of  blue  water  expanding  in  ad- 
vance of  the  port  is  encircled  by  dreary  shores  and  reddish 
cliffs.  The  Lagune  of  Chucuito  terminates  between  two  nar- 
row projections— the  Peninsula  of  Capachica  in  the  north 
and  that  of  Chucuito  in  the  south.    On  its  southern  banks 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA  5 

lie  villages  known  since  the  earliest  times  of  Spanish  coloni- 
zation—Chncuito,  formerly  an  important  seat  of  provincial 
government,  and  Acora,^  in  the  vicinity  of  which  are  many 
aboriginal  monuments  partly  described  by  E.  G.  Squier.^ 
The  shores  are  bleak,  but,  as  everywhere  on  the  Puna,  their 
appearance  is  deceptive.  While  destitute  of  arboriferous 
vegetation,  they  are  not  unproductive.  Such  culture-plants 
as  withstand  the  cold  climate  find  sufficient  soil  for  growth. 
The  scarcity  of  level  ground  has  compelled,  and  still  compels, 
people  to  go  to  the  slopes  for  cultivation.  Hence  ' '  andenes, ' ' 
or  terraced  garden-beds  ('Hakanas,"  also  ''patas,"  in 
Aymara),  are  visible  everywhere  from  the  Lake,  presenting 
an  appearance  of  symmetry  not  held  out  upon  closer  inspec- 
tion. With  the  time-honored  system  of  rotation  observed 
by  the  Indians,  the  great  number  of  these  terraced  patches 
is  no  indication  of  a  former  dense  population.^*^  Neither  are 
they  exclusively  ancient,  many  belonging  to  Colonial  or  to 
modern  times. 

Beyond  the  narrows  at  Chucuito  the  large  Islands  of 
Taquili  and  Amantani  stand  out  in  plain  relief.  The  former 
lies  nearly  in  front  of  the  straits,  the  latter  north  of  it. 
Taquili,  sometimes  used  as  a  place  of  captivity  for  political 
offenders,  was  explored  to  some  extent,  more  than  a  decade 
ago,  by  the  very  unfortunates  condemned  to  pine  on  its  un- 
prepossessing shores.^ ^  Their  desultory  diggings  yielded 
human  bodies,  cloth,  pottery,  copper  and  silver  trinkets ;  in 
short,  usual  remains  of  the  "Chullpa"  kind;  as  popular  ter- 
minology improperly  designates  vestiges,  that  do  not  bear 
either  the  stamp  of  Cuzco  influence/^  or  that  of  the  ancient 
coast-people.  Amantani  is  said  to  be  covered  with  similar 
remains.  Puno  itself  is  surrounded  by  ruins.  Many  are 
scattered  over  the  heights  around  Lake  Umayo,  the  shores 
of  which  bear  the  famous  constructions  of  Sillustani;^^  and 
much  of  archaeological  interest  is  yet  buried  at  Mallqui- 
Amaya,  the  hacienda  of  my  friend  Don  Agustin  Tovar. 

Beyond  the  narrows,  the  main  Lake  spreads  out  before  us. 


6  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

In  the  rainy  season  it  presents  a  vast  expanse  of  grayisli 
water  under  a  darkened  sky,  and  it  is  not  unusual  to  witness 
one  or  several  waterspouts  at  a  time.^^  Thunderstorms  are 
of  daily  and  nightly  occurrence  during  summer  months, 
from  November  to  April.  When  we  crossed  the  Lake,  on  the 
night  of  December  31st,  1894,  our  steamer,  the  "Yapura,'^ 
was  struck  by  lightning.  There  was  no  peal,  only  a  quiver- 
ing of  the  craft.  We  were  then  yet  inside  of  the  Lagune  of 
Chucuito.  Saint  Elmo  fires  appear  on  the  masts  of  the  ship 
during  such  stormy  nights. 

If  the  voyage  is  made  in  winter,  when  calm  and  clear  days 
prevail,  then  the  view  is  different.  The  placid  watersheet 
spreads  out  in  dazzling  blue,  traversed  here  and  there  by 
streaks  of  emerald  green.  A  sky  of  incomparable  beauty 
spans  the  heavens.  Not  a  breeze  ruffles  the  mirror-like 
waters.  On  the  gently  sloping  shores  of  Peru,  the  principal 
villages  are  barely  discernible;  Have,  in  the  vicinity  of 
which  a  large  human  statue  of  stone  and  many  sacrificial 
offerings  were  discovered  in  the  early  part  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,^^  and  Pomata,  whither  the  Dominicans  (the 
first  missionaries  of  these  sections)  withdrew  after  the  mis- 
sions from  Chucuito  to  Copacavana  had  been  unjustly  taken 
away  from  them;  Juli,^®  concealed  by  its  promontory  of 
gray  and  pale  green. ^'^  In  the  dim  distance  appear  some  of 
the  ^'Nevados"  that  separate  the  Lake  region  from  the  vol- 
canic ranges  above  Moquegua— the  Cavalluni,  the  Uilca- 
conga,  and  others.  They  appear  as  patches  of  perpetual 
snow  rising  between  arid  ranges.  That  part  of  Peru  has  a 
considerable  population  of  Aymara- speaking  Indians,  and 
under  Spanish  rule  was  very  thrifty, ^^  but  it  lacks,  abso- 
lutely, the  picturesque  element  in  nature.  That  same  region, 
however,  abounds  in  ancient  ruins  which  yet  await  explora- 
tion.19 

Facing  the  prow  of  the  steamer,  in  the  southeast,  there 
advances  into  the  Lake  what  seems  to  be  a  long  promontory 
capped  by  rugged  mountains  of  moderate  elevation.    The 


.ilM 


^■rv 


# 


m 


<^  PALLAYA 


LONGITUDINAL  SECTION    OFTITICACA    ISL. 


KOA 


CHUYU 


Map  of  the  Islanil  of  Titicaca  and  surrounding 
redrawn  from  the  original  made  by  the  author,  by  Rudolph  Weber 


SummiU 
<-Tuital    5.  CJall.  Pala       9,  12.  Saot.  Barbara     H.  Knudur-o-oaua-ehSul 
Bni  6.  Ifla-Koliu  10.  Eiiru-Patft  ""     ""    "' 

ro-Eato      7.   Kea-RoUu         11.  Pallft-Kft8& 
vmo         8.  Lique-Liquo    13.  Kefluini  ie,  Mkr^i^ 


15.  Chtillmi-K&yu 


1  (also  bay) 


Pnmonloriet 

Bays  or  Inletn 

MuctUaneouM 

17.  Y^iachi 

19.  I'ftjnSn-Kala 

27.  Eaualluvu 

28.  Puncu 

16.  Arcu-pancn       24.  Ysni)m-PaU 
20.  Chimp»-Uava    28.  Coyani 
29.  K^opi-ptym 

N.B.  Santa  Barban  ia  also  ca 

21.  KSa  aettlement 

22.  tJacnvTi 

23.  Garden 

26.  Tic*ni-Pamp» 
lied  Llalli-siui-Patu 

a.  Titi-Kal»,f 

b.  Chinoana 
e.  Chuoaripti- 
d.  Cliucaripu 

n.  Sicuyn 

29.  Titin-Un; 

30.  yuivini. 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA  7 

northern  end  of  this  projection  is  the  Island  of  Titieaca,  and 
its  southern  continuation  with  the  rugged  peaks  above  it, 
the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana.  Through  the  narrow  Straits 
of  Yampupata,  which  separate  the  Island  from  the  Penin- 
sula, steamers  take  their  course.  Beyond,  dusky  ranges  skirt 
the  farthest  horizon  to  the  southeast  and  east,  apparently 
sweeping  around  in  a  semi-circle,  forming  the  eastern  shores 
of  the  Lake  and  its  southeastern  termination.  High  above 
this  unprepossessing  belt  of  bleak  slopes,  rocky  humps,  and 
scattered  islets,  bristles  a  chain  of  gigantic  peaks  clad  in 
eternal  snow.  Draped  with  formidable  glaciers  that  descend 
far  below  the  snow  line,  the  twin  peaks  of  Sorata,  two  colos- 
sal monuments,  connected  by  an  icy  crest,  constitute  its 
northern  pillars.  Thence,  declining  to  the  southward,  it 
sweeps  away,  until  a  glistening  pyramidj^*^  bold  and  steep, 
the  Huayna  Potosi  or  ^'Karka-Jaque"  (Ka-Ka-a-Ka)  termi- 
nates the  chain  as  visible  from  this  part  of  the  Lake.  North 
of  the  Sorata  group,  a  more  distant  range  extends  along  the 
whole  of  the  northeastern  horizon.  It  is  as  heavily  snow- 
clad  as  the  other,  but  i^robably  not  as  elevated.  The  first 
chain  is  the  Andes  of  Bolivia.  The  other  range— belong- 
ing partly  to  Bolivia,  partly  to  Peru— comprises  the  Andes 
of  Carabaya,  the  great  Ananea,  and  the  high  ranges  of 
Suchez,  Altarani,  Lavanderani,  Sunchuli,  and  Akkamani, 
west  of  Pelechuco  and  north  of  Charassani.^^ 

Utter  monotony,  gray,  brown  and  black  in  winter,  of  a 
greenish  hue  in  summer,  would  be  the  characteristic  of  land- 
scape on  Lake  Titieaca,  when  at  its  best  in  brilliant  sunlight, 
were  it  not  for  the  long  ranges  of  snowy  peaks  that  bristle 
along  fully  one  half  of  the  horizon  like  a  silver  diadem. 
Bold  and  rugged,  every  peak  sharply  individualized  like 
those  of  the  Central  Alps  in  Switzerland,  with  an  abundance 
of  glaciers,  the  Andes  of  Bolivia  well  deserve  the  appellative 
of  Cordillera  Real  (royal  range),  by  which  they  are 
sometimes  designated.  When,  in  the  last  moments  of  sun- 
set, the  lofty  peaks  and  bold  crests  assume  a  vivid  golden 


8  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

hue,  while  the  glaciers  at  their  base  turn  purple  and  violet, 
the  Andes  fairly  glisten.  Then  a  ghastly  veil  falls  over 
them  and  they  turn  livid.  Newcomers  may  turn  away  think- 
ing that  night  has  set  in;  but  in  a  few  minutes  light  floods 
the  snowfields  again.  It  turns  red,  while  the  summits  be- 
come living  flames  of  a  rosy  hue  as  intense  and  dazzling  as 
any  Alpine  glow  in  Switzerland  or  Tyrol.  Such  a  spectacle 
is  not  unfrequent  on  the  Lake,  and  it  is  usually  accompanied 
by  the  presence  of  long  delicate  cirro-strati  above  the 
southern  horizon,  which  turn  fiery  red,  before  the  rosy  dis- 
play begins  on  the  Cordillera.  Yet  we  saw  the  Alpine  glow 
in  wondrous  beauty,  when  there  was  not  even  a  cloudlet  in 
the  sky. 2  2 

The  educated  traveller  cannot  fail  to  be  deeply  impressed 
by  the  majestic  beauty  of  these  mountains,  so  colossal  in 
height  that  a  picture  of  the  Sorata  range  is  clearly  reflected 
in  the  waters  of  the  Lake.^^  The  Indian,  however,  is  not 
moved  by  sights  of  nature;  accustomed  to  depend  upon  it, 
he  estimates  everything  from  the  utilitarian  standpoint  of 
his  wants,  hopes  and  fears. 

The  Aymara  Indian  calls  each  *  *  Nevado, ' '  or  snowy  peak, 
' '  Achachila ' ' ;  that  is, ' '  grandfather. ' '  They  apply  this  term 
to  every  prominent  feature ;  still  the  importance  of  the  Acha- 
chila is  not  always  in  proportion  to  its  size.  While  on  the 
slopes  of  Illimani,  I  also  heard  the  Indians  of  Llujo  call  the 
mountain  ' '  Uyu-iri, ' '  feeder  or  fosterer  of  their  homes.  The 
word  '' Illimani"  itself  is  a  corruption  of  ''Hila-umani"— 
"he  who  has  much  water,"  derived  from  the  fact,  that  the 
water  courses  useful  to  them  descend  from  that  mountain, 
and  that  precipitation  is  most  abundant  along  its  slopes. 
On  the  Island  of  Titicaca,  the  great  Illampu  or  ''Hauko- 
Uma"  (white  water)  is  the  most  prominent,  as  it  almost  di- 
rectly faces  the  Island,  and  therefore  is  more  particularly 
known  to  the  Islanders.  Nevertheless,  my  inquiries  touching 
the  name  of  it  (inquiries  made  for  the  purpose  of  eliciting 
some  information  about  tales  or  legends,  possibly  extant). 


w 


■73 


M 


O 


W 


03 

o 


^ 

H 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA  9 

were  quite  as  often  answered  by  "Illimani"  also;  while  to 
tlieotherpeakSj  the  term  "Kunu-Kollu"  (snow-height)  was 
indiscriminately  applied.  The  Indian  of  the  Island  consid- 
ers such  conspicuous  landmarks  as  fetishes,  chiefly  origi- 
nators of  cold  and  angry  blasts. 

Lake  Titicaca  does  not  derive  its  principal  water  supply 
from  the  great  Bolivian  chain.  Only  one  of  its  main 
tributaries,  the  Rio  de  Achacache,  descends  directly 
from  the  Cordillera  Real.  The  Suchez  has  its  headwaters 
in  Peru  (among  the  Andes  of  Carabaya) ;  also  the  Ramis, 
in  the  narrow  defile  at  the  foot  of  the  Cordillera  of  Vil- 
canota,  near  the  line  dividing  the  Department  of  Puno  from 
that  of  Cuzco;^^  and  the  other  streams  rise  either  in  the 
range  dividing  the  basin  of  Titicaca  from  the  Pacific  slope, 
or  south  of  the  Lake. 

The  drain  of  the  Cordillera  of  Bolivia  is  chiefly  toward 
the  Atlantic,  and  not  toward  the  Pacific  slope.  Lake  Titi- 
caca lies  at  the  foot  of  that  range  like  a  trough,  filled  with 
slightly  brackish  water,^^  and  fed  only  to  an  extent  that 
maintains  an  equilibrium  between  the  suj^ply  and  the  out- 
flow through  the  Desaguadero.^^ 

The  trough  formed  by  Lake  Titicaca  is  mostly  very  deep. 
Soundings  of  more  than  six  hundred  feet,  and  as  many  as 
a  thousand  or  more,  are  not  uncommon.  The  Bolivian  or 
northern  shore  is  lined  by  greater  depths  than  the  Peruvian 
side.^'^  Bays  like  the  Lagune  of  Chucuito  near  Puno,  the  in- 
land basin  between  Tiquina  and  Chililaya,  and  probably 
the  basin  of  Uinamarca,  are  comparatively  shallow,  but  the 
main  Lake  is  a  cleft,  sinking  abruptly  at  the  foot  of  the 
Andes  and  rising  gradually  to  the  western  shore. 

A  discussion  of  the  numerous  theories,  that  have  been 
advanced,  from  time  to  time,  regarding  the  origin  of  this 
singular  inland  sea,  would  prove  useless.  There  are  indica- 
tions of  a  former  connection  between  opposite  shores  of  the 
Lake.  The  Peninsula  of  Copacavana  seems  to  have  been 
connected,  at  one  time,  with  the  Peninsula  of  Santiago 


10  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

Huata.  The  channel  of  Tiquina  has  an  average  depth  of 
only  140  feet.^^  The  southeastern  lagunes  or  bays  in  which 
the  Lake  terminates,  show  a  greatest  depth  of  about  sixty 
feet;  whereas  to  the  northward  along  the  Bolivian  shore, 
depths  of  from  600  to  800  feet  have  been  recorded.  The  Strait 
of  Tiquina,  that  narrow  channel  through  which  steamers  pass 
after  leaving  the  Islands  of  Titicaca  and  Koati,  may  there- 
fore have  opened  at  a  time  when  the  watery  basins  about 
Chililaya  existed  independent  of  the  main  Lake;  and  the 
outflow  at  the  Desaguadero  may  have  been  a  result  of  the 
breaking  of  a  barrier  that  formerly  united  the  Peninsula  of 
Huata  with  that  of  Copacavana. 

Such  problems  can  be  solved  only  by  a  close  study  of  the 
region  in  general,  and  this  study  has  not  as  yet  been  under- 
taken. It  may  be  said  that  Lake  Titicaca,  in  most  of  its 
features,  is  as  unknown  as  the  least  visited  of  the  inner 
African  lakes.  The  shores  are  so  indented  and  their  topo- 
graphy is  so  complicated,  that  a  coasting  voyage  of  a  year 
at  least  would  be  needed  to  achieve  a  complete  investigation. 

We  have  as  yet  found  but  faint  traces  of  geological  myths 
among  the  folk-lore  and  traditions  of  the  Aymara  Indians 
inhabiting  the  shores.  This  negative  result,  however,  is  not 
final,  since  it  was  only  from  the  Island  of  Titicaca,  and  to 
some  extent  from  the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana  that,  previ- 
ous to  1897,  we  had  been  able  to  secure  scraps  of  what  may 
be  called  folk-lore.  At  Tiahuanaco,  stories  are  told  con- 
cerning a  time  when  the  sun  had  not  yet  risen  into  the 
heavens,  but  none  of  them  bear  any  relation  to  the  condition 
of  the  Lake  or  to  any  modifications  in  its  contours.  We 
were  told  by  an  old  Indian  that  the  builders  of  the  edifices 
of  stone  (now  in  ruins)  were  "Gentiles,"  and  were  de- 
stroyed by  a  flood.  The  appearance  of  the  sun  in  the  heav- 
ens is  said  to  have  occurred  after  this  supposed  destruction. 
It  is  not  an  uncommon  belief  that  the  waters  of  the  Gulf  of 
Taraco  once  reached  as  far  inland  as  Tiahuanaco,  now  about 
five  miles  distant  from  the  shore.    Some  of  the  explanations 


o 


0 

Oh 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA  11 

of  the  name  are  even  based  on  this  hypothesis,  giving  it  the 
meaning  of : ' '  dry  beach. ' '  ^^ 

Among  the  traditions  recorded  by  early  Spanish  chron- 
iclers, that  of  the  appearance  of  a  white  man  on  the  shores 
of  Lake  Titicaca  appears  to  be  connected  with  a  dim  recol- 
lection of  geological  phenomena.  Ticiviracocha  (also 
called  Tuapaca  and  Arnauan)  is  represented  by  Cieza  ^^ 
as  having  come  from  the  south  and  as  having  been 
endowed  with  such  power  that,  "he  converted  heights  into 
plains  and  plains  into  tall  heights,  and  caused  springs  to 
flow  out  of  bare  rocks."  ^^  A  century  after  Cieza  had  writ- 
ten his  chronicle,  an  Augustine  Monk,  Fray  Antonio  de  la 
Calancha,  referred  to  a  tradition  in  regard  to  a  disciple  of 
Tonapa,  called  Taapac,  stating  that  the  Indians  of  the 
Lake-shore  killed  him,  placed  his  body  on  a  raft,  or 
balsa:  ^^ and  thrust  that  craft  on  the  great  lagune  aforesaid; 
and  so,  propelled  by  the  waves  and  breezes  ...  it  navi- 
gated with  great  swiftness,  causing  admiration  to  the  very 
ones  who  had  killed  him ;  their  fright  being  increased  by  the 
fact  that  the  Lake,  which  at  present  has  very  little  current, 
at  that  time  had  none  at  all.  .  .  .  When  the  balsa  with  its 
treasure  reached  the  beach  at  Cachamarca  where  the  Des- 
aguadero  now  is  (this  tradition  is  well  established  among 
the  Indians),  this  same  balsa,  breaking  through  the  land, 
opened  a  channel  that  previously  did  not  exist,  but  which 
since  that  time  has  continued  to  flow.  On  its  waters  the 
holy  body  went  as  far  as  the  pueblo  of  the  AuUagas.^-  .  .  ." 
According  to  this  legend  (provided  the  tale  is  genuine  native 
folk-lore,  as  the  author  asserts,  and  not  from  after  the  con- 
quest) it  would  appear  that  the  opening  of  the  Desaguadero 
occurred  ivithin  the  scope  of  dim  recollection  of  man.^^ 

The  story  that  sun  and  moon  were  created  after  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Tiahuanaco  had  been  visited  by  a  disastrous  flood, 
is  told  by  several  authors  from  the  early  times  of  Spanish 
colonization;  as  well  as  the  myth  that  both  orbs  rose  pri- 
marily from  the  Lake,  or  from  some  point  of  its  surface.^^ 


12  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

The  fact  that  nearly  all  the  traditions,  so  far  as  we  know, 
about  the  earliest  times,  and  the  natural  phenomena  sup- 
posed to  have  occurred  at  those  times,  centre  in  Tiahuanaco, 
may  be  not  without  significance.  The  tale  preserved  to  us 
by  Calancha  points  to  a  time  within  range  of  ancient  folk- 
lore in  Bolivia  and  Peru,  when  the  waters  of  the  Lake  had 
no  outlet.  It  may,  however,  be  only  a  myth  of  observation. 
According  to  Agassiz  there  are  indications  of  a  slow  grad- 
ual sinking  of  the  level  of  the  Lake.^^  This  has  been  denied 
by  others ;  and  I  beg  to  suggest  that  such  a  change  may  not 
have  been  general.  Thus  the  Lagune  of  Uinamarca  and  the 
Gulf  of  Taraco  could  have  slowly  receded  from  their  shores 
without  affecting  the  level  of  the  main  Lake. 

Storms  on  Lake  Titicaca  are  violent,  and  the  waves, 
though  short,  dangerous.  The  indigenous  balsa  is  a  clumsy, 
slow,  exceedingly  primitive  craft,  but  it  cannot  sink.  If  cut 
in  twain,  each  piece  floats  for  itself  and  can  afford  refuge  to 
human  beings.^®  Swimming  is  out  of  the  question,  since  the 
temperature  of  the  water  is  so  low  that  the  swimmer  soon 
gets  numbed  and  sinks.^^ 

Animal  life  on  the  Lake  is  seldom  seen  away  from  the 
shores.  Gulls  {Larus  serranus)  now  and  then  follow  the 
steamer,  and  an  occasional  diver  {Podiceps,  Tachyohaptus, 
and  CentropelmaY^  furrows  the  water  in  that  lively,  dash- 
ing way  which  recalls  the  motion  of  a  diminutive  tug-boat. 
On  expanses  covered  with  lake-reed  or  ''totora"  {Malaco- 
cJiaete  totora)  swarms  of  these  agile  swimmers  bustle  about 
the  handsome  ''choka"  {Fulica  gigantea),  a  stately  bird 
of  black  metallic  plumage  with  bright  colored  head  and 
crest.  A  dark  green  stork-like  bird,  possibly  a  Tantalidae,^^ 
stalks  through  marshy  approaches  to  deeper  water.  In 
the  main  Lake,  animal  life  appears  almost  extinct;  of  the 
six  kinds  of  fishes,  officially  known,'*"  not  one  appears  on  the 
surface.  The  natives  claim  that  there  are  at  least  a  dozen 
species  of  fishes  in  Lake  Titicaca. 

As  we  approach  the  long  promontory  of  the  Peninsula 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA  13 

of  Copacavana,  Titicaca  appears  in  its  insular  shape.  Be- 
yond its  northwestern  outline  small  islets,— the  steep  and 
grass-covered  dome  of  Koa,  flat  Payaya,  tiny  Chuju, 
—elongated  Lauassani,  rise  above  the  waters.  ^^  They 
seem  like  scattered  remains  of  a  causeway  formerly  uniting 
Copacavana  with  the  Bolivian  mainland  at  Huaicho,  of 
which  there  remains,  on  the  south,  the  Island  of  Titicaca 
and  its  surroundings  and  in  the  north  the  islands  of  Apin- 
giiila,  Pampiti  and  Campanario.^^ 

The  Straits  of  Yampupata,  which  divide  Titicaca  from  the 
Copacavana  Peninsula  have  a  width  of  about  two-thirds  of  an 
English  mile ;  ^^  and  on  both  sides  of  the  Straits,  around  the 
Island  of  Titicaca,  and  between  that  of  Koati  and  the  main- 
land at  Sampaya,  the  Lake  has  a  depth  of  from  580  to  600 
and  more  feet.  It  is  when  issuing  from  that  short  and  pic- 
turesque channel  that  the  two  peaks  of  Sorata  are  seen  to 
greatest  advantage.  The  steep  and  bold  slopes  of  the  Island, 
with  countless  andenes  traversing  them  horizontally,  and  the 
precipitous  sides  of  the  mainland,  form  what  appears  like 
a  rustic  portal,  above  and  beyond  which  the  truncated  pyra- 
mid of  Hilampi  and  the  dome  of  Hanko-Uma  stand  out  in  in- 
comparable grandeur.^^  The  Island  of  Koati,  in  the  midst 
of  the  placid  waters  of  the  Lake,  breaks  the  sombre  monot- 
ony of  the  Bolivian  shore  between  Ancoraymes  and  the 
Peninsula  of  Huata. 

At  Yampupata,  the  work  of  man  begins  to  appear  on 
every  side.  The  bold  promontory  of  Chaiii  hides  from  view 
the  celebrated  sanctuary  of  Copacavana,  but  the  hamlet  of 
Yampupata,  with  its  houses  of  stone  and  its  humble  chapel, 
nestles  close  to  the  rocky  point  terminating  the  Peninsula. 
Traces  of  cultivation,  in  the  shape  of  andenes,  are  every- 
where seen.  We  pass  the  two  balsas  plying  between  Yam- 
pupata and  Puncu,  the  extreme  southerly  point  of  the  Island 
of  Titicaca.  The  Aymarii  Indians,  who  manage  these  clumsy 
ferries,  either  gloat  stolidly  at  the  steamer  as  it  sweeps 
by,  or  if  they  are  in  numbers  and  in  festive  mood,  they 


14  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

break  out  in  rude  and  sometimes  very  uncivil  demonstra- 
tions. 

Even  on  the  little  Island  of  Chilleca  near  the  end  of  the 
Straits,  traces  of  cultivation,  such  as  potato  patches,  are  vis- 
ible. On  the  main  Island  we  see,  at  one  glance,  the  ruin 
called  ' ' Pilcokayma "  (an  ancient  structure  attributed  to  the 
Peruvian  Incas),  the  modern  hacienda  of  Yumani  with  its 
tile-roofed  buildings;  cultivated  as  well  as  abandoned  an- 
denes  on  the  indented  slopes;  a  grove  of  mostly  modern 
trees  surrounding  the  so-called  ''Fountain  of  the  Inca," 
near  the  shore ;  and,  higher  up,  Indian  houses  scattered  here 
and  there,  some  with  red  roofing  of  tiles,  others  with  the  us- 
ual covering  of  thatch.  As  we  glide  along,  hugging  the  Pe- 
ninsula of  Copacavana,  we  see  that  almost  every  fold  of  that 
steep  and  rugged  shore  bears  a  small  hacienda.  High  up  on 
the  slope  of  one  of  these  folds,  the  village  of  Sampaya  clus- 
ters picturesquely  between  terraced  garden-beds.  Opposite, 
the  entire  length  of  the  Island  of  Koati  is  striated  with  an- 
denes.  The  eastern  Bolivian  shore  is  so  distant  that  none 
of  its  villages,  situated  near  but  not  on  the  shore,  are  visible. 
The  northeastern  side  of  the  Strait  of  Tiquina  is  rocky  and 
almost  uninhabited ;  the  southwestern  side,  although  nearly 
as  steep,  is  extensively  cultivated.  The  reason  of  this  is 
that  slopes  exposed  to  the  north,  in  this  hemisphere,  are 
those  which  receive  directly  the  warmth  of  the  sun.  The 
two  villages  of  San  Pablo  and  San  Pedro  Tiquina  ^^  occupy 
respectively  the  southern  and  northern  shores  of  the  nar- 
rows near  their  southeastern  extremity.  From  here  the 
most  southerly  pillar  of  the  snowy  range,  the  ' '  Nevado ' '  of 
Illimani,^^  hitherto  invisible,  seems  to  rise  suddenly  and  di- 
rectly out  of  the  water,  at  the  other  end  of  the  shallow 
lagune  which  we  now  enter.  To  the  right  opens  the  basin  of 
Uinamarca  dotted  with  islands  mostly  inhabited.  The 
larger  ones,  Patapatani  and  Coana,  also  Cumana,  divide 
that  lagune  from  the  bays  of  Huarina  and  Chililaya.  On  the 
left,  the  shore  bears  extensive  haciendas  like  Compi  and 


-a 


O 

ce 
i=l 
*S 
.a 


EH 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA  15 

Chua,  also  the  hamlet  of  Huatajata.  On  the  main  Lake, 
and  as  far  as  the  passage  of  Tiquina,  scarcely  a  craft  is  met, 
but  now  the  water  becomes  enlivened  by  flotillas  of  small 
balsas,  each  raft  with  a  sail  of  reeds  and  managed  by  one 
man  or  sometimes  by  two  men.  These  are  fishing  craft,  that 
do  not  go  into  the  Lake  where  their  labor  would  hardly 
prove  remunerative.  The  coast  of  these  interior  basins  is 
rich  in  totora,  ^^  whereas  the  depth  of  the  Lake  along  the 
shores  of  Koati  and  Copacavana  does  not  permit  the 
growth  of  this  aquatic  reed  except  in  small  patches.  The 
Indians  of  Huatajata  and  of  the  islands  near  by,  are  to  a 
great  extent  fishermen.  A  balsa  does  not  last  long,  but  a 
new  one  is  easily  constructed.  Many  of  the  Lake  Indians 
are  rather  fearless  navigators  and  undertake  comparatively 
long  voyages,  trusting  to  the  winds  to  direct  their  course. 
It  is  not  uncommon  to  see  Indians,  from  Huaicho  and 
Ezcoma,  drift  across  the  widest  part  of  the  Lake  to  Have, 
Juli  or  Pomata.  From  the  Island  of  Titicaca  a  three  days ' 
voyage  to  Puno  is  by  no  means  a  rarity ;  and  trips  to  Anco- 
raymes  are  of  frequent  occurrence.  As  the  balsa  is  pro- 
pelled much  more  by  sail  than  by  the  imperfect  oars,  the 
direction  of  atmospheric  currents  is  watched  and  used  so  far 
as  possible.  Happily  these  currents  blow  with  considerable 
regularity.  Thus  the  southeast  wind  usually  prevails  until 
midday.  Afterward  the  wind  veers  to  the  northwest  and 
blows  from  that  quarter  until  after  or  about  midnight. 

Thunderstorms  and  tempests  occur  very  often.  During 
the  summer  months  they  are  of  daily  occurrence.  The  vio- 
lence of  the  wind  depends  upon  localities,  upon  the  degree 
of  shelter,  and  the  existence  of  a  funnel  through  which  the 
moving  air  must  rush  at  greater  speed  and  with  increased 
power.  The  Straits,  both  of  Yampupata  and  of  Tiquina,  are 
exposed  to  violent  blasts,  and  so  is  the  vicinity  of  Copaca- 
vana. The  middle  of  the  Lake,  which  the  people  call  the 
''Pampa  de  Have,"  is  also  feared  on  account  of  the  power 
which  the   wind,   coming   from   the   snow-capped   Andes, 


16  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

wields  over  this  shelterless  expanse.  Tempests  almost  in- 
variably come  from  the  northwest  and  we  have  known  them 
to  last  several  days,  the  maximum  violence  reoccurring 
daily  about  4  p.m.  Such  storms  are  mostly  dry  in  winter, 
or  with  a  slight  fall  of  snow  or  hail,  chiefly  on  the  heights. 
But  snow  falls  every  year  on  the  shore  also.  In  February 
we  have  many  times  seen  the  ground  at  Copacavana  white 
with  snow,  also  on  the  Island  and  the  Peninsula  of  Santiago 
Huata.  In  June  we  had  light  snow-falls,  accompanied  by 
thunder  and  lightning  and  soft  hail,  on  the  Island  of  Koati. 

Lightning  strokes  are  locally  frequent,  they  descend  with 
much  greater  frequency  at  certain  places  than  at  others. 
Copacavana  is  one  of  these  dangerous  spots.  On  the  Island 
of  Titicaca,  on  the  narrow  isthmus  where  the  hacienda  of 
Challa  stands,  we  counted  as  many  as  twenty  lightning 
strokes  in  little  more  than  half  an  hour.  All  of  them  struck 
either  the  water,  or  the  rocky  heights  of  Challa  Pata  and 
Inak-Uyu  near  by. 

To  give  the  results  of  meteorological  observations  at  one 
point  only,  and  then  draw  conclusions  from  them  as  to  the 
climate  of  the  Lake  in  general,  would  be  misleading.  A 
glance  at  the  map  accompanying,  however  faulty  it  may  be, 
will  show  that  the  indented  form  of  the  shore-line,  the  distri- 
bution of  the  Cordilleras  in  regard  to  the  northern  and 
southern  portions,  and  the  greater  or  less  distance  of  the 
heights  bordering  on  the  Lake,  create  a  number  of  local  cli- 
mates. Thus,  while  the  shores  exposed  to  the  north  are 
warmer  than  those  exposed  to  the  south,  and  northern  ex- 
posures those  in  which  more  delicate  culture  plants  (like 
maize)  can  alone  be  raised,  yet  some  sites  along  the  south- 
eastern Bolivian  shore  enjoy  a  milder  climate  than  others, 
near  by  or  on  the  opposite  side.  Huarina,  for  example,  is 
warmer  and  milder  than  Chililaya,  six  miles  distant  from  it 
to  the  southwest.  The  reason  for  it  is  that  some  villages 
on  that  side  are  built  against  the  coast-hills,  and  the  cold 
blasts  from  the  Cordillera  blow  over  these  hills  and  di- 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA  17 

rectly  on  to  the  shore  opposite,  making  it  chilly  and  dis- 
agreeable in  the  afternoons. 

Thermometrical  observations  made  but  at  one  or  two 
points  have  only  a  local  value  and  for  the  specified  period 
of  time ;  but  it  may  still  be  of  interest  to  note  the  results  of 
such  observations,  made  by  my  wife,  chiefly  on  the  Island 
of  Titicaca,  during  several  months  of  the  year  1895. 

For  the  month  of  January  the  mean  of  37  obser- 
vations was  54^10  degrees.  For  the  month  of  February, 
the  mean  of  120  observations  was  557io  degrees.  For  March, 
the  average  of  107  observations  was  54%o  degrees.  The 
mean  for  these  three  months,  embracing  the  height  of  sum- 
mer and  the  autumnal  equinox,  is  therefore  55  degrees. 
Far. ;  and  the  variation  in  the  mean,  from  one  month  to  the 
other,  amounts  to  barely  one  half  a  degree.  The  maxima 
were,  in  January,  631/2;  in  February,  65;  and  in  March, 
G4.  The  minima  were,  in  January,  47;  in  February,  45; 
and  in  March,  43.  In  the  month  of  April  the  observa- 
tions could  only  be  conducted  during  the  first  half  of  the 
month,  and  at  three  distinct  localities,  according  as  we 
moved  our  domicil  in  the  interest  of  excavations.  Hence 
averages  for  that  month  possess  no  value.  At  Yumani,  a 
point  several  hundred  feet  above  the  Lake,  the  thermom- 
eter reached  its  maximum  between  the  1st  and  15th  of 
April  at  59  degrees,  and  its  minimum  at  45.  During  the 
interval  between  the  26th  of  May,  when  we  returned  to 
Titicaca  after  a  protracted  stay  at  Puno,  and  the  18th  of 
June,  the  extremes  were  respectively  60  and  39  degrees. 
On  the  Island  of  Koati  the  extremes,  from  the  18th  of  June 
to  the  1st  of  July  inclusive,  were  50  and  33  degrees.  "While 
the  above  figures  probably  represent  the  maxima  of  the 
whole  year,  I  have  doubts  about  the  minima.  The  lowest 
point  reached  by  the  thermometer  falls  below  freezing 
point.  I  infer  this  from  the  fact  that,  on  the  morning  of 
August  18th,  we  found  the  Bay  of  Huarina  covered  with  ice 
a  quarter  of  an  inch  thick.    Should,  however,  the  figures 


18  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

given  represent  the  extremes  for  that  year  (the  difference 
will  be  very  small),  the  annual  range  of  temperature  of 
about  32  degrees  shows  an  unusually  equable  climate.  But 
that  climate  is  also  constantly  humid,  hence  always  chilling. 
It  rains  nearly  every  month.  In  January,  1895,  we  had  19 
days  of  rain  (always  with  thunderstorms) ;  in  February,  22 ; 
in  March,  16 ;  in  April,  14 ;  in  May,  6 ;  in  June,  10 ;  in  July,  1 ; 
and  in  August,  2.  All  these  months,  as  well  as  the  last 
third  of  December,  1894,  were  spent  on  some  point  of  the 
Lake- shore.  The  constantly  low  temperature,  together 
with  frequent  precipitation,  renders  the  climate  disagree- 
able, although  by  no  means  unhealthy. 

Vegetation  exists  wherever  there  is  room  for  it,  but  it  is 
seldom  handsome.  The  ''kenua"  {Polylepsis  racemosa), 
the  wild  olive  tree  {Buddleya  coriacea),  and  the  Samhucus 
Peruvianus  are  about  the  only  indigenous  trees.  These 
grow  only  on  favored  sites  and  are  stunted  and  low.  The 
beautiful  and  richly  flowering  shrub  called  ''cantuta,"— the 
large  carmine,  yellow  or  white  flowers ^^  of  which  are  so 
abundantly  represented  on  ancient  textiles  and  on  pottery, 
—thrives  in  sunny  localities.  The  potato  takes  the  lead 
among  indigenous  culture  plants,  next  comes  the  oca  {Oxa- 
lis  tuherosa),  the  ''quinua"  {Chenopodium  quinua),  and  in 
sheltered  places  only,  maize  of  the  small  bushy  kind.  Since 
the  sixteenth  century,  barley  and  the  common  large  bean^^ 
have  been  added  to  this  modest  list.  Kitchen  vegetables 
would  grow  well  in  many  places  if  they  were  cultivated ;  but 
the  Aymara  Indian  is  such  an  inveterate  enemy  of  innova- 
tion that  all  attempts  at  introducing  new  plants  which 
might  bring  about  a  wholesome  reform  in  his  monotonous 
diet,  have  failed.  Thus  on  the  islands  there  is  cabbage 
growing  wild;  on  Koati  we  have  seen  almost  arboriferous 
cabbage  plants.  The  garden  near  Challa  on  Titicaca  (er- 
roneously designated  as  "Garden  of  the  Incas,")  is  filled 
with  trees,  shrubs,  and  with  an  abundance  of  flowers.  It 
has  beds  of  strawberries  that  ripen  annually;  but  every- 


03 

M 
a 

»o3 


> 


a 
^ 


P-i 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA  19 

thing  is  sadly  neglected,  now  that  the  owners  no  longer 
reside  on  the  estate.  The  Indian  uses  the  dahlias,  the  for- 
get-me-nots, the  beautiful  roses;  he  scrupulously  plucks 
and  devours  all  the  fruit;  but  not  a  single  effort  would  he 
make  for  preserving  the  plants.  Only  the  strict  orders  im- 
parted by  the  owners  have  saved  that  beautiful  site  from 
utter,  wanton  destruction.  The  useful  seeds  that  were  dis- 
tributed among  the  Indians  of  Titicaca  for  their  benefit 
were  sown,  because  it  was  so  ordered,  and  they  germed, 
grew  and  prospered.  The  Indians  made  use  of  the  proceeds 
during  the  first  year;  afterward  no  more  attention  was 
paid  to  the  plants.  I  might  state  tha,t  one  of  the  causes  for 
this  lies  in  the  fact  that  few  people  on  the  face  of  the  earth 
are  so  possessed  by  greed  for  money  as  the  Aymara  In- 
dian of  the  Lake  region.  Only  what  can  procure  coin  at 
once,  is  prized  by  him.  Hence  plants  and  trees,  however 
productive  in  the  course  of  time,  are  of  no  consequence  to 
him,  as  they  do  not  immediately  yield  the  coveted  cash. 
At  present,  vegetables  and  fruits  could  hardly  be  made 
profitable  on  the  Islands,  for  there  is  no  market.  Naviga- 
tion on  Lake  Titicaca  is  restricted  by  the  laws  of  Bolivia  to 
Puno,  Huaqui,  and  Chililaya,  and  no  intermediate  point 
can  be  touched  without  special  permission  from  the  gov- 
ernment. The  Islands  of  Titicaca  and  Koati,  belonging  to 
Bolivian  waters,  are  therefore  cut  off  from  communication 
with  the  outer  world,  Copacavana  excepted,  which  is  too 
small  a  village  to  offer  any  inducement.  Hence  culture 
plants  other  than  the  potato,  oca,  quinua,  maize,  bean  and 
barley  are  of  no  immediate  advantage  to  the  Aymara  In- 
dian of  the  Lake.  Cupidity,  low  cunning,  and  savage 
cruelty  are  unfortunate  traits  of  these  Indians'  character. 
These  traits  are  not,  as  sentimentalism  would  have  it,  a  re- 
sult of  ill-treatment  by  the  Spaniards,  but  peculiar  to  the 
stock,  and  were  yet  more  pronounced  in  the  beginning  of  the 
Colonial  period  than  at  the  present  time.^*^  The  Aymara 
Indian  is  not  at  all  stupid,  but  the  degree  of  intelligence  he 


20  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

possesses  seems  to  be  used  mostly  for  evil.  Such  traits  do 
not  necessarily  strike  the  traveler,  but  if  one  has  to  live 
with  the  Indians  they  become  woefully  apparent.^ ^ 

In  the  course  of  the  pages  to  be  devoted  to  the  Islands  of 
Titicaca  and  Koati,  many  other  points  relating  to  nature 
and  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  shores  and  Islands  will  be 
mentioned.  The  picture  that  I  have  attempted  to  present 
of  the  Lake  and  its  immediate  surroundings  is  only  a  super- 
ficial sketch.  It  is  not  a  gay  picture.  Nature  is  mostly 
cheerless  in  that  region.  Dismal  monotony  reigns  all 
around,  in  topography,  and  in  color  of  landscape ;  a  stunted 
vegetation,  animal  life  distributed  by  local  groups  and  with 
few  prominent  forms.  The  climate  is  as  monotonous  as 
the  landscape,  in  the  slight  variations  of  temperature  which 
it  exhibits  throughout  the  year ;  cold,  moist,  and  abounding 
in  threatening  phenomena,  dangerous  to  man  directly  and 
indirectly.^2  There  are  no  means  for  rendering  comfort- 
able the  shelter  which  one  builds,  for  the  Puna  has  scarcely 
any  combustible  material  within  reach  of  the  native  except 
llama  dung:  ''taquia."^^  The  only  redeeming  features 
are:  The  sight  of  the  glorious  Andes,  and  the  magnificent 
sky,  when  it  condescends  to  exhibit  itself  in  full  splendor. 
These  redeeming  features,  however,  have  no  influence  on 
the  Indian  ;^^  his  heart  is  untouched  by  beauties  of  nature. 

That  nature,  so  uninviting  on  the  whole,  must  have,  for 
ages,  exercised  a  steady  pressure  on  the  mind  of  the  Indian 
who  was,  and  is  yet,  wholly  dependent  upon  it.  Three 
methods  of  subsistence  were  open  to  him,— hunting,  agricul- 
ture and  fishery.  Hunting  was  limited  to  quadrupeds  of 
great  fleetness  and  to  water-fowl.  Although  the  guanaco 
and  the  vicuna  were  formerly  abundant,  they  are  shy  and 
swift,  and  it  was  only  in  communal  hunts  that  the  Indians 
could  secure  such  game.^^  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  in- 
digenous deer,  or  ''taruca."  ^^  Birds  were  not  so  difficult  to 
obtain,  and  an  abundance  of  edible  water-fowl  is  still  seen 
in  many  places  on  the  shores.    Agriculture  enjoyed  the  ad- 


> 


fL, 


CS 

M 
o 


e3 


S3 
0) 


55D 
ei 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA  21 

vantage  of  a  moist  climate,  and,  in  the  dry  season,  of  irriga- 
tion. But  the  plants  that  could  grow  were  of  but  few  species 
and  all  of  the  coarsest  kind  of  food.  The  cold  rendered  im- 
possible the  storing  of  the  potato,  in  its  natural  condition. 
There  is  not  enough  combustible  wherewith  to  dry  the  bulb 
in  quantities,  hence  the  Indian  resorted  to  the  expedient  of 
freezing  the  potato  and  then  squeezing  all  the  liquid  out  of 
it,  thus  preparing  the  insipid  "chunu,"  one  of  the  meanest 
articles  of  vegetable  diet.^^  Maize  was  rarely  cultivated. 
To  the  dweller  on  the  beach,  fishing  was  possible.  Yet  it 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  extensively  practised. 

Thus  the  primitive  inhabitant  of  the  Titicaca  basin  was, 
as  his  neighbor  and  congener  of  the  Puna  and  Cordillera, 
weighed  down  by  a  hard  climate  and  scanty  resources.  It 
is  true  that  the  Indian,  having  the  llama  at  his  disposal, 
had  the  resource  of  commerce;  but  that  commerce  also 
was  checked  by  division  into  tribes  resulting  from  Indian 
social  organization.'^^  The  configuration  of  the  shores  fa- 
vored segregation  into  small  groups,  at  war  with  each  other. 
This  condition  of  affairs  survives  to-day,  in  the  regular 
hostilities  between  the  Indians  of  neighboring  villages  as 
well  as  between  those  of  neighboring  haciendas.  Blood- 
shed is  inseparable  from  Indian  festivals  and  from  certain 
days  in  the  year.  Besides,  in  the  northwest  of  the  Lake, 
the  Aymara  are  contiguous  to  another  linguistic  group,  the 
Quichuas,  and  historical  folk-lore  is  filled  with  instances  of 
warfare  between  tribes  of  the  two  powerful  and  numerous 
stocks.^^  In  the  east  and  southeast,  the  Aymara  spread  as 
far  as  the  hot  regions  on  the  eastern  slopes  of  the  Andes 
and,  there,  came  in  contact  with  savages  of  the  Amazonian 
basin,  all  of  which  were,  and  still  are,  cannibals.  The  char- 
acter of  the  Aymara  Indians  could  not,  therefore,  develop 
under  favorable  conditions. 

On  the  whole  the  Indian  of  the  Titicaca  basin  is  a  being 
well  fitting  the  nature  of  that  basin.  Even  the  Quichua, 
although  generally  of  a  milder  disposition  than  the  Ay- 


22  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

mara,  is  more  taciturn  and  far  less  approachable  than  his 
congeners  near  Cuzco.  These  Quichuas  show  characteristics 
as  unprepossessing  as  may  be  found  anywhere  among  the 
American  Indians. 

The  accompanying  map  of  Lake  Titicaca,  although  in- 
complete, is  the  best  now  extant.  It  is  interesting  to  com- 
pare it  with  the  one  made  in  1573  by  order  of  the  Viceroy 
Don  Francisco  de  Toledo,  a  copy  of  which  has  been  given  to 
me  by  Don  Enrique  Gamero  of  Puno.  To  this  modest  but 
exceedingly  well  informed  gentleman,  whose  data  on  the 
Lake  and  its  environs  will  be,  when  published,  the  most 
reliable  ones  concerning  the  region,  I  herewith  express 
sincere  thanks  for  many  an  act  of  kindness,  among  which 
the  gift  of  the  ancient  map  herewith  presented  is  by  no 
means  the  least. 


NOTES 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA 


PART  I 


^  The  altitude  of  Lake  Titicaca  is 
variously  given.  On  the  adjoining 
map  it  is  stated  as  3835  meters,  or 
12,578  feet.  James  Orton  gives  it  as 
12,493  feet  (The  Andes  and  the 
Amazon,  p.  427),  according  to  the 
railroad  surveys.  The  correct  alti- 
tude, however,  is  12,466. 

^  The  (very  indefinite)  line  passes 
through  the  northwestern  point  of  the 
Island  of  Titicaca,  leaving  that  Island, 
Koati,  and  the  parts  southeast  of 
these  islands,  as  well  as  the  Peninsula 
of  Copacavana  and  all  that  lies  east 
of  the  channel  of  the  Desaguadero, 
within  Bolivian  territory. 

'"It  spreads  over  2500  geograph- 
ical square  miles,  being  100  miles 
long,  with  an  average  breadth  of 
twenty-five  miles  "(  Orton :  The  A  n  des 
and  the  Amazon,  p.  427).  It  is  evi- 
dent that  the  author  speaks  only  of 
the  main  Lake  and  does  not  take  in 
the  basins  at  each  extremity,  north- 
west and  southeast.  Ignacio  la 
Puente  gives  the  following  figures: 
"Su  mayor  diametro  desde  la  desem- 
bocadura  del  rio  Eamis  hasta  una 
ensenada  no  lejos  de  Aygache  mide 
194,460  metros;  el  ancho  en  su  ma- 
ximo,  tomado  en  una  direccion  per- 
pendicular a  la  longitud,  desde  Cara- 
bueo,  hasta  la  desembocadura  del  rio 
Juli  es  de  68,524  metros"  (Estudio 
Monogrdfico  del  Lago  Titicaca;  ha  jo 


su  aspecto  fisico  e  histdrico,  in  Boletin 
de  la  Sociedad  Geogrdfica  de  Lima, 
Tomo  I,  p.  365).  These  figures  corre- 
spond to  122  and  44  miles.  But  the 
mouth  of  the  Eamis  is  not  the  extreme 
northwestern,  nor  is  the  bay  near 
Aygachi  the  extreme  southeastern, 
terminus  of  the  Lake. 

*  These  figures  are  taken  from  the 
railroad  surveys  and  are  therefore 
reliable. 

'  That  source  is  at  La  Raya,  159 
miles,  by  rail,  northwest  of  Puno,  and 
14,150  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea. 
The  altitudes  of  the  Santa  Rosa,  or 
"Kunurona, "  and  of  the  Vilcanota 
are  not  yet  known.  Modesto  Basadre 
assigns  to  Vilcanota  17,825  feet,  and 
to  the  other  17,590  feet  {Los  Lagos  de 
Titicaca,  in  Boletin  de  la  Sociedad 
Geogrdfica  de  Lima,  Tomo  III,  pp.  44- 
45).  Paz-Soldan  gives  the  height  of 
Vilcanota  according  to  Pentland  at 
5362  meters,  or  17,586  feet  {Atlas 
Geogrdfico  del  Peril,  p.  14).  Orton, 
in  a  foot-note,  says  of  Pentland 's 
measurements  of  the  Bolivian  Andes 
that  * '  they  must  have  come  down  300 
feet, "  as  he  determined  the  altitude 
of  Titicaca  at  12,785  feet,  instead  of 
12,466  {The  Andes  and  the  Amazon, 
p.  428).  Pentland 's  figures  for  the 
summits  of  the  Cordillera  are  below 
reality.  It  is  much  to  be  desired  that 
the  elevation  of  the  most  prominent 


23 


24 


THE  ISLANDS  OP  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


peaks  of  the  western  or  coast  range  of 
Peru  be  accurately  determined.  It  is 
likely  (unless  some  higher  peak  be 
found  yet  in  northern  Peru)  that  Koro- 
puna,  in  the  Peruvian  coast  range 
of  the  Department  Arequipa,  is 
the  culminating  point  of  the  conti- 
nent. It  exceeds  23,000  feet  in 
height,  whereas  Aconcagua,  in  Chili,  is 
but  6940  meters  (22,763  feet)  above 
sea  level.  Pentland  also  determined 
the  altitude  of  Misti,  the  slumbering 
volcano  of  Arequipa,  at  6600  meters, 
or  21,648  feet,  whereas  it  is  now  fully 
ascertained,  through  the  careful  baro- 
metric observations  of  Professors  Pick- 
ering and  Bailey,  that  Misti  is  only 
19,250  feet  in  height.  Its  neighbor, 
Charchani,  is  1000  feet  higher. 

•Points  on  the  Peruvian  shore  can 
be  reached  without  difficulty,  if  the 
steamers  are  ordered  to  touch  there, 
but  in  Bolivian  waters  they  are  not 
even  allowed  to  stop  in  the  Lake  or  off 
from  the  shore.  These  stringent  reg- 
ulations have  their  cause  in  the  active 
contraband  going  on  aU  along  the 
frontier. 

^  Manuel  de  Mendiburu  leaves  it  in 
doubt  whether  1668  or  the  year  fol- 
lowing (Diccionario  Eistorico-Biogrd- 
fico  del  Peru,  Tomo  III,  p.  226).  The 
date  is  that  of  the  establishment  of 
Puno  as  capital  of  a  department. 
The  village  (puehlo)  of  Puno  existed 
prior  to  1548  (Parecer  de  Don  Fray 
Matias  de  San  Martin,  Obispo  de 
Charcas,  sobre  el  Escrupulo  de  si  son 
hien  ganados  los  Bienes  adquiridos 
por  los  Conquistadores,  in  Documentos 
ineditos  para  la  Eistoria  de  Espana, 
Vol.  LXXI,  p.  451).  Pedro  Gutierrez 
de  Santa  Clara  (^Eistoria  de  las  gue- 
rras  civiles  del  Peru,  1544  to  1548, 
Madrid,  1905,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  44  and 
493)  mentions  Puno  as  a  village 
(pueblo)  extant  in  1546.  There  is  no 
doubt  about  the  identity  of  Puno  with 
Puno,  as  the  former  is  described  as 
on  the  Lake,  before  reaching  Chu- 
cuito  (then  the  most  important  set- 
tlement) on  the  Cuzco  trail. 


*  Chucuito  is  to-day  a  village  of 
about  800  inhabitants.  It  was  the  cap- 
ital of  the  province  and  is  mentioned 
as  such  at  an  early  date  in  Spanish 
documents.  The  Indian  insurrection  of 
1780-1781,  injured  it  seriously.  Acora 
has,  at  the  present  time,  about  500  in- 
habitants. I  do  not  vouch  for  the 
accuracy  of  these  figures;  they  are 
taken  from  Modesto  Basadre  {Puno, 
in  Boletin  de  la  Sociedad  Geogrdfica 
de  Lima,  Tomo  III,  pp.  215-216). 

*  Peru,  Incidents  of  Travel  and  Ex- 
ploration in  the  Land  of  the  Incas,  pp. 
350-354. 

"  Further  on,  when  treating  of  the 
islands,  I  shall  have  occasion  to  refer 
to  the  ancient  system  of  rotation  in 
tilled  tracts.  That  system  was  gen- 
eral and  by  no  means  an  introduction 
by  the  Incas.  The  length  of  time 
allowed  each  tract  for  rest  and  re- 
cuperation differs  according  to  local- 
ities, conditions  of  the  soil,  etc. 

"  The  objects  secured  were,  as 
usual,  scattered,  so  that  I  have  not  as 
yet  been  able  to  see  any  of  them. 

"  I  make  this  statement  provision- 
ally. The  pottery  from  Cuzco  is  of  a 
well-defined  type  and  one  easily  recog- 
nized. Whether  that  type  originated 
in  the  Cuzco  valley  or  elsewhere  in  the 
scope  of  territory  occupied  by  In- 
dians speaking  the  Quichua  language 
is  a  question  I  do  not  venture  to  con- 
sider. 

"  Besides  Sillustani,  there  are  other 
remains  at  Hatun-KoUa  near  by,  at 
Mallqui-amaya,  and  a  number  of  other 
sites;  also  on  the  Peninsula  of  Capa- 
chica.  None  of  these  have  ever  been 
studied. 

The  best  account  of  Sillustani  that 
has  yet  been  written  is  that  of  Squier 
{Peru,  pp.  376-384).  In  the  same 
work  (p.  385)  there  is  a  very  good 
picture  of  the  sculptured  stones  at 
Hatun-Kolla. 

The  picture  contained  in  the  work 
of  Charles  Wiener  (Perou  et  Bolivie, 
1880,  p.  387),  as  well  as  his  descrip- 
tion of  the  ruins  of  Sillustani,  shows 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA 


25 


that  the  author  has  never  visited  the 
site.  It  suffices  to  quote  his  text  on 
page  386:  "Trois  tours  en  granit 
noir  dont  deux  encore  completement 
debout  s'elevent  sur  le  bord  de 
1  'eau, ' '  There  is  not  a  single  one  of 
the  numerous  (not  merely  three) 
towers  ' '  on  the  edge  of  the  waters '  * 
of  Lake  Umayo.  They  all  stand  high 
above  it  and  at  some  distance. 
Wiener's  picture  of  the  Chullpas  is  as 
inaccurate  as  his  description. 

The  same  can  be  said  of  the  picture 
of  Sillustani  in  the  Atlas  of  Kivero 
and  Tschudi  (Antigiiedades  Perua- 
nas),  and  of  their  remarks  upon  the 
ruins;  with  the  difference,  however, 
that  no  pretense  to  ocular  inspection 
is  made  by  these  authors. 

"We  witnessed  one  of  these 
phenomena,  from  the  port  of  Puno,  in 
the  month  of  May  of  last  year.  Don 
Enrique  Gamero,  whose  intimate  ac- 
quaintance with  the  Lake  has  no 
equal,  assured  us  that  he  had  seen  as 
many  as  five  at  one  time. 

"  The  report  on  the  large  monolith, 
sculptured,  discovered  at  a  distance 
of  two  leguas,  from  the  village  of 
Have,  is  taken  from  the  work  of 
Father  Pablo  Josef  Arriaga,  S.J. — 
Extirpacion  de  la  Tdolatria  del  Pirv, 
Lima,  1621,  Cap.  ix,  p.  53:  "Avi- 
sado  tengo  a  vuestra  Senoria  la  dili- 
gencia,  que  tengo  haciendo  contra 
Yndios  hechizeros,  y  principalmente 
en  razon  de  vn  Idolo  de  piedra  de  tres 
estados  en  alto  muy  abominable,  que 
descubri,  dos  leguas  de  este  pueblo  de 
Hilavi,  estava  en  vn  cerro  el  mas  alto, 
que  ay  en  toda  esta  comarca  en  vn 
repecho  que  mira  hazia  donde  nace  el 
sol,  al  pie  del  cerro  ay  mueha  arbo- 
leda,  y  en  ella  algunas  cho(jas  de 
Yndios  que  la  guardan,  ay  tambien 
muchas  sepulturas  antiguas  muy 
grandes,  de  entierros  de  Yndios  muy 
sumptuosamente  labradas  de  piedras 
de  encaxe,  que  dizen  ser  de  las  cabe^as 
principales  de  los  Yndios  del  pueblo 
de  Hilavi.  Estava  vna  pla^uela  hecha 
a  mano,  y  en  ella  vna  estatua  de  pie- 


dra labrada  con  dos  figuras  monstruo- 
sas,  la  vna  de  varon,  que  mirava  al 
nacimiento  del  sol,  y  la  otra  con  otro 
rostro  de  muger  en  la  misma  piedra. 
— Las  quales  figuras  tienen  vnas  cule- 
bras  gruessas,  que  suben  del  pie  a  la 
cabe^a  a  la  mano  derecha,  y  izquierda, 
y  assi  mismo  tienen  otras  figuras 
como  de  papas.  Estava  esta  Huaca 
del  pecho  a  la  cabe§a  descubierta,  y 
todo  lo  demas  debaxo  de  tierra.  Tres 
dias  tardaron  mas  de  treinta  perso- 
nas  en  descubrir  todo  el  sitio  al  derre- 
dor  deste  Ydolo,  y  se  hallaron  de  la 
vna  parte,  y  otra  adelante  de  los  dos 
rostros,  a  cada  parte  vna  piedra  qua- 
drada  delante  de  la  Estatua,  de  palmo 
y  medio  de  alto,  que  al  parecer  serian 
de  aras,  o  altares  muy  bien  puestos, 
y  arrancadas  de  su  assiento  con 
mucha  dificultad,  se  hallo  donde 
estava  asentada  la  ara  de  la  estatua, 
con  vnas  hogiUas  de  oro  muy  delica- 
das,  esparcidas  vnas  de  otras,  que  re- 
lucian  con  el  Sol. — Mucho  trabaxo  e 
pasado  en  arrancar  este  Ydolo,  y  des- 
hacello,  y  mas  en  desenganar  a  los 
Yndios."  I  regard  this  statement, 
which  Arriaga  copies  from  a  letter, 
addressed  by  one  of  the  official ' '  visit- 
ors ' '  of  the  rites  and  idolatries  of 
the  Indians,  to  the  Bishop  of  La  Paz 
in  1621,  as  fully  reliable  in  the  main. 
There  may  be  some  exaggeration  in 
the  dimensions  of  the  statue,  although 
three  fathoms,  or  approximately  eigh- 
teen feet,  is  the  length  of  the  tallest 
monolith  (lying  on  the  ground)  at 
Tiahuanaco  also.  It  would  seem  as 
if  the  stone  had  been  placed  so  as  to 
overlook  Lake  Titicaca,  for  the  range 
of  hills  behind  Have  (Hilavi)  domi- 
nates the  view  in  that  direction.  The 
interpretation  of  the  figures  is  of 
course  subject  to  doubt.  It  is  not 
impossible  that  fragments  of  the 
carved  stones  might  yet  be  found  at 
or  near  the  site.  The  ' '  burials ' '  may 
have  been  those  of  former  shamans, 
around  the  idol  or,  they  may  have  been 
houses  with  house-burials,  as  on  the 
Puna  near  by. 


26 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


The  Augustine  F.  Alonzo  Eamos 
(Historia  de  Copacdbana,  edition 
1860,  edited  by  Sans,  p.  49)  men- 
tions the  same  idol,  but  gives  it  only 
a  length  of  three  and  a  half  varas 
(ten  feet,  about).  He  also  quotes  the 
visitor  Garcia  Cuadrado,  and  adds: 
"Estaba  en  el  cerro  Uamado  Tucumu 
fronterizo  a  Titicaca,  lo  adoraban  so- 
bre  una  losa  grande,  como  al  dios  de 
las  comidas. "  The  difference  in  size, 
between  Arriaga  's  statement  and  that 
of  Eamos,  is  noteworthy. 

"  The  first  missionary  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  Chucuito  (which  then  extended 
as  far  as  Copacavana,  Zepita,  and  the 
Desaguadero)  was  Fray  Tom4s  de  San 
Martin  of  the  order  of  St.  Dominic. 
It  is  stated  that  he  entered  the  prov- 
ince in  1534,  which  is  an  error  in 
date.  That  date  is  from  Mendiburu 
(Diccionario,  Tomo  VII,  p.  187). 
That  Fray  San  Martin  was  the 
first  missionary  is  asserted  by  Fray 
Juan  Melendez  (Tesoros  Verdaderos 
de  las  Yndias,  Historia  de  la  Provincia 
de  san  Ivan  del  Perv  del  Orden  de 
Predicadores,  1681,  Tomo  I,  p.  619)  : 
"El  Conueto  de  Santiago  de  Pomata 
esta  fundado  en  un  pueblo  de  Yndios 
deste  nombre,  que  es  de  los  mas  prin- 
cipales  de  la  grade  Provincia  de  Chu- 
cuytu  a  las  oriUas  de  la  laguna  de 
Titicaca.  Reduxole  a  la  Fe  con  todos 
los  demas  de  su  distrito  el  Ylustrisimo 
Don  Fray  Tomas  de  San  Martin,  co- 
menzando  la  labor  de  su  Evangelica 
sementera,  e  introduciendo  en  este,  y 
los  demas  lugares  de  aquella  nombra- 
dissima  Provincia,  muchos  Frayles  de 
su  Orden,  que  acabando  de  sembrar, 
el  grano  limpio  de  la  Divina  palabra, 
cogieron  para  la  Yglesia  una  cosecha 
de  almas  inumerables.  Tuuimos  (como 
hemes  dicho)  Conuentos  en  esta  Pro- 
vincia en  Chucuytu,  en  Juli,  en  Copa- 
cauana,  y  en  los  demas  de  sus  pueblos 
Vicarias,  hasta  el  ano  de  1569,  en  que 
despojados  nuestros  Frayles  de  toda 
la  Provincia,  sucedio  todo  aquel  quento 
que  ya  dexamos  esorito  del  Virrey  Don 
Francisco  de  Toledo,  y  el  modo,  y  los 


motivos,  que  tuuimos  para  boluer  al 
pueblo  de  Pomata"  (p.  399).  In 
the  year  1565,  the  Convent  of  San 
Pedro  Martir  de  Juli  contained  twelve 
Dominican  friars,  and  at  the  chapter 
celebrated  in  the  same  year,  the  order 
received  the  "houses"  (monasteries) 
of  Acora,  Have,  Zepita,  Yunguyu,  and 
Copacavana  (p.  411).  In  regard  to 
the  causes  that  led  to  the  separation 
of  the  Dominicans  from  Chucuito,  I 
refer  to  the  same  volume  (pp.  444  and 
446).  That  the  removal  of  the  Do- 
minicans was  an  act  of  injustice  is 
admitted  by  the  authors  of  the  order 
of  Augustines,  which  order  subse- 
quently profited  by  it,  in  receiving  the 
mission  of  Copacavana.  (See  Fray 
Antonio  de  la  Calancha:  Coronica 
Moralisada  del  Orden  de  San  Augustin 
en  el  Peru,  1653,  Tomo  II,  Cap.  vii,  p. 
35 ;  also.  Fray  Andres  de  San  Nicolas : 
Imogen  de  N.S.  de  Copacavana  Por- 
tento  del  Nuevo  Mundo  Ya  Conocida 
en  Eurova,  1663,  Cap.  vi,  fol.  33.) 

"  Juli  is  known  as  being  the  place 
where  the  Jesuits  established  their 
first  printing  press  in  Peru. 

"  The  Province  of  Chucuito  em- 
braced, under  Spanish  rule,  all  the 
territory  between  Pun.o  and  the  Desa- 
guadero. See  map  of  1573,  published 
herewith.  Diego  de  Robles  says  of 
the  Indian  population  of  the  province : 
"Los  frailes  Dominicos  de  Chicuito 
ban  tenido  tales  formas,  que  pu- 
diendo  aquella  provincia  dar  mas  de 
otro  tanto  de  lo  que  da,  han  susten- 
tado  que  Chicuito  este  tasado  en  muy 
poco :  siendo  en  aquella  provincia  doze 
6  treze  mil  indios  tributaries,  y  casi 
cinquenta  mil  de  todos  edades"  {Me- 
morial soire  el  Asiento  del  Peru,  in 
Documentos  ineditos  del  Archivo  de 
Indias,  Tomo  II,  p.  36;  no  date  given, 
but  certaiiily  about  1570).  According 
to  Luis  de  Morales  Figueroa,  the  num- 
ber of  tributary  Indians  of  Chucuito 
was  17,779.  The  proportion  being  1 
to  3%  for  the  aggregate  population, 
the  latter  would  have  been  at  that 
date  about   62,000    (Eelacion   de   los 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA 


27 


Indios  Tributarios  que  hay  al  presente 
en  estos  reinos  y  Provincias  del  Peru; 
Fecha  por  Mandado  del  Senor  Marques 
de  Canete,  between  the  years  1591  and 
1596;  contained  in  Volume  II  of  the 
Pelaciones  de  los  Fireyes  del  Peru, 
Madrid,  1871,  p.  333).  If  we  compare 
with  these  figures  the  more  or  less  ex- 
act ones  given  by  Modesto  Basadre  in 
his  article  entitled, Pmjio,  in  Volume  III 
of  the Boletin  de  la  Sociedad  Geogrdfica 
de  Lima,  we  get  the  following  data: 
District  of  Chucuito,  7000  (p.  215); 
Accra,  7500  (p.  216)  ;  Juli,  6500  (p. 
365);  Have,  10,000  (p.  366);  Po- 
mata,  3500  (p.  367)  ;  Yunguyu,  8000 
(p.  368);  Zepita,  9000;  Desagua- 
dero,  1000  (p.  369)  ;  HuacuUani, 
2000  (p.  370);  Pisacoma,  1200;  and 
Santa  Rosa  about  1600.  Total  for 
these  eleven  districts,  nearly  57,300, 
all  of  which  are  Aymara  Indians,  the 
whites  being  in  almost  insignificant 
minority.  To  this  number  we  would 
have  to  add,  for  a  fair  comparison, 
the  Indian  inhabitants  of  the  Penin- 
sula of  Copacavana  and  of  the  Is- 
lands of  Titicaca  and  Koati,  which 
amount  to  at  least  five  thousand,  if  not 
more.  The  conclusion  is  reached  that 
the  Indian  population,  of  that  district 
at  least,  has  not  at  all  diminished 
since  the  early  times  of  Spanish  col- 
onization, but  has  rather  increased. 
While  this  is  no  surprise  to  me, 
it  shows  how  unjustified  is  the  hue 
and  cry  about  extermination  of  the 
natives  of  Peru  by  the  Spaniards. 
I  covdd  easily  furnish  more  examples 
of  the  kind  from  all  over  Peru  and 
Bolivia. 

"  Euins  exist  near  Pomata,  at 
Yunguyu,  at  Tanca-tanca,  etc.  Basa- 
dre mentions  some  of  these  (Puno,  p. 
218).  We  saw  pottery  from  Pomata 
which  was  almost  identical  with  that 
of  the  so-called  Chullpas  in  Bo- 
livia. The  pottery  of  Yunguyu,  how- 
ever, is  of  the  type  called  Inca  or 
Cuzco.  The  Miguel  Garces  collection 
contains  a  number  of  Yunguyu  speci- 
mens.    This  gives  color  to  the  state- 


ments that  Yunguyu  was  a  village  or 
station  of  the  Incas;  a  sort  of  en- 
trance to  the  Peninsula  of  Copaca- 
vana. See  Calancha,  Coronica  Morali- 
zada,  Tomo  II,  Cap.  II,  fol.  5:  "  En  el 
asiento  de  Yunguyu  vienen  a  estar 
tan  vezinas  las  costas  de  la  Laguna, 
que  bana  al  promomtorio  de  una  parte 
i  otra  i  afirman  los  Yndios  naturales, 
que  estiio  el  Ynga  muy  puesto  en  pla- 
tica  ronper  la  tierra,  i  azer  lugar  por 
donde  las  aguas  se  comunicasen,  i 
aqui  tuvo  echada  una  cerca  que  to- 
mava  de  costa  a  costa,  i  en  ella  sus 
puertas,  porteros,  i  guardas.  ..." 
Calancha  mostly  copies  from  the  book 
of  Fray  Alonso  Ramos,  of  which  two 
perfect  copies  exist  in  Bolivia.  Fray 
Rafael  Sans,  the  aged  Recollect  mis- 
sionary of  Bolivia,  has  given  what  he 
calls  a  partial  reprint  of  Ramos  from 
an  incomplete  copy  now  in  Spain. 
This  book  bears  the  title,  Historia 
de  Copacabana,  y  de  la  Milagrosa 
Imdgen  de  su  Firgen.  Third  edi- 
tion, 1886.  He  says  (Cap.  vii,  p.  14) : 
"EI  haber  sacado  el  Inca  d  los  na- 
turales de  la  Isla  trasladandolos  a 
Yunguyo,  fue  por  que  quiso  poner  de 
custodies  del  f  amoso  adoratorio  del  sol 
a  gentes  de  su  confianza.  ..."  In 
the  same  work  he  speaks  of  store- 
houses (graneros)  established  near 
Locca,  midway  between  Copacavana 
and  Yunguyu  (Cap.  xviii,  p.  47). 

*"  The  name  Huayna  Potosi  (young 
Potosi),  a  Quichua  word,  is  not  prop- 
erly given  to  the  splendid  pyramid  of 
the  "  Ka-Ka-a-Ka.  "  The  latter  name 
is  found  as  early  as  1638,  in  the  first 
volume  of  Calancha:  "En  lo  que  gas- 
tavan  mas  sacrificios,  i  estremavan  el 
culto  era  en  el  cerro  Illimani  Cull- 
cachata,  i  en  el  mas  frontero  del 
pueblo  llamado  Cacaaca,  este  por  ser 
muy  eminente  i  estar  siempre  nevado, 
fue  muy  venerado  de  todos  los  desta 
Provincia  de  Omasuyo,  en  estos  eerros 
les  dava  respuestas  el  Demonio,  i  eran 
continuos  sus  oraculos. ' '  But  the 
word  "Ka-Ka-a-Ka"  itself  is  a  cor- 
ruption of  ' '  Karka- "—  (or  "  Kaka- ' ') 


28 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


"Jaque, "  (rock  man).  The  altitude 
of  the  Ka-Ka-a-Ka  is,  as  near  as  can 
be  ascertained,  20,320  feet;  the  ex- 
tremes being:  Minehin,  20,170;  and 
Conway,  20,560  (Sir  Martin  Conway: 
Notes  on  a  Map  of  Part  of  the  Cor- 
dillera Beal  of  Bolivia,  in  Geograph- 
ical Journal,  May,  1900). 

"■  I  have  no  reliable  data  in  regard 
to  the  altitudes  of  these  ranges, 
but  they  are  certainly  very  high,  judg- 
ing from  the  masses  of  perpetual 
snow  that  covers  them.  They  are  on 
the  Peruvian  side,  known  as  "Neva- 
dos  de  Carabaya"  and  pertain  to  the 
Department  of  Puno. 

"  We  noticed  that  the  alpine  glow 
occurred  of  tener  on  the  Illimani  alone 
than  on  the  whole  chain.  Most  beau- 
tifully this  splendid  phenomenon  is 
witnessed  from  La  Paz,  either  from 
the  bridge  spanning  the  river,  or  the 
Alameda  or  Prado. 

^  This  has  been  denied,  but  we  saw 
the  reflection  too  often  and  too  dis- 
tinctly from  the  Island  of  Titicaca  to 
entertain  any  doubt. 

^  The  Rio  de  Pucara  that  rises  at 
the  base  of  La  Raya  is  a  branch  of 
the  Rio  Ramis  and  possibly  the  prin- 
cipal one.  Hence  I  consider  La  Raya 
as  the  true  source  of  the  Ramis. 

^°  The  water  of  Lake  Titicaca  is 
brackish,  but  not  enough  so  as  to  be 
unpalatable.  We  drank  it  during  our 
stay  on  the  Island  of  Koati  for  two 
weeks  and  found  it  wholesome  and 
not  disagreeable. 

^'According  to  La  Puente,  the  Lake 
receives  much  more  water  than  is  ex- 
pelled through  the  channel  of  the  Des- 
aguadero,  and  he  accounts  for  the 
uniform  level  of  the  Lake  by  evapora- 
tion, which  according  to  Octavio 
Pardo  is  fifty  millions  of  cubic  meters 
in  twenty-four  hours.  In  regard  to 
the  outflow  at  the  Desaguadero, 
Puente  adds:  "El  caudal  de  sus 
aguas  puede  estimarse  a  la  salida  del 
lago  en  4822  metros  ciibicos  por 
minuto"  (Estudio  Monogrdfico  del 
Lago  Titicaca,  in  Boletin  de  la  Socie- 


dad  Geogrdfica  de  Lima,  Tomo  I,  p. 
382). 

"  Measured  depths  along  the  Boliv- 
ian shore,  immediate  proximity  of  is- 
lands and  beach  excepted,  are  mostly 
in  excess  of  600  feet.  The  western  or 
Peruvian  half  shows  as  greatest 
depth,  185.69  meters,  or  609  feet; 
whereas  due  east  of  it,  near  the  prom- 
ontory at  Huaicho,  depths  of  252.5 
meters  and  256.5  meters,  or  828  and 
841  feet,  are  recorded.  Wiener  states : 
"J'eus  la  satisfaction  de  pouvoir 
faire  une  serie  de  Bondages  qui  me 
donnerent  en  beaucoup  d'endroits 
la  profondeur  de  530  metres"  (Perou 
et  Bolivie,  p.  390).  How  far  this 
writer  is  capable  of  stretching  the 
truth  can  be  judged  by  the  following 
passage  on  the  same  page:  "La  Cor- 
dillere  neigeuse  de  Sorata  se  trouve  & 
plus  de  30  Ueues  du  rivage. "  Now 
Hanko-Uma  is,  in  a  direct  line,  not 
twenty-five  English  miles  from  the 
shore ! 

Near  the  little  Island  of  Koa  (see 
map)  a  depth  is  recorded  of  400  me- 
ters, or  1312  feet.  I  do  not  know  on 
what  basis  that  statement  may  be 
resting.  We  visited  Koa  and  it  is 
certain  that  the  water  is  very  deep 
there,  but  we  had  no  means  for  sound- 
ings. 

-*  Wiener  affirms  that  the  straits  of 
Tiquina  have  a  depth  of  not  less  than 
70  meters,  or  230  feet  {Perou  et  Boli- 
vie, p.  390). 

^  "  La  mas  reputada  y  admitida  in- 
terpretacion  es  la  que  ha  dado  el  Sr. 
Jose  Rosendo  Gutierrez:  Thia  sus- 
tantivo  que  se  traduce  por  borde  6 
ribera;  y  Huanaco,  participio  pasado 
del  verbo  desecar.  El  enigma  queda 
asi  decifrado:  Borde  desecado.  Esta 
interpretacion,  justo  es  confesarlo, 
esta  en  consonancia  con  la  naturaleza 
del  terreno  y  aspecto  fisico  de  la  loca- 
hdad"  (Puente:  Estudio  Monogrd- 
fico, p.  381).  I  remain  perfectly 
neutral  in  regard  to  the  many  inter- 
pretations, leaving  it  for  linguists  to 
solve  the  problem.     But  I  would  re- 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA 


29 


mark  here  that  the  name  Tiahuanaco 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  the  original 
one  of  the  ruins.  In  the  work  of  the 
Jesuit  Father  Bernabe  Cobo,  entitled, 
Eistoria  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  concluded 
in  1653  and  published  at  Sevilla  in 
1890,  there  is  the  following  passage: 
"El  nombre  que  tuvo  este  pueblo  an- 
tes que  fuese  sefioreado  por  los  Incas, 
era  Taypicala,  tornado  de  la  lengua 
aymara,  que  es  la  materna  de  sus  na- 
turales,  y  quiere  decir  'la  piedra  de 
enmedio ; '  porque  tenian  por  opinion 
los  indios  del  Collao,  que  este  pueblo 
estaba  enmedio  del  mundo,  y  que  del 
salieron  despues  del  Diluvio  los  que 
tornaron  a  poblar. "  Another  writer 
of  the  same  order  and  a  contempo- 
rary. Father  Anello  Oliva,  asserts: 
' '  Passo  a  las  partes  de  Tyyay  Vanacu 
por  ver  sus  edificios  que  antiguamente 
Uamaban  Chucara,  cuya  antiguedad 
nadie  supo  determinalla "  (Eistoria 
del  Peru  y  Varones  Insignes  en  Santi- 
dad  de  la  Campania  de  Jesus,  1631, 
Lib.  I,  Cap.  11,  p.  39;  at  present  pub- 
lished by  subscription  at  Lima),  In 
Aymara,  Taypicala  signifies  "stone 
between "  or  "in  midst  of. ' ' 

^  Segunda  Parte  de  la  Cronica  del 
Peru,  Que  trata  del  Senorio  de  los  In- 
cas Yupanquis  y  de  sus  Grandes 
Eechos  y  Gohernacion,  published  in 
Madrid  in  1880,  in  Biblioteca  Eis- 
pano-Ultramarina,  by  Marcos  Jimenez 
de  la  Espada.  Cieza  is  one  of  the  first 
authors  who  wrote  about  traditions  of 
the  Collao,  as  the  regions  northwest, 
west,  and  south  of  Lake  Titicaca 
were  called.  It  is  worthy  of  notice, 
however,  that  Cieza  in  his  Primera 
Parte  de  la  Cronica  del  Peru  (in  Vol. 
II  of  the  Eistoriadores  primitivos  de 
Indios,  published  by  Enrique  de  Ve- 
dia)  does  not  refer  to  the  extraordi- 
nary power  attributed  to  the  white 
men,  in  his  second  part.  He  simply 
says:  "Antes  que  los  ingas  reinasen 
cuentan  muchos  indios  destos  coUas 
que  hubo  en  su  provincia  dos  grandes 
senores,  el  uno  tenia  por  nombre  Za- 
pana  y  el  otro  Cari,  y  que  estos  con- 


quistaron  muchos  pucares,  que  son  sus 
fortalezas:  y  que  el  uno  dellos  ent.ro 
en  la  laguna  de  TITICACA,  y  que 
hallo  en  la  isla  mayor  que  tiene  aquel 
palude  gentes  blaneas  y  que  tenian 
barbas,  con  los  cuales  peleo  de  tal 
manera,  que  los  pudo  matar  a  todos" 
(Cap.  c,  p.  443;  see  also  Cap.  cv,  p. 
446).  When  quoting  Cieza  I  shall  al- 
ways refer  to  Vedia  's  publication  of 
the  first  part  of  his  writings. 

'^  This  was  after  the  sun  had  risen 
out  of  the  Lake  and  Island  of  Titi- 
caca. "Antes  que  los  Incas  reinasen 
en  estos  reinos  ni  en  ellos  fuessen  co- 
nocidos,  cuentan  estos  indios  otra  cosa 
muy  mayor  que  todas  las  que  ellos 
dicen,  porque  afirman  questuvieron 
mucho  tiempo  sin  ver  el  sol,  y  que 
padeciendo  gran  trabajo  eon  esta 
falta,  hacian  grandes  votes  6  plegariaa 
a  los  que  ellos  tenian  por  dioses,  pi- 
diendoles  la  lubre  de  que  carecian;  y 
questando  desta  suerte,  salio  de  la  isla 
de  Titicaca,  questa  dentro  de  la  gran 
laguna  del  Collao,  el  sol  muy  re- 
splandeciente,  con  que  todos  se  ale- 
graron.  Y  luego  questo  paso,  dicen 
que  de  hacia  las  partes  del  Mediodia 
vino  y  remanescio  un  hombre  bianco 
de  crecido  cuerpo,  el  cual  en  su  as- 
pect© y  persona  mostraba  gran  autori- 
dad  y  veneracion,  y  queste  varon,  que 
asi  vieron,  tenia  tan  gran  poder,  que 
de  los  cerros  hacia  llanuras  y  de  las 
llanuras  hacia  cerros  grandes,  ha- 
ciendo  fuentes  en  piedras  vivas;  .  .  . 
Y  este  tal,  cuentan  los  indios  que  a 
mi  me  le  dixeron,  que  oyeron  a  sua 
pasados,  que  ellos  tambien  oyeron  en 
los  cantares  que  ellos  de  muy  antiguo 
tenian,  que  fue  de  largo  hacia  el 
Norte,  haciendo  y  obrando  estas  ma- 
ravillas,  por  el  camino  de  la  serrania, 
y  que  nunca  jamas  lo  volvieron  a  ver 
.  .  .  Generalmente  le  nombran  en  la 
mayor  parte  Ticiviracocha,  aunque 
en  la  provincia  del  Collao  le  Uaman 
Tuapaca,  y  en  otros  lugares  della  Ar- 
nauan"  (Segunda  Parte  de  la  Cronica 
del  Peru,  Cap.  v,  p.  5).  The  Tuapaca 
may  be  the  same  as  the  Taapac  of 


30 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


Calancha,  of  which  more  anon.  It  is 
noteworthy  that  this  tale  hints  at  a 
temporary  darkening,  not  at  a  primi- 
tive appearance  of  the  sun.  A  con- 
temporary of  Cieza  de  Leon,  and  one 
who  had  still  better  opportunity  for 
gathering  original  information  relat- 
ing to  the  Indians  was  Juan  de  Be- 
tanzos.  He  spoke  Quiehua  fluently 
and  resided  long  in  the  country, 
whither  he  had  come  with  the  con- 
quest and  where  he  married  an  Indian 
girl  from  Cuzco.  Betanzos  relates: 
"Y  en  estos  tiempos  que  esta  tierra 
era  toda  noche,  dicen  que  salio  de  una 
laguna  que  es  en  esta  tierra  del  peru 
on  la  provineia  que  dicen  de  coUasuyo 
un  Senor  que  Uamaron  Con  Tici  Vira- 
cocha,  el  cual  dicen  haber  sacado  con- 
sigo  cierto  numero  de  gentes,  del  cual 
numero  no  se  acuerdan.  Y  Como  este 
hubiese  salido  desta  laguna,  fuese  de 
alii  a  un  sitio  ques  junto  a  esta  la- 
guna, questa  donde  hoy  dia  es  un  pue- 
blo que  llaman  Tiaguanaco,  en  esta 
dicha  provineia  ya  dicha  del  CoUao; 
y  como  aUi  fuese  el  y  los  suyos,  luego 
alii  en  esta  dicha  provineia  ya  dicha 
del  CoUao;  y  como  alii  fuese  el  y  los 
suyos,  luego  alii  en  improvise  dicen 
que  hizo  el  sol  y  el  dia,  y  que  al  sol 
mando  que  anduviese  por  el  curso  que 
anda;  y  luego  dicen  que  hizo  las  es- 
treUas  y  la  luna.  El  cual  Con  Tici 
Viracocha,  dicen  haber  salido  otra  vez 
antes  de  aquella,  y  que  en  esta  vez 
primera  que  salio,  hizo  el  cielo  y 
la  tierra,  y  que  todo  lo  dejo  oscuro; 
y  que  entonces  hizo  aquella  gente  que 
habia  en  el  tiempo  de  la  escuridad 
ya  dicha;  ..."  (Suma  y  Narracion 
de  los  Incas  que  los  Indies  Llamaron 
Capaccuna;  que  fueron  senor  es  en 
la  ciudad  del  Cuzco,  y  de  todo  lo  a 
ella  subjecto  .  .  .  Agora  nuevamente 
Traducido  e  Becopilado  de  la  Lengua 
India  de  los  Naturales  del  Peru,  por 
Juan  de  Betanzos;  Vecino  de  la  Gran 
Ciudad  del  Cuzco,  Cap.  i.  Parte  I,  p.  i ; 
in  the  same  volume  as  the  Segunda 
Parte  de  la  Crdniea  del  Peru, 
of  Cieza).     The  book  of  Betanzos  is 


dedicated  to  the  Viceroy  Don  Antonio 
de  Mendoza,  and  was  finished  in  1550. 
At  that  time,  and  when  Cieza  was  in 
Peru,  the  traditions  of  the  Indians 
could  not  yet  have  suffered  much  al- 
teration through  Christian  influence, 
and  hence  the  purity  of  these  tales  as 
genuine  folk-lore  is  very  probable. 
The  well  known  author,  Garcilaso  de 
la  Vega,  a  mestizo  of  Inca  descent  on 
his  mother's  side,  asserts  that  he 
gives,  in  Chapter  xviii  of  Book  I  of 
the  first  volume  of  his  Comentarios 
Beales  (original  edition,  Lisbon  1609, 
folio  16),  the  true  traditions  of  the 
Indians  of  the  CoUao:  "Dizen  pues 
que  cessadas  las  aguas  se  aparescio  vn 
hombre  en  Tiahuanacu,  que  esta  al 
mediodia  del  Cozco,  q  fue  tan  pode- 
roso  que  repartio  el  mundo  en  quatro 
partes,  y  las  dio  a  quatro  hombres  que 
llamo  Eeyes,  ..." 

'^  This  is  not  a  literal  translation ; 
hence  I  give  the  original  text  also: 
'  *  Echaron  el  cuerpo  bendito  en  una 
balsa  de  eno,  6  totora,  i  lo  arrojaron 
en  la  gran  laguna  dicha  *'  serviendole 
las  aguas  mansas  de  remeros,  i  los 
blandos  vientos  de  pilotos  .  .  .  na- 
vego  con  tan  gran  velocidad  que  dejo 
con  admiracion  espantosa  los  mismos 
que  le  mataron  sin  piedad;  i  crecioles 
el  espanto,  porque  no  tiene  casi  cor- 
riente  la  laguna  i  entonces  ninguna . . . 
Llego  la  balsa  con  el  rico  tesoro  en  la 
playa  de  Cachamarca,  donde  agora  es 
el  desaguadero.  I  es  muy  asentada  en 
la  tradicion  de  los  Indies,  que  la 
mesma  balsa  ropiendo  la  tierra  abrio 
el  desaguadero,  porque  antes  nuca  le 
tuvo  i  desde  entonces  corre,  i  sobre  las 
aguas  que  por  alii  encamino  se  fue  el 
santo  cuerpo  hasta  el  pueblo  de  loa 
Aullagas  muchas  leguas  distantes  de 
Chucuito  i  Titicaca  azia  la  costa 
de  Arica  i  Chile  ..."  (Coronica 
Moralizada,  Vol.  I,  pp.  337-338).  Ca- 
lancha extensively  describes  the  actions 
of  two  mythical  persons,  whom  he 
calls  saints,  and  their  travels  across 
the  South  American  continent  from 
Brazil  to  Tarija  in  southern  Bolivia 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA 


31 


and  thence  as  far  as  the  Titicaca  ba- 
sin: "Al  uno  llamar5  Tunupa,  que 
quiere  decir  gra  sabio,  senor  i  criador, 
i  al  otro  Taapac,  que  significa  el  ijo 
del  Criador,  asi  lo  testifica  el  Padre 
Fr.  Alonso  Eamos,  en  su  Copacavana: 
i  este  nonbrado  asi,  fue  de  quien  que- 
daron  mas  memorias  de  echos  en  su 
vida,  i  de  portentos  en  su  muerte  en 
las  Provincias  del  CaUao  [Collao], 
Chuquito  i  los  Charcas"  (Ibid.,  p. 
320).  Hence  we  are  again  referred 
to  the  book  of  Eamos  as  the  source  of 
the  information  imparted  to  Calancha. 
Indeed  in  the  Historia  de  Copacdbana 
of  Sans,  already  mentioned,  which 
purports  to  be  (at  least  in  its  first 
part)  a  reprint  of  the  work  of  Bamos, 
we  find  that  the  body  of  Taapac,  after 
he  had  been  killed  by  Indians  on  the 
Island  of  Titicaca,  was  placed  on  a 
balsa  and  set  adrift  on  the  Lake.  ' '  Y 
refieren  los  antiguos:  que  un  recio 
viento  lo  Uevo  hasta  tocar  en  tierra  de 
Chacamarca ;  que  la  abrio  con  la  proa, 
haciendo  correr  las  aguas  hacia  el 
sud,  formando  asi  el  Desaguadero, 
que  antes,  dicen  que,  no  lo  habia,  y 
por  ese  nuevo  rio  fue  fiotando  hasta 
los  Aullagas  ..."  (Cap.  xvii,  p. 
96).  Title  and  date  of  the  book  of 
Eamos  are:  Historia  del  celebre  y 
milagroso  Santuario  de  la  Ynsigne 
Ymdgen  de  NfaSfa  de  Copacabana, 
Lima,  1621.  The  traditions  referred 
to  seem  to  be  folk-lore  of  the  Indians 
of  Copacavana  and  perhaps  of  the 
Island  of  Titicaca. 

^  It  is  strange,  however,  that  an  au- 
thor of  the  same  period  as  Calancha, 
and  an  Indian  at  that,  Juan  de  Santa 
Cruz  Pachacuti  Yamqui  Salcamay- 
hua,  while  speaking  of  Tonapa 
and  his  miraculous  deeds,  makes 
no  mention  of  his  death,  still  less 
of  his  portentous  opening  of  the 
Desaguadero.  He  limits  himself 
to  saying:  "Dizen  quel  dicho 
Tunapa  paso  siguiendo  al  rrio 
de  Chacamarca,  hasta  topar  en  la 
mar"  (Belacion  de  Antigiiedades 
deste  Beyno  del  Piru.     Published  in 


1879  by  the  Ministerio  de  Fomento  at 
Madrid,  in  the  volume  entitled:  Tres 
Belaciones  de  Antigiiedades  peruanas, 
p.  240).  However,  he  agrees  with 
Eamos  in  that  the  route  taken  by 
Tonapa  from  Tiahuanaco  was  toward 
the  Desaguadero.  Salcamayhua  was 
an  Indian  from  the  southern  part  of 
the  actual  Department  of  Cuzco,  and 
the  traditions  which  he  relates  are 
Quichua  as  well  as  Aymara,  while 
those  referred  to  by  Eamos  and  Ca- 
lancha are  exclusively  Aymara  folk- 
lore. This  may  explain  the  differ- 
ence. 

'*  It  would  be  superfluous  to  quote 
extensively  in  support  of  a  statement 
that  is  so  abundantly  repeated  by  al- 
most every  Spanish  author.  The  be- 
lief in  the  rising  of  the  sun  out  of 
Lake  Titicaca  was  perhaps  the  result 
of  daily  observation,  for  it  may  ap- 
pear to  the  Quichua  inhabitants  of 
the  northwestern  extremity  of  the 
Lake  that  the  sun  does  actually  rise 
out  of  the  water.  Later  on  I  shall 
again  refer  to  this  tale  of  the  origin 
of  the  sun  and  moon  from  the  Island 
of  Titicaca. 

*" '  El  profesor  Alejandro  Agassiz 
examinando  atentamente  las  terrazas 
de  las  costas  del  lago,  se  ha  persua- 
dido  que  el  nivel  de  las  aguas  ha  ba- 
jado  de  121  metros  92"  a  91  metres 
44""  (Puente:  Estudio  Monogrdfico, 
p.  367).  My  friend  Agustin  Tovar, 
in  his  short  but  very  interesting  study 
entitled:  Lago  Titicaca;  observa- 
ciones  sobre  la  disminucion  progresiva 
de  sus  Aguas,  in  Boletin  de  la  Socie- 
dad  Geogrdfica  de  Lima  (Tomo  I,  pp. 
163-167)  records  a  number  of  indica- 
tions of  the  gradual  diminution  or 
shrinking  of  the  great  watersheet. 
Thus  he  states  that,  thirty-three  years 
ago,  the  Lake  reached  as  far  as  the 
suburbs  of  Puno,  where  to-day  culti- 
vated plots  are  scattered  all  along,  the 
water  having  receded  at  least  five  ciui- 
dras.  He  also  refers  to  a  tradition 
current  among  old  Indians  to  the  effect, 
that  the  Lagune  of  Umayo,  where  the 


32 


THE  ISLANDS  OP  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


famous  ruins  of  Sillustani  stand,  was 
formerly  connected  with  Titicaca  by 
an  intermediate  lagune  called  Illpa. 
Umayo  is  five  leguas  from  the  shore 
of  the  great  Lake. 

^^A  case  of  a  balsa  being  cut  in 
twain  by  one  of  the  Lake  steamers 
during  a  dark  night,  in  the  Straits  of 
Yampupata,  was  related  to  us  by  the 
survivors.  They  simply  held  on  to 
the  pieces  and  were  saved. 

^  A  table  of  temperatures  of  the 
water,  at  depths  from  8.36  meters  to 
256.49  (26  to  841  feet),  has  been 
given  by  Agassiz,  and  I  refer  to  it 
from  Puente  (Estudio,  p.  368).  The 
extremes  are  15  centigrade  at  30 
meters  10"  (99  feet),  and  10.6  centi- 
grade at  137  meters  10"  (450  feet). 
The  greatest  difference  between  the 
temperature  at  the  surface  of  the  wa- 
ter and  the  bottom  temperature  was 
at  46  meters  88"  (154  feet). 

°^  I  give  these  technical  names  from 
Puente  (Estudio). 

'*I  never  saw  the  bird,  however 
common,  near  enough  to  note  details. 
It  is  most  likely  a  bandiirria,  which 
Puente  calls  Falcinellus  Bidgwayi  and 
Theristicus  caudatus  (Estudio,  p.  376). 
Tschudi  mentions  two  kinds  of  ibis, 
the  bandurria,  Theristicus  meJanopsis ; 
and  the  yanaruico,  Ihis  ordo  (Peru, 
1846,  Vol.  II,  p.  100). 

*" ' '  En  el  lago  existen  seis  especies 
de  pescados  pertenecientes  a  las  fa- 
milias  de  los  Cyprinoides  y  Siluroi- 
des"  (Puente:  Estudio,  p.  376). 
Probably  taken  from  A.  Agassiz  and 
S.  W.  Garman:  Exploration  of  Lake 
Titicaca.  The  species  eaten  to-day 
are:  the  suchez,  Trichomycterus  dis- 
par;  the  umanto,  Orestias  cuvieri, 
and  especially  the  boga,  0.  Pentlandii. 

"  I  refer  to  a  belief,  current  among 
all  the  Indians  on  the  Islands  of  Titi- 
caca and  Koati  and  on  the  Peninsulas 
of  Copacavana  and  Tiquina,  of  the  ex- 
istence, in  the  Lake,  of  a  large  aqua- 
tic animal  described  as  resembling 
either  a  seal  or  a  sea  cow.  "When 
treating  of  these  islands  I  shall  give 


further  details.  We  never  saw  this 
mysterious  beast,  but  the  Garces  col- 
lection contains  a  tooth  said  to  have 
been  taken  from  a  specimen.  It  may 
be,  as  Professor  W.  Nation  suggested 
to  me,  that  it  is  a  gigantic  Silurus ; 
but  the  fact  that  it  has  been  seen  sev- 
eral times,  according  to  the  Indians, 
"asleep  on  the  beach,"  would  indi- 
cate a  seal-like  animal. 

*^  A  grave  objection  to  the  former 
existence  of  a  ridge  in  the  direction 
indicated  lies  in  the  fact,  that  the 
Lake  has  an  enormous  depth  along 
that  line. 

"  In  No.  10  of  the  Revista  of  La 
Paz,  Vol.  I,  No.  10,  there  is  an  article 
entitled:  Piano  del  Lago  Titicaca  by 
J.  L.  M.  The  author  gives  the  width 
of  the  Strait  of  Tiquina  at  860  meters, 
or  2820  feet,  a  little  over  half  an 
English  mile.  Puente  (in  Estudio,  p. 
378)  gives  it  at  629  meters. 

■"  The  altitude  of  lUampu  is,  accord- 
ing to  Conway  (Notes  on  a  Map 
of  Part  of  the  Cordillera  Eeal),  21,- 
490  feet  (taking  the  mean  of  three  de- 
terminations). The  extremes  are: 
Pentland,  21,286;  Conway,  21,710, 
The  extinct  volcano  Sajama,  in 
the  western  Cordillera  of  Bolivia,  is 
probably  higher,  but  not  as  high  as 
the  Sapo  and  Koropuna  in  the  Depart- 
ment of  Arequipa  in  southern  Peru. 
The  proper  name  of  Illampu  is  Han- 
ko-Uma  (white  water).  Illampu  is 
a  corruption  of  "  Hila-llampu "  (lit- 
erally, much  fine  snow).  I  owe  this 
suggestion  to  Dr.  Macario  Escobari, 
of  La  Paz,  Bolivia.  The  name 
Hila-Uampu,  or,  by  contraction, 
Illampu,  is  given  to  the  mountain 
at  some  distance  from  it,  on  the  Puna. 
The  northern  summit,  about  200  feet 
lower,  is  called  Hilampi  (brother 
with);  also  "Hanko-Kunu"  (white 
snow). 

*^  The  church  of  San  Pedro  Tiquina 
is  quite  old.  Sans  notices  a  chapel 
at  San  Pedro  Tiquina  as  early  as 
1582.  The  mention  is  from  a  written 
statement    by    the    Indian    Francisco 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA 


33 


Tito  Yupanqui  who  carved  and  fin- 
ished the  celebrated  image  of  the 
Virgin  so  much  venerated  at  Copa- 
cavana:  "E  estubo  en  Tiquena  la 
Vergen  en  la  capilla  de  San  Pedro  un 
poco  de  tiempo"  (Historia  de  Copa- 
cabana,  p.  136).  San  Pablo  was  an 
annex  to  the  Augustine  convent  of  Co- 
pacavana  in  the  seventeenth  century. 
During  the  great  Indian  uprising  of 
1781  it  was  (like  most  of  the  settle- 
ments in  that  region)  the  scene  of  a 
horrible  Indian  butchery. 

^  lUimani  is  a  corruption  of  ' '  Hila- 
Uma-ni"  (much  water  possesses,  liter- 
ally). At  Liu  jo,  on  the  northwest- 
ern slopes  of  the  mountain,  or  rather 
cluster  of  peaks,  the  Indians  assured 
us  that  it  was  properly  called  "Jilli- 
mani ' '  (Spanish  j) ,  but  they  also  called 
it  Achachila  and  Uyuiri.  The  latter 
was  interpreted  to  us  as  signifying: 
feeder  of  the  crops;  because  the  wa- 
ters of  the  niimani  irrigate  the  fields 
of  the  natives  of  that  section.  But 
this  etymology  appears  quite  doubt- 
ful. In  Descripcion  y  relacion  de  la 
Ciudad  de  La  Paz,  from  1586  (con- 
tained in  the  second  volume  of  the 
Belaciones  geogrdficas),  is  the  fol- 
lowing: "Hay  otra  adoracion  que  se 
llama  Hillemana  (Illimani),  ques  una 
sierra  alta  cubierta  de  nieves  que  per- 
petuamente  se  le  hacen,  y  asi  Hille- 
mana quiere  decir;  'cosa  para  siem- 
pre, '  y  desta  causa  los  naturales  la 
tienen  en  adoracion"  (p.  71).  "En 
esta  Cordillera  se  van  continuando 
muchas  sierras  unas  de  otras  y  cada 
una  tiene  su  nombre;  y  la  ques  mas 
notable  cerca  desta  ciudad  se  llama 
Hillemana,  ques  una  sierra  que  per- 
petuamente  esta  nevada,  y  asi  el  nom- 
bre quiere  decir:  'eosa  perpetua'  " 
(p.  75).  I  never  heard  this  definition 
in  Bolivia. 

The  altitude  of  Illimani  is  21,190 
feet,  according  to  the  mean  of  six  de- 
terminations, the  difference  between 
the  extremes  being  340  feet  (Conway: 
Notes,  etc.).  Sir  Martin  Conway  was 
the  first  and  thus  far   the   only   one 


who  reached  the  summit,  in  Septem- 
ber, 1898.  A  number  of  years  ago, 
some  Indians  from  the  hacienda  of 
Tanimpata  attempted  the  ascent.  One 
reached  the  upper  snowfields,  but 
never  returned.  Wiener  claims  to 
have  ascended  as  high  as  20,112  feet, 
to  the  second  peak,  which  he  called 
"Pic  de  Paris"  (Perou  et  Bolivie,  p. 
408).  Few  explorers  (if  any)  have 
resided  so  long  in  close  proximity  to 
the  glaciers  of  Illimani  as  we  did  in 
1894,  1895  and  1898.  We  were  very 
anxious  to  ascertain  everything  relat- 
ing to  ascensions  of  the  mountain, 
and  have  been  assured  that  the  only 
known  attempt  to  ascend  lUimani  (the 
one  by  Indians  excepted)  was  made 
by  Professor  Eod.  Falb  and  President 
Pando  of  Bolivia  (then  a  youth),  who 
reached  an  elevation  of  about  20,000 
feet  and  were  still  at  a  considerable 
distance  from  the  summit.  Of  an  as- 
cension by  Wiener,  nobody  had  any 
knowledge,  and  his  claim  was  derided 
as  pure  invention,  both  here  and  at 
La  Paz.  In  1877,  when  Wiener  states 
he  made  his  ascension,  Falb  had  al- 
ready made  his,  but  not  a  word  is 
said  about  it  in  Wiener's  book! 
Without  positively  asserting  that  Wie- 
ner's  ascent  is  a  myth,  I  am  forced  to 
state  that  we  were  unable  to  find  any- 
one who  knew  anything  about  it  or 
believed  in  it,  in  Bolivia  and  all  along 
the  Illimani. 

On  the  10th  of  October  of  1895 
we  made  a  reconnoissance  from  the 
hacienda  of  Cotana.  Cotana  lies  at 
8150  feet,  according  to  our  baromet- 
ric observations,  compared  and  re- 
duced by  Professor  S.  J.  Bailey  of  the 
Harvard  Observatory  of  Arequipa. 
Wiener  has,  on  page  405,  only  8006. 
We  followed  the  route  taken  by  Falb, 
but  having  been  delayed  until  6.30 
A.M.  by  our  guide,  it  was  noon  when 
we  arrived  at  Chua-chua-ni  (altitude 
13,670),  where  the  mules  had  to  re- 
main. Thence  we  climbed  to  16,050 
and  found  ourselves  above  one  of  the 
small    glaciers   issuing    directly   from 


34 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


the  upper  snowfields.  It  was  already 
3  P.M.  and  we  were  not  prepared  to 
spend  the  night  on  that  spot.  Now,  it 
is  evident  from  Wiener's  description 
that  he  took  the  same  route,  but  his 
measurements  give  figures  as  much  as 
2,000  feet  in  excess  of  ours,  which  as 
stated  were  carefully  reduced  after 
long  comparison  of  the  instrument 
with  the  barometers  of  the  Arequipa 
Observatory.  The  description  of  the 
ascent  is  also  completely  at  variance 
with  the  truth.  Furthermore  it  is 
impossible,  even  if  starting  at  2  a.m. 
as  Wiener  claims  to  have  done,  to 
reach  the  altitude  he  mentions  at  4.30 
P.M.,  and  return  to  Quichu-uaya, 
which  he  calls  the  "residence  of  the 
Ilacata"  (p.  412),  at  9  p.m.  of  the 
same  day.  A  descent  from  lUimani 
at  night  is  fraught  with  such  dangers 
as  to  be  practically  impossible,  espe- 
cially when  we  consider  that  there  are 
no  guides  to  be  obtained,  and  that  one 
has  to  grope  his  way  even  in  the  day- 
time. To  give  an  idea  of  the  marvel- 
ous rapidity  of  Mr.  Wiener's  ascent, 
in  regions  where  the  rarification  of 
the  air  is  a  powerful  obstacle,  I  give 
his  own  figures  (page  413)  :  Starting 
from  an  elevation  of  15,092  feet  at 
11  a.m.,  he  ascended,  in  two  hours 
and  thirty-five  minutes,  1770  feet; 
thence  in  69  minutes,  1450  feet; 
thence  again  in  36  minutes,  1200 
feet;  and  finally  the  last  600  feet  in 
an  hour  and  a  half.  The  time  noted 
includes  that  used  for  observing  and 
recording  the  hypsometer! 

"  The  main  use  of  the  totora  is  for 
constructing  balsas.  Even  the  largest 
of  such  craft  are  made  of  long  bun- 
dles of  reeds;  they  form  the  hull  and 
bulwarks.  But  the  totora  is  also  a 
nutritive  plant,  as  the  tender  points 
are  often  eaten  by  the  Indians,  and 
even  by  Creoles,  in  the  shape  of  a 
salad,  with  red  peppers.  It  is  said  to 
be  of  fair  taste.  The  totora  grows 
only  in  shallow  bays  and  inlets.  It  is 
found  in  abundance  in  the  bay  of  Hua- 
rina,  hence  the  great  number  of  fish- 


ing balsas  cruising  between  Chililaya 
and  Tiquina.  All  along  the  shores  of 
the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana  the  wa- 
ter is  deep  and  descent  from  the 
beach  abrupt;  hence  but  very  few  bal- 
sas are  seen,  because  of  the  scarcity 
of  totora  wherewith  to  construct 
them. 

**  Of  the  genus  Cantuta.  The  most 
prominent  is  the  red  variety,  C.  buxi- 
folia,  the  yellow  is  rare  and  the  white 
rarest  (see  A.  Eaimondi:  Elementos 
de  Botdnica  ApUcada  a  la  Medicina  y 
la  Industria,  1857,  p.  285;  also  Pu- 
ente:   Estudio,  p.  387). 

"  The  bean  is  of  the  kind  called 
Tidbas,  a  large  and  coarse  variety. 
The  Indians  eat  it  toasted.  That  this 
kind  of  bean  is  not  indigenous  is 
shown  by  the  following  statement  of 
Father  Bernabe  Cobo,  S.J. :  "Las  ha- 
bas,  Garbanzos,  Lentejas  y  Frijoles 
pequenos,  llamados  en  Espana  Judi- 
huelos,  se  han  traido  a  esta  tierra  y 
se  dan  donde  quiera  copiosamente. — 
En  algunas  partes,  como  en  la  diocesls 
del  Cuzco  y  en  la  de  Chuquiabo,  han 
entrado  mucho  los  Indios  en  el  uso  de 
las  Habas,  y  hacen  sementeras  dellas, 
particularmente  en  las  tierras  mas 
frias  que  templadas,  donde  suelen 
helarse  los  maizales,  porque  las  Ha- 
bas sufren  mas  los  hielos  que  el  Maiz 
y  que  otras  muchas  legumbres ' '  {His- 
toria  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  Tomo  II,  p. 
417). 

""  Even  Cieza  says  of  the  CoUaos  in 
general :  "  Y  que  eran  viciosos  en 
otras  eostumbres  malas"  (Primera 
Parte  de  la  Cronica  del  Peru,  Cap.  c, 
p.  443).  Pedro  Pizarro  says:  "  Estos 
indios  destas  provincias  del  CoUao  es 
gente  sucia,  tocan  en  muchos  pecados 
abominables  ..."  (Belacion  del 
Bescubrimiento  y  Conquista  de  los 
Ecinos  del  Peru,  1571,  in  Vol.  V  of 
Coleccion  de  Documentos  ineditos 
para  la  Historia  de  Espana,  p.  280). 
Such  statements  could  be  easily  multi- 
plied. 

"  The  stranger,  who  remains  but  a 
short    time   among    the   Aymards,    is 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA 


35 


easily  misled  by  their  submissive 
manners,  their  cringing  ways,  and 
especially  by  their  humble  mode  of 
greeting  the  whites.  Upon  closer  ac- 
quaintance, however,  the  innate  fe- 
rocity of  character  cannot  remain 
concealed.  That  they  are,  at  this  day, 
occasional  cannibals  is  well  known 
throughout  Bolivia.  Further  on  I  may 
refer  to  several  very  recent  cases  of 
cannibalism,  not  in  one  district  only, 
but  in  various  parts  of  the  territory 
occupied  by  the  Aymara  stock. 

"  Hailstorms  are  not  only  frequent 
but  often  destructive.  The  quantity 
of  hail  that  falls  now  and  then  on 
certain  spots  of  the  shore  is  astound- 
ing. We  have  seen  it  remain  for  two 
days  after  the  storm,  completely 
whitening  the  ground  as  if  covered 
with  heavy  snow.  The  Aymara  name 
for  hail  is:  "chij-chi. " 

"^  The  combustible  most  in  use  is 
dried  animal  dung.  Where  stunted 
shrubbery  is  within  reach,  as  on  the 
Island  and  on  some  parts  of  the  Penin- 
sula of  Copacavana,  it  is  used  in  pref- 
erence to  the  repulsive  taquia,  as  the 
other  combustible  is  called.  But  at 
most  places  this  relief  is  not  at  hand. 

"  Among  the  Aymara  I  have  found 
the  same  utter  lack  of  sense  or  taste 
for  the  beautiful  or  picturesque  in 
nature  that  had  struck  me  among 
northern  Indians.  The  phenomena  of 
nature  that  fill  man  with  awe  and 
cause  him  to  tremble  for  his  chattels 
or  his  person,  are  the  only  ones  that 
affect  the  mind  of  the  Indian. 

'^  The  vicuna  and  the  guanaco  were 
both  common,  in  ancient  times,  on  the 
shores  of  the  Lake  or  rather  in  the 
districts  near  these  shores.  Among 
the  animal  bones  collected  and  sent  to 
the  Museum  by  us,  there  are  remnants 
of  both  of  these  species  of  Aucheiiia. 
In  addition  to  the  communal  hunt  or 
"chacu, "  single  hunters  pursued  the 
fleet  quadrupeds,  using  the  bolas.  or 
"Uiui. "  Cieza  says  of  the  Collao: 
' '  Desde  Ayavire  comienzan  los  Collas,  y 
lleganhastaCaracoUo.  Al  oriente  tienen 


las  montanas  de  los  Andes,  al  poniente 
las  cabezadas  de  las  sierras  nevadas 
y  las  vertientes  dellas,  que  van  a  parar 
en  la  mar  del  Sur  Sin  la  tierra  que 
ocupan  con  sus  pueblos  y  labores,  hay 
grandes  despobiados,  y  que  estan  bien 
llenos  de  ganado  silvestre"  (Primera 
Farte  de  la  Cronica  del  Peru,  Cap. 
xcix,  p.  442).  Garcilaso  de  la  Vega, 
like  Cieza  and  others,  asserts  that  the 
chacu  was  especially  an  Inca  custom  or 
institution  and  that  the  promiscuous 
hunt  of  the  auchenias  was  prohibited; 
but,  as  usual,  he  contradicts  himself.  I 
refer  to  the  following  passage:  "La 
gente  plebeya  en  general  era  pobre  de 
ganado  (sino  eran  los  Collas  que  tenian 
mucho)  y  por  tanto  padecian  necessi- 
dad  de  carne,  que  no  la  comian  sino 
de  merced  de  los  Curacas,  6  de  algun 
conejo  que  por  mucha  fiesta  matauan, 
.  .  .  Para  socorrer  esta  general  ne- 
cessidad  mandaua  el  Inca  hazer  aque- 
llas  cacerias,  y  repartir  la  carne  en 
toda  la  gente  Comun,  ..."  (Comen- 
tarios  Eeales,  Tomo  I,  f ol.  135) .  Hence 
he  confesses  that  in  the  Collao  the 
hunt  of  these  quadrupeds  was  free. 
Later  on  I  shall  refer  to  the  society 
called  ' '  Chayllpa, ' '  which  seems  to  cor- 
respond to  the  esoteric  order  of  hunt- 
ers among  the  New  Mexican  pueblos. 
One  of  their  dances  is  called  the 
' '  chacu-ayllu, "  or  "  chokela ' '  and  is 
a  ceremony  recalling  their  ancient 
communal  hunts.  Pedro  Pizarro  ex- 
plicitly says:  "Cada  aiio  hacian  cer- 
cos  en  que  tomaban  destas  vicunas  y 
guanacos  y  las  tresquilaban  para  la 
lana  para  hacer  ropa  para  los  senores, 
y  las  reses  que  morian  hacianlas  ce- 
cina  muy  delgada  secandola  al  Sol 
sin  .  .  .  En  estos  despobiados  habia 
grandes  ganados  como  digo:  y  haci- 
anse  estos  cercos  por  mandado  de  los 
senores,  hallandose  ellos  presentes  al- 
gunas  veces  y  recreandose  en  ellos" 
(Eelacion  del  Descubrimiento,  p. 
280).  By  "senores,"  he  certainly 
does  not  mean  the  chiefs  of  Cuzco  ex- 
clusively. 
^  Cervus  antisiensis. 


36 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


"  The  preparation  of  this  insipid 
article  in  ancient  times  was  not  dif- 
ferent from  the  process  now  used. 
Fray  Diego  de  Mendoza  writes  as 
follows:  "Las  papas  que  en  esta  Ee- 
gion  se  dan,  son  de  las  que  se  haze  el 
Chuno,  amargas,  que  llaman  Luque 
[' '  choque, ' '  probably] .  Sacanlas  de  la 
tierra,  y  sobre  una  camada  de  paja, 
las  tienden  a  que  les  de  el  yelo, 
quando  mas  riguroso  cae  de  noche;  y 
de  dia  las  ponen  al  Sol,  por  termino 
senalado,  despues  las  cubren  de  paja, 
y  pisan  reciamente,  estrujandolas, 
luego  las  ponen  al  Sol  a  que  los  en- 
jugue    sin    dexarlas    humor    algun,    y 

quedan  de  tres  partes  la  vna 

El  Chuno  bianco,  6  moray,  de  regalo, 
lo  benefician  a  las  corrientes  de  el 
agua,  y  despues  lo  enjugan,  y  sazonan 
como  el  otro"  (Chronica  de  la  Pro- 
vincia  de  S.  Antonio  de  Los  Charcas 
del  orden  de  nfo  seraphico  P.  S. 
Francisco,  en  las  Indias  Occidentales, 
Eeyno  del  Peru,  1664,  Lib.  I,  Cap.  v, 
p.  37).  The  same,  or  very  nearly  the 
same,  process  is  used  to-day.  For  the 
common  or  black  chunu,  small  and  in- 
different-looking potatoes  are  selected ; 
for  the  white  or  "tunta, "  white  po- 
tatoes with  thin  skins  are  set  apart. 
In  case  of  the  common  chunu,  the  po- 
tatoes are  crushed;  but  in  making  the 
tunta  the  potatoes  remain  entire. 
Both  kinds  are  first  thoroughly  soaked 
and  the  black  chunu  remains  in  pools 
of  standing  water  for  a  long  time,  un- 
til it  emits  an  almost  pestilential  odor. 
They  are  next  spread  out  to  freeze, 
and  when  thoroughly  frozen,  crushed 
to  express  every  drop  of  liquid,  and 
then  dried.  The  white  tunta,  as 
stated,  is  not  crushed,  and  further- 
more it  is  washed  in  running  water. 
The  process  has  remained  substan- 
tially the  same  since  pre-Spanish 
times. 

^  ' '  Concuerdan  unos  y  otros  que  sua 
antecesores  vivia  con  poco  orden  antes 
que  los  ingas  los  senoreasen;  y  que 
por  lo  alto  de  los  cerros  tenian  sus 
pueblos   fuertes,    de   donde   se   daban 


guerra,  y  que  eran  viciosos  en  otras 
costumbres  malas"  (Cieza:  Cronica, 
Part  I,  Cap.  iii,  p.  443).  I  limit 
myself  to  this  quotation,  as  it  ex- 
presses more  or  less  what  all  other 
sources  state. 

"  I  purposely  omit  mentioning  in 
the  text  the  Uros,  a  small  group  of 
Indians  who  were  found  living  at  and 
along  the  Desaguadero  and  still  live 
in  that  vicinity.  The  language  of  the 
Uros  has  been  studied,  and  again 
quite  recently  by  Dr.  M.  Uhle  of  Ber- 
lin. Until  such  linguistic  researches 
appear  in  print  we  should  withhold 
any  opinion  in  regard  to  this  singular 
group  of  Indians,  living  as  they  do 
completely  surrounded  by  people  of 
another  linguistic  stock.  The  condi- 
tion of  the  Uros  seems  to  have  been 
the  same  in  the  sixteenth  century  as 
now,  although  they  are  considerably 
intermingled  with  Aymara  blood 
through  intermarriage.  In  the  church 
books  of  Tiahuanaco,  kindly  loaned  to 
us  by  the  parish  priest,  Father  Eseo- 
bari,  we  found  a  number  of  marriages 
with  Uro  Indians  (Libra  de  Cassados 
que  pertenese  a  este  pueblo  de  Tia- 
guanaco  comienza  a  ocho  de  henero 
de  1694.  As  MSS.  .  .  The  book  ends 
1728).  Church  records  are  very  im- 
portant, since  they  contain  the  names 
of  a  number  of  ayllus,  or  clans.  In 
three  instances  the  names  of  Uros  are 
given,  together  vdth  the  name  of  the 
clan  to  which  they  belong,  and  the 
name  of  the  village  in  which  they 
lived.  Thus,  from  Huarina,  Uros  are 
mentioned  as  belonging  to  the  ayllu 
Pocona;  from  the  Desaguadero,  the 
clan  Camana;  and  from  ChallacoUo, 
the  clan  Cuchisa.  Whether  these  clans 
were  of  the  Uro  tribe  or  Aymara  I 
am  not  able  to  say.  The  best  descrip- 
tion of  the  Uros  at  my  command  is 
by  Calancha :  *  *  Estos  son  Indies  Uros 
barbaros  sin  policia,  renegridos,  sin 
linpiega,  enemigos  de  la  comunica- 
cion,  i  nada  afectos  al  culto  de  nues- 
tra  Fe;  tienen  por  sustento  i  gran- 
geria  pescar  en  la  laguna  de  Paria 


THE  BASIN  OF  LAKE  TITICACA 


37 


quien  tiene  treynta  leguas  cle  cireun- 
ferencia  procedida  de  la  gran  laguna 
de  Chuquito  llamada  Titicaca  .... 
los  que  abitan  en  tierra,  es  en  aepul- 
turas  debajo  de  tierra  por  el  frio,  i 
quando  viven  en  la  laguna,  son  sus 
casas  sobre  barbacoas  i  enea;  vease  el 
eneuentro,  que  siendo  tierra  donde 
nieva  i  graniqa,  duerman  en  sotanos  i 
viven  en  el  agua;  los  Indios  Vros  na- 
cen,  se  crian,  viven,  en  esta  laguna 
sobre  el  agua  en  la  enea,  que  aca  Ua- 
man  totorales,  son  muy  espesos,  i 
deste  genero  de  junco  livianos,  aqui 
abitan  sin  mas  ropa  ni  cubierta  (con 
ser  tierra  muy  fria)  que  unas  esteras 
desta  enea.  Andan  alii  desnudos  6 
casi  en  carnes,  comen  muchas  vezes 
la  carne  cruda,  i  el  pescado  casi  vivo, 
i  las  raizes  desta  totora  6  enea.  No 
sienbran,     ni     tienen     labran^as  .  .  . 


Su  lengua  es  la  mas  escura,  corta  i 
baruara  de  quantas  tiene  el  Peru  toda 
gutural,  i  asi  no  se  puede  escrivir  sin 
gran  confusion  .  .  .  Sus  idolatrias 
son  adorar  al  Sol  i  a  esta  laguna, 
k  quien  azen  adoraciones  de  sumision,  i 
le  ofrecen  comidas  de  Maiz,  pero  ellos 
ensuzian  el  mismo  Dios  que  adoran 
.  .  .  son  lobos  porque  se  comen  una 
oveja  cruda,  i  traen  la  una  del  dedo 
pulgar  de  la  mano  derecha  tan  larga  i 
tan  afilada,  que  desuellan  sin  necesitar 
de  cuchillo  ..."  (Coronica  Morali- 
zada,  Tomo  I,  p.  350).  The  feuds  be- 
tween the  Quichuas  and  the  Aymaras 
and  the  tales  of  warfare  between  Za- 
paua  and  Cari,  the  former  from  the 
Peruvian  Collao  and  the  latter  from 
Chucuito,  are  too  often  reported  in 
older  sources  to  need  special  quota- 
tions here. 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


Part  II 
THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

THEIR  PHYSICAL  ASPECT  AND  GENERAL  CONDITION 


THE  shape  of  the  Island  of  Titicaca,  the  largest  of  the 
many  that  dot  the  surface  of  the  great  Lake,  has  been 
compared  to  that  of  an  elongated  toad;  and  Koati  has 
been  said  to  resemble  a  whale.  In  both  instances  the  com- 
parison is  fair.  The  longitudinal  axes  of  both  Islands  run 
from  southeast  to  northwest;  and  Titicaca  appears,  as  al- 
ready stated,  like  a  continuation  of  the  Bolivian  mainland 
of  Copacavana  in  the  direction  of  the  northwestern  end  of 
the  Lake,  near  Huancane. 

I  refer  to  the  accompanying  maps  of  these  Islands,  exe- 
cuted on  the  scale  of  2560  feet  to  the  inch,  for  an  idea  of  size 
and  form.  Although  made  with  care,  I  cannot  guarantee 
their  absolute  exactness.  The  theodolite  which  I  used  was 
not  a  first-class  instrument,  and  had  suifered  at  Llujo  from 
constant  use  among  large  deposits  of  iron  ore.^  While  sub- 
sequent surveys  will  doubtless  correct  many  defects,  I  still 
believe  my  maps  to  be  sufficient  for  the  purpose  for  which 
they  were  made,  namely,  to  illustrate  shape  and  size,  and 
especially  the  topography  in  connection  with  the  location  of 
ancient  ruins. 

Koati,  where  its  extreme  northwestern  headland  of  Uila 
Peki  (f,  of  the  adjoining  map)  approaches  the  nearest  point 
on  Titicaca,  lies  about  four  miles  east-southeast  of  the  latter. 
Koati  is  separated  from  the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana  at 
Sampaya  by  nearly  two  miles;  but  Titicaca,  as  stated,  is 

41 


42  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

only  two-thirds  of  a  mile  from  Yampupata  on  the  same 
Peninsula.  The  greatest  length  of  Titicaca,  counting  from 
the  Puncu  (28)  to  Sicuyu  (s),  is  seven  miles.  Its  greatest 
width,  from  the  beach  below  the  steep  ridge  of  Kakayo-Kena 
at  Chullun-Kayani  (15)  to  the  eastern  foot  of  Kea-Kollu 
(7),  is  not  quite  three  miles.  Koati  measures  one  and 
three  fourths  miles  in  length  and  not  over  one  half  of  a  mile 
at  its  greatest  width.  The  highest  points  on  Titicaca— 
Chullun-Kayani  and  Palla-Kasa  (11)— rise  slightly  over 
eight  hundred  feet  above  the  level  of  the  Lake,  whereas 
Uila-Ke  on  Koati  is  not  over  four  hundred  feet  high.  The 
highest  points  of  the  two  Islands  are,  respectively,  13,300 
feet  and  12,900  feet  above  the  level  of  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

The  surface  of  Titicaca  is  so  broken,  and  its  contour  so 
indented,  that  a  trip  across  the  whole  length  of  the  Island 
is  indispensable  for  obtaining  a  clear  idea  of  its  topography. 
The  '' Puncu"  is  the  landing-place  for  visitors  reaching  the 
Island  by  the  way  of  Copacavana.^  Set  ashore  there,  they 
find  themselves  at  the  foot  of  steep  slopes  covered  with  a 
stunted  vegetation,  and  traversed  laterally  by  innumerable 
terraced  garden-beds,  or  andenes.  A  trail,  rather  steep  and 
rocky,  leads  upward  to  a  denuded  crest.  Along  this  trail  a 
magnificent  panorama  gradually  unfolds.  First  of  all,  one 
finds  himself  looking  down  on  an  ancient  ruin,  the  structure 
called  Pilco-Kayma,  flanked  by  smaller  buildings  and  by 
terraces  that  sweep  around  folds  descending  to  the  beach. 
The  waters  of  the  Lake  bathe  that  beach  in  long,  dark-blue 
ripples ;  and  in  the  distance  rests  the  Island  of  Koati  with 
its  reddish  headland.  Above  the  Promontory  of  Santiago 
Huata  bristles  Illampu,  "the  crown  of  the  Andes. "^ 
Beaching  the  crest,  the  panorama  becomes  more  extensive 
and  more  varied.  To  the  right,  the  buildings  of  the  hacienda 
of  Yumani  (B)  nestle  close  to  the  rounded  top  of  a  bold 
promontory.  Far  below  the  hacienda  rise  groves  of  trees 
surrounding  the  garden  of  Yumani  and  the  so-called  '  *  Foun- 
tain of  the  Incas"  near  the  water's  edge.    Indian  houses 


N 


X 


02 


O 


.a 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI  43 

dot  undulating  slopes  in  the  north,  slopes  that  descend  ab- 
ruptly toward  the  Lake  and  rise  abruptly  to  the  top  of 
Palla-Kasa  (11),  one  of  the  two  highest  summits  of  the 
Island.  We  cross  the  crest,  and  a  view  spreads  out  as  dif- 
ferent from  the  one  described  as  shadow  from  sunlight. 
The  side  from  which  the  trail  rises  is  the  sunny  side ;  beyond 
the  crest  the  view  opens  to  the  southwest  and  south,  away 
from  the  sun.  The  distant  horizon  is  encompassed  by  the 
monotonous  shore-line  of  Peru.  The  main  Lake  expands 
like  a  sheet  of  silver  beyond  the  crest  of  Kakayo-kena,  and 
the  red  hump  of  Condor-o-ua-ua-cha-ue  (14).  At  the  foot 
of  this  long  and  narrow  promontory,  that  forms  the  south- 
western wall  of  the  Island,  lies  the  southern  Bay  of  Kona, 
scarcely  ever  ruffled  by  tempests.  From  the  trail  the  slope 
descends  toward  this  bay  in  steep  grades,  terminating  in 
narrow  strips  of  green  and  divided  by  grajdsh  ledges  of 
rock  down  to  the  water's  edge.  The  trail  runs  on  to  the 
northwest,  hugging  the  base  of  higher  points :  first,  Kuru- 
Pata  (10),  at  the  foot  of  which  opens  a  little  valley  affording 
a  glimpse  of  the  northeastern  shore,  where,  at  the  Bay  of 
Pucara,  the  conical  height  of  Kea-Kollu  (7)  rises;  further 
on,  the  twin  heights  of  "Llalli-Sivi-Pata,"  or  Santa  Bar- 
bara (12  and  9),  again  hide  the  sunny  side  from  view,  and 
the  Bay  of  Kona  and  the  long  ridge  of  Kakayo-kena  with  its 
dark  green  bottom  appear  on  the  left.  After  leaving  the 
cluster  of  huts  at  Apachinanca  (q)  the  landscape  becomes 
desolate  for  a  while ;  but  from  the  corner  of  Llalli-Sivi-Pata 
on,  the  somber  western  portions  of  the  Island  disappear  and 
the  eye  rests  with  delight  on  the  graceful  summit  of  Kea- 
Kollu,  the  bays  of  Kea  and  Challa,  and  the  inlets  of  Cliampu- 
Uaya  (20)  and  Coyani  (25).  The  slopes  are  dotted  with 
Indian  houses,  and  green  in  summer  with  cultivated  jDatches 
and  terraces  and  long  lines  of  shrubbery  growing  out  of  the 
decaying  walls  of  abandoned  andenes.  Illampu  stands  out 
beyond  the  Lake,  and  the  snowy  ranges  of  Charassani  loom 
up  in  the  north.    To  the  left  rise  the  heights  of  Challa-Pata, 


44  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

Inak-Uyn,  and  the  Calvario  (6,  5,  4).  After  we  have  turned 
the  slope  of  Inak-Uyu,  the  sandy  isthmus  of  Challa  lies  at 
our  feet,  with  the  house  of  the  hacienda  (the  hospitality  of 
which  we  enjoyed  for  so  many  months),  its  chapel,  and  some 
straw-roofed  Indian  dwellings.  That  isthmus  leads  to  the 
Peninsula  of  Uajran-Kala  (18,  19).  We  look  over  the 
handsome  Bay  of  Challa,  the  peninsula  beyond,  the  Bay  of 
Maynuani,  the  projections  of  Llaq'-aylli  and  Ye-ja-chi  (f  and 
17),  and  the  little  Islands  of  Lauassani,  Kenata  and  Chuju. 
It  is  not  a  view ;  it  is  a  relief-chart  spread  out  at  our  feet. 

To  reach,  from  Challa,  the  extreme  northwestern  point  of 
the  Island  at  Sicuyu,  the  trail  must  be  followed  along  the 
beach  by  the  once  beautiful  and,  with  all  its  decay,  attractive 
garden  (23),  to  the  Isthmus  of  Kasapata  (e)  and  its  ruins. 
Directly  north  of  it  rises  the  Peninsula  of  Llaq'-aylli.  This 
short  stretch  is  one  of  the  most  lovely  on  the  Island,  and  the 
view  from  Kasapata,  across  the  Bay  of  Maynuani,  the 
Isthmus  of  Challa,  and  beyond  the  northern  promontory  of 
Kea,  is  enchanting.  Koati  lies  in  full  view,  and  the  great 
Bolivian  Cordillera  closes  the  horizon.  Kasapata  is  the 
last  inhabited  spot  in  that  direction.  Beyond  it,  and  as 
far  as  the  crest  of  Muro-Kato  (3),  bare  rock  predominates 
on  the  slopes  descending  from  the  Calvario.  The  basin  at 
the  foot  of  what  is  called  the  ' '  Sacred  Rock, "  or  ' '  Rock  of 
the  Cat,"  Titi-Kala  (a),  is  covered  with  shrubbery.  West 
of  the  Sacred  Rock  a  green  slope  descends  to  the  northern 
Bay  of  Kona,  and  here  the  view  changes  again  to  the 
shadowy  side.  The  ridge  of  Kakayo-kena  terminates  in  a 
point  in  the  north  as  well  as  in  the  south.  The  waters  of 
the  bay  are  always  placid,  for  the  Island  of  Kochi  protects 
them.  Northwest  of  the  Sacred  Rock,  the  Promontory  of 
Ticani  (2)  terminates  the  Island.  Its  rapid  slopes  bear 
scrubby  vegetation,  except  on  the  south,  where  the  rocks  of 
Turi-turini  (41)  stand  out  in  vertical  cliffs.  The  extreme 
northwestern  projection,  Sicuyu,  is  low  and  partly  covered 
by  thickets,  and  the  view  from  it  extends  far  to  the  north- 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI  45 

west,  where  the  surface  of  the  Lake  meets  the  horizon. 
Sicuyu  is  a  forlorn  spot,  well  fitted  for  an  abode  of  the 
dead. 

Titicaca  is  perhaps  one  of  the  most  picturesque  Islands 
on  the  globe,  from  the  number  of  bays,  inlets,  promontories, 
and  bold  summits.  Besides  the  two  large  bays  of  Kona  and 
the  one  of  Challa,  the  Island  counts  along  its  shores  twenty 
larger  or  smaller  coves  and  inlets.  An  equal  number  of 
sharply  defined  mountain-tops,  rising  from  400  to  800  feet 
above  the  Lake,  give  to  its  surface  a  peculiarly  varied  as- 
pect. Hence  the  scenery  abounds  in  contrasts.  Surrounded 
by  the  magnificent  water-sheet  of  the  Lake,  in  full  view  of 
the  Andes,^  Titicaca  lacks  but  arborescent  vegetation  and 
the  presence  of  civilized  man  with  his  resources  for  com- 
fort, to  make  it  a  spot  worthy  of  being  counted  among  the 
precious  sites  on  the  earth's  surface. 

The  rocks  of  the  Island,  as  well  as  those  of  that  part  of 
the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana  that  lies  immediately  in  front 
of  it,  belong  to  the  carboniferous  series.  Seams  of  coal 
crop  out  at  various  points,  and  a  coal  mine  has  been  worked 
at  Yampupata  for  a  number  of  years.^  At  Kea  I  saw  a 
handsome  specimen  of  fossil  plants  of  the  carboniferous 
age.  The  strata  on  the  Island  are  much  tilted,  and  lifted 
up  toward  the  northwest,  as  far  as  I  could  notice.  Only  the 
long  ridge  of  Kakayo-kena  is  formed  almost  exclusively  of 
limonite,  and  that  mineral  crops  out  at  its  base  even,  in  the 
bottom  of  southern  Kona.  But  I  should  not  be  surprised  if 
other  minerals  were  found  also,  for  instance,  at  Kea-Kollu. 
The  geological  structure  of  the  Island  has  not,  to  my  know- 
ledge, been  closely  studied,  although  D'Orbigny  devoted 
some  attention  to  it.^ 

It  may  be  said  that  the  greater  portion  of  the  Island  is 
covered  with  scanty  vegetation,  scant  in  forms  and  scrubby 
in  size.  No  part  of  it  appears  completely  denuded  except 
the  northern  slopes,  from  the  vicinity  of  Challa  to  Sicuyu, 
and  even  there  only  in  places,  as  on  the  rocky  slides  between 


46  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

Kea  and  the  foot  of  Ifiak-Uyu,  to  the  summit  of  that  height 
and  its  neighbors  of  Challa-pata  and  Calvario,  and  thence 
to  Ticani.  Vertical  cliffs  rise  in  a  number  of  places;  but 
even  at  the  foot  of  rocky  slides,  in  cavities  at  the  water's 
edge,  lovely  groups  of  ferns  are  seen.  The  only  indigenous 
tree-form  is  the  kenua  {Polylepsis  racemosa),  found  in 
small  groves  and  in  few  places.  This  tree  does  not  grow  to 
any  considerable  height,  but  its  trunk  assumes  a  great  bulk 
in  the  course  of  many  years  of  growth.  At  the  garden  of 
Challa  there  is  a  very  ancient  kenua  tree,  the  diameter  of 
which  is  quite  five  feet. 

The  abundance  of  fresh  water  with  which  the  Island  is 
supplied  fosters  the  growth  of  vegetation  to  a  degree  not 
common  at  that  altitude.  Springs  are  numerous  and  the 
water  of  excellent  quality.  In  summer,  when  rains  are 
most  abundant,  lively  brooks  and  even  small  cascades 
rush  down  the  steep  declivities.  Hence,  wherever  the 
sun  can  strike  disintegrated  rock,  thus  moistened,  vegeta- 
ble germs  may  thrive  and  tiny  groups  of  plants  will  arise. 
Wherever,  on  steep  slopes,  a  thin  crust  of  soil  impinges  on 
bare  rock,  the  ''kara,"  a  tall  Yucca  or  Dasylirion-like  plant 
with  fleshy,  dentated  leaves  and  sharp  spines,  grows  in  pro- 
fusion. The  popular  Spanish  name  for  this  singular  and 
quite  abundant  vegetable  type  is  comida  de  oso  (literally, 
bear  food).  It  is  especially  abundant  on  the  northern  slopes 
of  the  Calvario  and  of  Ticani.  A  number  of  plants  grow 
upon  the  Island,  which  are  used  by  the  Indians  for  medicinal 
purposes,  or  are  known  to  them  as  having  medicinal  proper- 
ties. Mrs.  Bandelier  collected  and  sent  to  the  Museum  a 
number  of  plants,  gathered  under  the  direction  of  an  Indian 
medicine-man  on  the  Island.  The  list  appended  contains 
about  twenty  species  used  for  healing  and  for  sorcery,  two 
practices  which  are  inseparable  among  the  Indians.  Be- 
sides, there  are  some  which  the  Indians  do  not  care  to  indi- 
cate to  the  stranger.  One  of  the  most  common  and  most 
generally  used  of  these  medicinal  plants  is  the  verbena. 


Plate  X 

The  Indian  authorities  (Ilacata  and  Alcalde)  of  Challa 
on  Titicaca  Island 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI  47 

Shrubbery  grows  mostly  along  the  lines  of  abandoned 
andenes,  and  in  and  among  the  ruins.  It  forms  the  dark- 
green  lines  that  striate  the  steep  slopes  of  the  Island  and 
gives  them  a  peculiar  aspect  from  a  distance.  The  hand- 
some shrub  of  the  country,  the  red  cantuta,  is  found  at 
Pucara  (m)  and  at  several  other  places  on  declivities  facing 
the  north.  It  is  possible  that  this  beautiful  shrub  was  trans- 
planted thither  from  the  mainland  during  colonial  times. 

In  shallow  bays  like  that  of  Challa,  and  in  the  inlets  form- 
ing the  shores  of  southern  Kona,  the  useful  totora  grows  in 
a  belt  of  varying  width.  It  is  only  at  Challa  that  its  growth 
is  sufficient  to  permit  the  construction  of  balsas.  The  sup- 
ply at  Kona  is  too  small,  hence  the  Indians  of  the  hacienda 
of  Yumani  are  dependent  upon  those  of  Challa  for  the  mate- 
rial for  the  ferry  on  which  they  cross  the  Yampupata 
channel. 

Animal  life  is  by  no  means  scarce,  but  mostly  aquatic.  Of 
quadrupeds  we  have  seen  only  a  field  rat.  But  it  is  well 
known  that  a  species  of  wildcat,  called  ''titi"  (and  '*mulu- 
mulu"  on  the  flanks  of  the  Illimani),  occasionally  comes 
across  from  the  mainland.'^  On  the  Island,  raids  by  the  titi 
are  rare,  and  I  doubt  very  much  if  it  can  be  rightly  called  an 
''aquatic  feline,"  as  the  people  of  the  country  sometimes 
describe  it.^  Birds  are  abundant.  The  beautiful  ''alka- 
mari,"  known  in  the  Peruvian  Sierra  under  the  name  of 
' '  chinalinda, ' '  a  tall  buzzard  of  handsome  chestnut  plumage, 
white  breast,  and  bright  yellow  feet,  stalks  about,  and  al- 
ways in  pairs.  It  allows  the  stranger  to  approach  quite 
near  and  only  rises  to  fly  away  a  short  distance.  A  gray 
eagle  soars  along  the  shore.  Stately  gray-and-black  night- 
herons  stand  on  rocks  in  secluded  inlets.  The  Bay  of  Challa, 
especially,  is  enlivened  by  flocks  of  divers,  and  by  handsome 
chokas.  We  have  seen,  between  the  belt  of  totora  and  the 
beach,  as  many  as  thirty  divers  chasing  each  other,  together 
with  a  number  of  chokas  tranquilly  swimming  among  the 
bustling  crowd.    From  time  to  time  the  beach  was  visited  by 


48  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

a  pair  of  ' '  huallatas, "  the  stately  goose  of  the  Puna,'* 
white,  with  dark  wings— a  beautiful  bird,  and  capable  of 
domestication.^**  What  is  commonly  called  the  "cuervo,"  a 
species  of  cormorant,  is  most  abundant  on  the  small  Islands 
near  the  northern  extremity  of  Titicaca,  where  it  has  its 
nests,  and  where  hundreds  are  usually  seen  to  roost. 
The  ' '  leke-leke, "  or  ''lliclli"  {Charadrius  resplendens, 
Tschudi),^^  often  visits  the  sandy  beach  of  Challa  or 
the  marshy  bottom  of  Pucara.  Lastly,  swarms  of  small 
green  parrots  {Bolhorhynchus  andicola^^)  occasionally  ap- 
pear (to  the  detriment  of  crops)  and  fill  the  air  with  dis- 
cordant screams.  To  see  such  a  flock  suddenly  arise  from 
a  thicket  recalls  a  handful  of  emeralds  thrown  into  the  air. 

Reptiles  are  represented  by  toads,  and  by  small  lizards 
seen  on  dry  and  rocky  spots  and  among  ruins.  The  Indians 
say  that  a  large  water-snake,  over  twelve  feet  in  length  and 
of  proportionate  thickness,  which  they  call  ''yaurinka,"  fre- 
quents the  rocky  shores  of  the  southern  Bay  of  Kona.  We 
have  no  positive  evidence  of  the  existence  of  this  reptile,^^ 
nor  of  that  of  the  large  aquatic  animal  resembling  a  seal,^^ 
which,  according  to  the  belief  of  the  Indians  and  many  of 
the  white  and  mestizo  population,  exists  in  the  waters  of  the 
Lake.  It  is  interesting  to  note  the  tenacity  of  this  belief, 
which  can  be  traced  to  several  generations  and  to  a  number 
of  different  sources  having  no  possible  connection.  We  are 
reminded  by  it  of  certain  fantastic  animal  types  carved  on 
metallic  objects  from  the  Island  of  Koati,  as  well  as  of 
pottery  from  the  village  of  Ancoraymes,  on  the  eastern 
Bolivian  mainland,^^  also  of  the  ancient  wooden  goblet, 
found  at  Santa  Maria,  representing  an  Indian  spearing  a 
huge  fish. 

Fish  are  seen  often  in  the  clear  waters  of  the  Lake.  The 
Indians  of  Titicaca  are  not  much  addicted  to  fishing,  but 
we  were  told  that  as  many  as  twelve  different  kinds  of  fish 
are  found  in  the  Lake.  The  two  most  common  are  the  boga 
(Orestias)  and  the  suchis. 


>a. 


Plate  XI 

Reduced  copy  of  Indian  pictograph  (church  ritual),  from  "Boletin  de  la 
Sociedad  Geografica  de  Lima.  Vol.  V." 

Original  presented  to  that  Society  by  Don  Abel  Mendez  of  Puno,  Peru 


■n!i!l  >^  rf^  iff  j  lilflfrj^  fill  {fill -vrVvf^^^ 


i-f 


-^'^f-^o 


•n^:t^^^ 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI  49 

Insects  are  not  numerous.  A  small  spider,  with  steel- 
colored  abdomen  and  red  legs,  is  abundant  about  rocky  sites 
and  ruins.  I  saw  at  Sicuyu,  when  opening  burial  cysts,  a 
small  scorpion.  Hymenoptera  are  more  numerous,  Lepi- 
doptera  scarce,  and  limited,  so  far  as  we  saw,  to  Diurnidae  of 
the  Argyymis,  Vanessa,  and  smaller  genera.  I  would  recall 
here  the  remarkable  specimen  of  pottery  sent  to  the  Museum 
from  our  excavations  at  Kasapata,  on  which  is  a  very  good 
representation  of  a  crepuscular  moth  and  of  a  diurnal  but- 
terfly common  to  warmer  climates.  The  execution  of  the 
painting  of  these  butterflies  is  so  true  that  it  could  have 
been  done  only  from  nature ;  that  is,  by  capturing  the  speci- 
men and  spreading  it  out  after  the  manner  of  modern 
collectors.  Of  Coleoptera  we  have  seen  only  very  few  speci- 
mens. Insects  which  are  disagreeably  prominent  through 
their  intrusion  upon  man,  like  Pediculus  capitis  and  espe- 
cially Pediculus  vestimenti,  also  Pulex  irritans,  are,  to  the 
disgust  of  him  who  must  associate  with  the  Indians,  pain- 
fully abundant  on  Titicaca  Island. 

Having  already  referred,  in  the  preceding  chapter,  to  the 
climate  in  general,  I  would  beg  to  add  only  a  few  statements 
relative  to  the  physical  appearance  of  the  Island  of  Koati. 

Although  the  air-line  distance  from  the  eastern  end  of 
Koati  to  its  western  termination  is  but  one  and  three  fourths 
miles,  the  Island  is  more  than  two  miles  long,  if  the  sinuosi- 
ties of  the  crest  are  followed.  The  shape  is  that  of  a  gable- 
roof.  The  western  termination  is  a  butte  of  red  rock,  nearly 
two  hundred  feet  high,  and  the  eastern  end  is  formed  by 
similar  rocks  abruptly  terminating  over  a  low  sandy  projec- 
tion. With  the  exception  of  that  point  and  the  triangular 
low  projection  of  Uito-pampa  (e),  the  beach  all  along  is 
narrow  and  mostly  covered  with  drift  and  boulders.  The 
slopes  are  steep,  slightly  folded,  and,  on  the  north  side, 
covered  with  a  bushy  vegetation  and  rather  tall  grass. 
Along  the  crest,  single  keiiua  trees,  and  even  clusters,  are 
not    uncommon.     Wild    olive    trees    also    occur.     On    the 


50  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

whole,  Koati  has,  on  its  northern  slope,  a  better  flora  than 
Titicaca.  The  southern,  in  many  places,  never  receives 
direct  sunlight,  and  therefore  is  much  colder.  In  June 
we  noticed  thin  ice,  for  whole  days,  in  shady  recesses 
along  the  southern  shore.  The  only  source  of  fresh  water 
on  the  Island  is  a  small  spring  at  the  western  end  of  Uito- 
pampa,  and  its  supply  is  insufficient  even  for  half  a  dozen 
persons.  Hence  the  inhabitants  must  drink  the  water  of  the 
Lake,  which  is,  as  stated  before,  slightly  briny.  Animal  life 
on  Koati  is  similar  to  that  on  Titicaca,  but  less  abundant. 

While  treating  of  Koati,  I  will  briefly  describe  its  actual 
condition  (1895)  in  regard  to  population  and  products.  The 
permanent  population  of  Koati  is,  in  reality,  reduced  to 
about  twelve  or  fifteen  Aymara  Indians  of  both  sexes. 
Their  dwellings,  with  one  exception,  all  lie  on  the  southern 
or  shadowy  side  of  the  Island.  At  times,  however,  the 
Indian  population  increases  to  thirty  and  forty  through 
accessions  from  the  village  of  Sampaya  on  the  mainland,  to 
which  pueblo  the  Indians  of  Koati  belong.  The  Island  is 
owned  by  Dr.  W.  del  Carpio  of  La  Paz,  who  visits  his  prop- 
erty once  or  twice  a  year,  leaving,  at  the  time  we  visited  it— 
1895— its  management  mainly  in  the  hands  of  the  Indian 
authorities  of  Sampaya.  Intercourse  between  Koati  and  the 
mainland  is  therefore  irregular.  When  the  Indians  have  to 
go  to  the  village  or  to  Copacavana,  a  balsa  or  two  will  cross 
and  recross ;  but  if  they  have  no  cause  for  making  the  trip, 
the  visitor  on  Koati  may  remain  cut  off  from  all  the  world 
for  several  weeks.  Sometimes  even  money,  unless  offered 
in  excessive  quantities,  cannot  induce  the  Aymara  Indian  to 
confer  a  legitimate  favor. ^^ 

Culture  plants  on  Koati  are  limited  to  potatoes,  oca, 
quinua,  and  maize.  The  northern  part  of  the  Island  is  espe- 
cially adapted  to  the  cultivation  of  Indian  corn.  In  1895 
the  Indians  had  on  the  Island  some  domestic  animals,  among 
them  one  llama.  Since  then  conditions  are  somewhat  im- 
proved.   An  attempt  by  the  owner  to  plant  eucalyptus  trees 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI  51 

on  the  southern  side,  and  in  front  of  the  buildings  of  the 
hacienda,  gives  hope  for  a  favorable  result.  The  construc- 
tion of  the  building  at  a  point  as  chilly  as  the  slope  above 
Uito-pampa  appears  at  first  incomprehensible;  but  the 
proximity  of  the  mainland  and  the  convenient  landing-place, 
owing  to  shallowness  of  the  water  (which  elsewhere  around 
Koati  is  of  great  depth),  explain  the  selection. 

In  the  course  of  this  study  I  shall  again  refer  to  Koati,  but 
I  now  revert  to  the  Island  of  Titicaca,  where  the  population 
is  much  more  numerous,  the  resources  are  more  varied,  and 
the  relation  to  the  Indian  population  of  the  mainland  of 
greater  importance. 

The  Island  of  Titicaca  belongs  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
Copacavana,  hence  to  Bolivia,  in  administering  judicial  and 
ecclesiastical  matters.  Originally  the  whole  Island  was  the 
property  of  the  Garces  family  of  Puno,  in  Peru.  The  resi- 
dence of  the  owners  was  Challa.  A  number  of  years  ago  the 
southern  extremity  became  property  of  the  Bolivian  family  of 
Guarachi,  so  that  the  Island  is  now  divided  into  two  hacien- 
das, the  much  larger  one  of  Challa  belonging  to  Peruvians, 
and  the  smaller  southern  portion  owned  by  Bolivians.  The 
Island  is  permanently  inhabited  only  by  Indians,  for  the 
owners  reside  there  but  a  short  time  in  the  year.  The  local 
authorities  are  Indians,  namely,  an  alcalde  and  an  ilacata  at 
Challa,  and  another  alcalde  and  another  ilacata  at  Yumani. 
The  Indians  are  estimated  at  800,  all  told,  of  which  by  far 
the  greater  number  belong  to  the  northern  hacienda.  It 
cannot  be  said  that  there  is  a  village  on  the  Island.  There 
is  a  group  of  houses  at  Challa,  another  cluster  at  Kea  and 
on  surrounding  eminences,  a  scattered  group  at  Pucara, 
houses  here  and  there  on  the  slopes,  and  hamlets  at  Yumani 
and  Uacuyu  (22).  A  considerable  portion  of  the  soil  is,  not- 
withstanding the  steepness  of  the  slopes,  cultivated  or  at 
least  tillable,  thanks  to  the  system  of  terraced  garden-beds 
adopted  by  the  Indians  since  time  immemorial,  or  rather 
forced  upon  them  by  the  nature  of  the  ground.    There  are 


52  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

also  pasturages,  like  the  bottom  of  Pucara,  the  grassy  swell- 
ings of  Ciriapata  and  Marcuni  (g  and  19).  The  western 
portion  of  the  Island,  especially  the  long  and  elevated  ridge 
of  Kakayo-kena,  is  uninhabited,  although  patches  of  ground 
are  occasionally  cultivated  even  there. 

The  crops  raised  are :  Potatoes,  oca,  quinua,  beans  of  the 
large  and  coarse  kind  called  Jiahas,  and  a  little  maize.  Of 
the  now  neglected  gardens  I  have  already  spoken.  Potatoes 
being  the  main  staple,  the  manufacture  of  chunu  is  also  the 
chief  industry.  The  products  are  carried  on  donkeys  and 
by  carriers  as  far  as  the  Puncu,  thence  by  balsa  to  Yampu- 
pata  on  the  mainland,  and  to  Copacavana  on  the  backs  of 
donkeys  or  on  the  backs  of  men.  What  the  hacienda  of 
Challa  gives  to  its  owners  is  sometimes  carried  to  Puno  by 
balsas  in  a  three  days'  voyage;  and  what  the  Guarachi 
family  needs  at  La  Paz  is  taken  to  that  city  on  pack  animals 
from  Yampupata. 

Domestic  animals  abound  on  the  Island.  The  Indians 
have,  as  usual,  a  good  supply  of  ugly  mongrel  dogs,  which 
they  feed  as  little  as  possible.  There  are  some  domestic 
fowl,  many  donkeys,  and  occasionally  a  diminutive  mule.  A 
horse  is  sometimes  seen.  Sheep  exist  in  large  flocks. 
Vicious  and  powerful  bulls  are  used  for  ploughing  with  the 
preadamite  plough,  and  even  the  master,  much  more  the 
stranger,  is  not  safe  from  these  savage  and  treacherous 
brutes.  The  cows  are  ill  fed  and  uncared  for ;  but  still  they 
give  milk,  which  is  converted  into  a  very  fair  cheese  and 
sent  to  Puno.  A  sporadic  cat,  few  rats  and  mice,  some 
very  familiar  swine,  a  few  ducks  and  geese,  and  a  very 
ill-natured  turkey,  together  with  the  guinea-pig  (called  in 
Bolivia  ''rabbit"— co^ejo,  and  in  Peru  "cuy"),  constituted, 
during  our  stay  on  the  Island,  the  remainder  of  domesticated 
animals.  As  Pediculus  vestimenti  to  the  Indian's  garb,  and 
capitis  to  his  hair,  so  is  the  guinea-pig  to  the  Indian's 
kitchen.  These  extremely  reproductive  animals  render  ex- 
istence in  a  cooking-place  desperately  lively  for  the  unac- 


Plate  XII 

Manuel  Mamani,  one  of  the  leading  medicine-men  (Lay'ka) 
on  Titicaca  Island 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI  53 

customed  visitor.  Sleep  in  such  a  place,  with  the  many- 
hued,  rat-footed,  and  tailless  rodents  bustling  about  and 
chattering  with  their  teeth,  is  impossible,  unless  one  is  extra- 
ordinarily tired. 

Although  there  is  an  abundance  of  water-fowl,  ducks  in- 
cluded, on  and  about  the  Island  of  Titicaca,  the  Indian  does 
not  take  advantage  of  it  as  a  supply  of  meat;  but  he  fre- 
quently hunts  for  the  eggs.  The  yolk  is  green  and  the  taste 
decidedly  fishy  and  unpalatable;  but  the  Indian  relishes 
such  food.  It  is  chiefly  on  the  small  islands  near  the  north- 
western extremity  of  Titicaca  that  thousands  of  birds  roost, 
and  thither  the  Indian  goes  in  his  balsa,  returning  some- 
times with  a  full  load  of  eggs  and  also  of  young  birds. 
These  Islands  (see  map)  are  six  in  number,  the  smallest  of 
which  is  Chuju,  and  the  largest  Kochi,  or  ' '  Kuji-huata. " 
Lauassani,  which  is  the  most  eastern,  is  low  and  flat  and  has 
at  its  eastern  extremity  a  still  lower  extension,  which  fea- 
ture has  given  rise  to  the  belief  that  an  ancient  dyke  for- 
merly connected  it  with  the  main  Island.  We  could  not  find 
anything  to  support  this  belief ;  but  noticed  some  faint  ves- 
tiges of  walls  and  terraces  on  the  island  indicating  that  in 
ancient  times  it  may  have  been,  at  least  temporarily,  inhab- 
ited. 

West-northwest  of  Lauassani  lies  Kenata.  It  has  the 
shape  of  a  triangular  pyramid,  and  on  its  steep  slopes  are 
traces  of  ancient  terraces.  We  did  not  land  on  Chuju,  but 
passed  near  enough  to  be  able  to  scan  its  sides.  No  vestiges 
of  ancient  remains  could  be  seen.  Payaya,  which  is  farthest 
from  Titicaca  to  the  north,  is  low  and  flat,  like  Lauassani, 
and  we  saw  what  appeared  like  remnants  of  walls.  Koa  is 
by  far  the  tallest.  It  has  the  shape  of  a  cupola ;  slopes  are 
very  steep,  in  many  places  vertical.  On  its  eastern  side 
grottoes  have  been  washed  out  by  the  water,  and  one  of 
them  has  a  handsome  portal  with  two  openings.  Graceful 
ferns  drape  them.  One  of  these  entrances  is  the  doorway  to 
a  long  winding  passage,  the  floor  of  which  is  covered  with 


54  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

water  for  some  distance.  This  passage  has  not  yet  been 
explored,  as  the  fear  that  it  might  be  the  home  of  some 
aquatic  animal  has  deterred  every  one  from  penetrating  to 
more  than  a  hundred  feet.^^  It  is  believed  this  natural  gal- 
lery traverses  the  whole  island  and  has  an  exit  on  the  oppo- 
site western  side.  We  were  shown  the  almost  inaccessible 
cleft  where  that  exit  is  supposed  to  be.  Kochi  is  by  far  the 
largest  of  the  cluster.  We  did  not  visit  it,  owing  to  the  late 
hour  of  the  day,^^  but  we  saw  it  very  near  and  from  all 
sides.  It  appeared  bleak  and  denuded,  and  Don  Miguel 
Garces  informed  us  that  it  contained  no  vestiges  of  antiquity 
and  that  its  slopes  were  exceedingly  slippery.  It  is  near 
Koa  that,  according  to  Baluarte,  the  extraordinary  depth  of 
400  meters  (1312  feet)  is  said  to  have  been  noted.  I  do  not 
know  on  what  authority  this  statement  is  made,  but  Koa 
has  the  reputation  of  being  surrounded  by  the  deepest 
waters  of  the  Lake. 

The  lower  islets,  Lauassani  and  Payaya,  are  covered  with 
dense  shrubbery  and  abound  in  handsome  flowering  plants. 
These  islands  struck  us  as  bearing  more  abundant  and 
vigorous  vegetation  than  most  sites  on  Titicaca.  The  grass 
especially  is  rank  and  tall.  Hence  small  flocks  of  sheep  are 
sometimes  carried  to  them  and  left  to  pasture  for  months. 
They  need  no  herder  and  no  care  whatever,  feed  and  water 
being  both  abundant,  and  some  shelter  being  afforded 
either  by  the  shrubbery  or  by  the  rocks  and  cliffs. 

These  islets  are,  as  stated,  the  home  of  thousands  of 
aquatic  birds.  Koa  especially,  with  its  numerous  rocky 
shelves,  is  inhabited  by  countless  families  of  black,  slender- 
necked  cormorants.  When  we  approached  the  island,  on  the 
eastern  side,  every  ledge  and  projection  was  occupied  by 
nests  filled  with  eggs  or  with  young  birds.  Six  Indians  had 
attached  themselves  to  our  crew  for  the  purpose  of  robbing 
the  nests.  On  our  homeward  voyage  to  Challa  we  met  a 
balsa,  the  only  occupant  of  which  was  paddling  his  craft 
toward  the  Island  of  Kenata  on  a  similar  errand. 


NOTES 
THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

THEIR   PHYSICAL   ASPECT   AND  GENERAL    CONDITION 

PART  II 


*  The  group  of  ruins  called,  re- 
spectively, Condor-konona,  Kupanita, 
and  Torno  Kupana,  above  the  hacienda 
of  Llujo,  and  12,900  feet  above  the 
sea,  are  built  on  ferruginous  rock 
with  an  abundance  of  limonite,  in 
nodules  and  otherwise.  The  compass 
of  my  theodolite  became  so  much 
affected  thereby  that  I  had  to  have  it 
remagnetized  at  La  Paz.  It  was  done 
as  well  as  possible,  but  not  with  the 
accuracy  that  would  have  been  ob- 
tained elsewhere. 

*  Squier  gives  the  plan  of  an  an- 
cient edifice  through  the  remains  of 
which  the  trail  from  the  Puncu 
passed  at  this  time  (Peru,  p.  333). 
There  are  faint  vestiges  left,  but  it 
would  not  be  possible  now  to  recog- 
nize the  plan  still  obtainable  in 
Squier 's  time.  I  fear  that  my  gifted 
predecessor  occasionally  looked  at 
things  on  Titicaca  with  rather  im- 
aginative eyes;  for  instance,  the 
' '  line  of  an  ancient  road  supported 
by  terraces  of  large  stones"  (p.  335) 
cannot  be  found  any  more,  and  I 
doubt  very  much  if  it  ever  existed. 
With  these  exceptions,  his  description 
of  the  trail  across  the  Island  is  very 
good. 

^  I  borrow  this  beautiful  and  ap- 
propriate term  from  Squier    (Peru). 


The  plate  which  faces  page  268  of 
his  book  gives  a  fair  idea  of  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  mountain  as  well  as 
of  the  scenery  in  general. 

*  From  the  northern  half  of  the  Is- 
land Illimani  is  not  visible,  but  from 
the  knoll  in  front  of  the  hacienda  of 
Yumani.  I  consider  the  panorama 
from  that  spot  to  be  one  of  the 
most  magnificent  mountain  views  in 
America  or  Europe.  The  eye  em- 
braces, in  almost  a  semicircle,  the 
Cordillera  of  Charassani  as  well  as 
the  whole  of  the  Bolivian  range, 
from   Illampu  to  Illimani. 

"  The  mine  was  opened  and  worked 
by  a  Scotchman,  Mr.  Alexander  Dun, 
but  the  conditions  of  trade  and  com- 
merce were  such  that  it  had  to  be 
closed.  David  Forbes  (Report  on  the 
Geology  of  South  America,  1861,  pp. 
48,  49)  mentions  carboniferous  for- 
mations on  both  sides  of  the  Lake. 
Since  his  time  it  has  become  a  well- 
known  fact. 

•  I  have  not  at  my  command  the 
works  of  D  'Orbigny  and  Gabb  and 
hence  quote  them  from  the  essay  of 
Puente  so  often  referred  to  (E studio 
Monogrdfico  del  Lago  Titicaca,  pp. 
384,  387).  In  regard  to  the  quality 
of  the  coal  we  heard  various  opinions. 
Many  claim  that  it  is  excellent,  and 


56 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


others  declare  the  reverse.  It  has  not 
as  yet  been  fairly  tested. 

'  The  existence  of  this  wildcat  has 
been  denied,  but  we  have  abundant 
proof  of  it.  Among  others,  it  is  men- 
tioned by  Puente:  "En  los  cerros 
que  rodean  la  laguna  se  halla  el  gato 
montes,  Titi,  mas  grande  que  el  do- 
mestico,  de  color  pardo,  alistado 
como  la  piel  del  tigre  real,  que  vive 
de  la  caza  de  aves  que  le  proporciona 
el  lago"  (Estudio,  p.  387).  Further 
on  I  shall  refer  to  the  connection  of 
that  animal  with  some  traditions  re- 
garding the  Island. 

*  If,  as  Puente  states  (see  note 
7),  the  titi  feeds  also  on  water- 
fowl, it  would  account  for  the  belief 
that  it  is  amphibious,  a  statement 
which  was  gravely  repeated  in  the  La 
Paz  newspapers  in  1895. 

"  Chloephaga  melanoptera,  or  Ber- 
nicla  melanoptera.  In  the  Peruvian 
Sierra  it  is  called  "huaehua. "  We 
found  this  beautiful  bird  also  at  the 
foot  of  the  glaciers  of  lUimani,  in 
altitudes  exceeding  13,000  feet. 

"  There  are  two  domesticated  hua- 
llatas  at  Uacuyu,  a  group  of  buildings 
above  the  hacienda  of  Yumani. 

"Pera,  Vol.  II,  p.  100. 

^^  Professor  W.  Nation.  See  Puente, 
Estudio,  p.  374. 

"  Fray  Andres  de  S.  Nicolas 
(Imogen  de  N:S:  de  Copacabana) 
mentions  a  belief,  that  the  shrine  on 
Titieaca  was  guarded  by  large  snakes. 
Cobo  (Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV, 
p.  62)  states:  "Contaban  los  indios 
viejos  que  era  guardado  ese  santuario 
por  una  sierpe  6  culebra  grande;  y 
pudo  ser  haberles  hecho  el  Demonio 
ese  engano  para  cebarlos  mas  en  el 
que  les  hacia  en  lo  principal;  mas,  lo 
que  yo  entiendo,  es  que  el  decir  que 
cercaba  toda  la  isla  una  culebra 
entendieron,  y  se  debe  entender,  por 
el  agua  de  la  laguna  que  cine  la  isla, 
la  cual  en  los  dias  claros  retocada  con 
los  rayos  del  Sol,  hace  que  en  la 
playa  las  olas  parezcan  culebras  pin- 
tadas  de  varios  y  diversos  colores. " 


This  effect  of  light  is  often  seen  on 
the  Lake  and  from  the  Island. 

"  The  usual  description  recalls  a 
sea-cow.  Don  Miguel  Garces  has  in 
his  collection  a  tooth  supposed  to 
have  been  taken  from  the  dead  body 
of  such  a  creature,  found  in  some  re- 
mote corner  of  the  beach  near  Copa- 
cavana.  There  lives  at  Challa  an  In- 
dian who  lost  his  mind  upon  seeing 
the  animal  on  the  beach.  Very  large 
Siluridae  are  known  to  exist  else- 
where. I  refer  among  others  to  the 
enormous  specimen  caught  years  ago 
in  the  Lake  of  Neuchatel,  in  Switzer- 
land. It  is  very  curious  that  nearly 
all  those  who  have  seen  the  myste- 
rious beast  have  noticed  it  on  the 
beach,  asleep.  Upon  being  aroused 
it  plunged  into  the  water  and  disap- 
peared. Those  that  were  seen  at 
Tiquina  in  the  month  of  May  of 
1895  were  described  to  us  as  follows: 
Length  about  twelve  feet,  head  like 
that  of  a  bear  with  a  tuft  of  hair  of 
moderate  length  (not  a  mane,  as  has 
been  stated),  body  covered  with  short 
and  smooth  hair  of  a  coffee-brown 
color.  The  animal  approached  the 
shore  toward  evening,  and  was  neither 
shy  nor  savage.  At  Huarina  I  was 
told  by  the  principal  inhabitants  that 
whole  families  of  these  animals  have 
been  seen  in  sheltered  coves,  sunning 
themselves,  and  that  it  was  well 
known  to  the  Indians  and  older  in- 
habitants. Several  apparitions  of  the 
mysterious  creature  on  the  beach,  at 
diverse  places,  but  always  about  the 
peninsulas  of  Copacavana  and  Santi- 
ago Huata,  have  been  related  to  us 
by  parties  having  no  connection  with 
each  other. 

^  I  allude  to  the  heads  forming 
handles  of  goblets  or  pitchers,  mostly 
painted,  which  we  obtained  chiefly 
from  the  singular  site  of  Kea-Kollu 
Chico  (1),  and  more  particularly  to 
the  three  pieces  of  gold-leaf  in  the 
shape  of  two-legged  animals,  obtained 
at  Koati.  The  latter  may  be  anything 
from  a  hippopotamus  to  a  condor. 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


57 


^^  Years  ago  Koati  was  inhabited 
by  two  parties  who  exposed  them- 
selves to  the  grave  suspicion  of  mak- 
ing counterfeit  money.  When,  how- 
ever, Bolivian  troops  were  sent  to 
search  the  Island  for  proof,  nothing 
could  be  found.  The  craft  that 
landed  the  detachment,  returned  to 
some  remote  point  on  the  mainland; 
and  the  little  band  of  soldiers  with 
their  officers  found  themselves  in  the 
worst  of  plights.  There  was  no  food 
on  Koati  and  no  way  of  getting  out 
of  the  Island.  At  last  it  became  pos- 
sible to  communicate  with  the  shore 
and  to  secure  relief. 

"  It  was  at  Koa  that,  about  sixty 
years  ago,  an  Indian  saw,  asleep  on 
rocks  in  the  grotto,  a  beast  resem- 
bling a  cow.    The  sight  so  frightened 


him  that  he  did  not  venture  to 
awaken  the  creature,  but  he  saw  it 
near  enough  to  describe  its  shape  and 
color;  and  both  agree  with  the  de- 
scription by  parties  who  claim  to 
have  seen  the  animal  at  Tiquina  and 
within  six  feet  of  the  beach. 

"  It  was  in  June  that  we  were 
finally  enabled  to  visit  the  smaller 
islands.  The  positive  orders  of 
Miguel  Garces  to  have  a  balsa  ready 
for  us  at  any  time  were  utterly  dis- 
obeyed, by  his  own  manager  of  the 
property  as  well  as  by  the  Indians. 
It  was  only  when,  through  the  kind- 
ness of  Garces  and  of  Don  Abel  Men- 
dez,  we  obtained  a  handwheel-boat  at 
Puno,  that  we  were  able  to  make  the 
voyage. 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA 


03 


o 

o 


PI 

Pi 


Part  III 
THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA 


FEW,  if  any,  of  the  present  inhabitants  of  the  Island  of 
Titicaca  are  direct  descendants  of  the  Indians  who 
occupied  it  at  the  time  of  the  conquest.  After  Pizarro  had 
established  himself  at  Cuzco  in  the  latter  part  of  1533,  he 
sent,  early  in  December  of  that  year,  two  Spaniards  to  recon- 
noiter  the  Lake  region,  of  which  he  had  already  heard. ^ 
The  two  scouts  remained  absent  forty  days  and  returned 
with  the  following  information : 

'  *  The  two  Christians  that  were  sent  to  see  the  province  of 
the  Collao  delayed  forty  days  on  their  journey,  from  which 
they  returned  to  the  city  of  Cuzco,  where  the  Governor  was. 
They  gave  him  an  account  and  report  of  everything  they 
had  learned  and  seen,  as  will  be  related  below.  The  country 
of  the  Collao  is  distant,  and  far  away  from  the  ocean,  so 
much  so,  that  the  natives  inhabiting  it  have  no  knowledge  of 
it  (the  sea).  The  land  is  very  high,  somewhat  level  and, 
besides,  unusually  cold.  There  are  no  trees,  nor  is  there  any 
firewood,  and  what  of  the  latter  they  may  use,  is  gotten  by 
them  in  exchange  of  goods  with  those  who  dwell  near  the 
sea  called  Ingri,  and  reside  also  along  the  rivers  in  the  low- 
land, where  the  country  is  warm;  and  tliey  have  firewood. 
From  these  they  obtain  it  against  sheep  and  other  animals 
and  vegetables ;  for  the  rest  of  the  country  is  sterile,  so  that 
all  sustain  themselves  on  roots  of  plants,  on  herbs,  maize, 
and  some  little  meat.  There  are  in  this  province  of  the 
Collao  many  sheep,  but  the  people  are  so  submissive  to  the 

61 


62  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

lord  to  whom  they  owe  obedience  that,  without  his  permis- 
sion or  that  of  the  principals  or  governors  that  are  in  the 
country  by  his  command,  none  are  killed,  and  not  even  the 
lords  and  caciques  venture  to  slaughter  and  eat  any,  unless 
it  be  with  his  license.  The  country  is  well  settled  because  it 
is  not  destroyed  through  war  as  are  the  other  provinces. 
Their  settlements  are  of  moderate  size  and  the  houses 
small,  with  walls  of  stone  coated  with  earth  (clay),  and 
thatched  with  straw.  The  grass  that  grows  in  that  coun- 
try is  sparse  and  short.  There  are  a  few  streams,  but 
small  ones. 

' '  In  the  middle  of  the  province  is  a  big  lake  about  a  hun- 
dred leagues  in  size  nearly,  and  around  this  lake  is  the  most 
peopled  country.  In  the  center  of  the  lake  are  two  small 
islands,  in  one  of  which  is  a  mosque  temple  and  house  of  the 
sun,  which  is  held  in  great  veneration,  and  in  it  they  go  to 
present  their  offerings  and  perform  their  sacrifices  on  a 
large  stone  that  is  on  the  island,  called  Thichicasa,  which, 
either  because  the  devil  conceals  himself  there  and  speaks  to 
them,  or  because  it  is  an  ancient  custom  as  it  is,  or  for  some 
other  reason  that  has  never  been  found  out,  they  of  the 
whole  province  hold  in  great  esteem  and  offer  to  it  gold  and 
silver.  There  are  [on  this  Island]  more  than  six  hundred 
Indian  attendants  of  this  place,  and  more  than  a  thousand 
women,  who  manufacture  Chicca  [chicha]  to  throw  it  on 
this  rock. ' '  ^ 

After  this  first  hasty  visit  by  the  Spaniards  (either  late 
in  December,  1533,  or  in  the  first  days  of  January,  1534),  it 
is  not  impossible  that  Titicaca  as  well  as  Koati  were  aban- 
doned by  the  Indians  of  Inca  descent.^  Cieza  states :  '  *  On 
large  islands  that  are  in  the  lake  they  (the  Indians  living 
on  the  shore)  plant  their  crops  and  keep  their  valuables, 
holding  them  to  be  safer  there  than  in  the  villages  along  the 
road. ' '     This  was  in  1549,  fifteen  years  after  the  first  visit.* 

"What  transpired  during  these  fifteen  years  is  vaguely  in- 
dicated by  various  sources.     Thus  the  name  of  the  first 


•73 

c6 


M     w 


PI 

'3 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       63 

Spaniard  who  visited  the  Island  is  given  as  Illescas,  an 
officer  of  Pizarro.^  It  is  not  clear,  however,  if  Illescas  was 
one  of  the  first  two  explorers  or  whether  he  commanded  a 
larger  party  sent  afterward  to  seize  the  gold  and  silver  sup- 
posed to  have  accumulated  on  the  Island/  A  modern 
source,  claiming  to  base  on  the  earliest  manuscript  informa- 
tion, asserts  that  a  visit  to  Copacavana  was  made  by  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro  in  1536,  and  that,  on  that  occasion,  the  Indians 
were  apportioned  according  to  the  system  of  *'Enco- 
miendas.""^  If  any  reliance  could  be  placed  on  the  source 
alluded  to,  Diego  de  Illescas  would  have  been  at  Copacavana 
in  1536,  in  company  with  Belalcazar  and  Pedro  Anzurez  de 
Campo-redondo,  but  it  is  well  known  that  Belalcazar  was  in 
Ecuador  at  the  time,  and  that  Anzurez  returned  to  South 
America  in  1538!^ 

In  1536  the  Spaniards  were  blockaded  at  Cuzco  by  the 
Indians  for  ten  months.  Hence,  while  it  might  be  barely 
possible  that  a  small  detachment  had  stayed  on  the  Lake, 
cut  off  from  communication  with  Gonzalo  and  Hernando 
Pizarro,  but  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Aymara  Indians,  it 
is  very  doubtful.  No  mention  is  made  of  it  in  any  contempo- 
raneous document  at  my  command.^ 

A  work  of  considerable  importance  on  Peruvian  antiqui- 
ties, but  written  more  than  a  century  after  the  conquest,  by 
the  Jesuit  Father  Bernabe  Cobo,  contains  the  statement  that 
Francisco  Pizarro  sent  three  Spaniards  to  the  Lake  to  visit 
the  Island  and  take  from  it  a  statue,  half  gold  and  half 
silver,  which  they  are  said  to  have  brought  to  Cuzco. ^^  If 
this  is  true,  it  must  have  happened  subsequent  to  the  first 
visit,  else  it  would  have  been  alluded  to  in  the  report  from 
1534.  Nevertlieless,  Cobo  favors  the  (then  general)  belief 
that  the  main  ceremonial  objects  were,  upon  the  coming  of 
the  Spaniards,  concealed  or  thrown  into  the  Lake.  The 
Augustine  Fray  Alonzo  Ramos,  who  was  a  resident  of  Copa- 
cavana at  the  same  time  as  Cobo,  but  wrote  fully  thirty 
years  before  him,  states :  "  To  what  we  have  already  said 


64  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

about  [the  temple  of]  Titicaca  we  shall  add  that  it  was  the 
most  frequented  one  in  the  realm  and  with  great  riches, 
which,  according  to  common  belief,  the  Indians  threw  into 
the  Lake  when  the  first  Spaniards  entered  the  Island  with 
the  captain  Illescas."^^  Vizcarra  affirms  in  regard  to  the 
Island  of  Koati:  ''And  when  the  Captains  Alzures  [An- 
zures]  and  the  Illescas,  with  the  Franciscan  Fathers,  came 
to  the  peninsula  [Copacavana],  although  they  attempted  it 
in  1536,  they  could  not  reach  it  [Koati]  from  lack  of  time, 
and  because  they  thought  it  was,  as  well  as  that  of  the  sun 
[Titicaca],  deserted  and  waste. "^^  After  the  blockade  of 
Cuzco  had  been  raised  and  the  bloody  dissensions  between 
Almagro  and  Pizarro  terminated  through  the  death  of  the 
former,  Francisco  Pizarro  himself  came  to  Cuzco  in  1538,^^ 
while  his  brothers  Hernando  and  Gonzalo  invaded  the  CoUao 
with  the  avowed  intention,  says  the  treasurer  Manuel  de  Es- 
pinall,  of  going  to  an  island  called  "Titicacao,"  said  to  con- 
tain much  gold  and  silver.^^  Their  attempt  seems  to  have 
failed,  for  the  younger  Almagro,  in  his  accusation  against  Pi- 
zarro (1541)  accuses  Hernando  Pizarro  of  an  attempt  to  hunt 
for  the  treasure  in  the  Lake,  in  which  attempt  ten  Spaniards 
were  drowned !  ^^  It  shows  that  five  years  after  the  first  visit 
the  gold  and  silver  believed  to  have  existed  at  the  shrines  of 
Titicaca  and  Koati  were  already  looked  for  in  the  waters  of 
the  lagune  and  not  any  more  on  the  Islands.  I  am  loath  to 
admit  as  yet  that  any  visit  was  made  to  the  Islands  between 
1534  and  1538,  and  incline  to  the  belief  (until  otherwise  in- 
formed) that  the  Quichua  attendants  of  the  shrines,  after 
secreting  the  principal  fetishes,  abandoned  both  isles,  the 
Aymara  Indians  alone  remaining.  What  the  first  Spanish 
explorers  of  Titicaca  reported  on  the  numbers  of  its  Indian 
occupants  (1600)  must  be  taken  with  due  reserve.^^ 

It  appears,  therefore,  that  the  Islands  were  occupied,  as  a 
place  of  worship  mainly,  at  the  time  of  the  conquest,  and 
long  previous,  but  that  a  part  of  the  population  abandoned 
it  very  soon  after  the  first  visit  by  the  Spaniards.    Informa- 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       65 

tion  concerning  the  Island  from  times  anterior  to  1533  rests, 
of  course,  exclusively  on  tradition. 

In  1550  Pedro  de  Cieza  finished  the  first  part  of  his  valu- 
able Cronica  del  Peru,  in  which  he  mentions  folklore  to  the 
effect  that  "white  men"  with  long  and  flowing  beards  had 
"once  upon  a  time"  inhabited  Titicaca  and  were  ex- 
terminated by  (Aymara)  Indians  from  the  CoUao,^'^  A 
contemporary  of  Cieza,  and,  like  him,  a  soldier— Pedro  Gu- 
tierrez de  Santa  Clara— has  preserved  what  he  claims  to 
be  genuine  Indian  lore,  according  to  which  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Island,  many  centuries  prior  to  the  sixteenth,  invaded 
the  mainland  and  established  themselves  at  Hatun-Colla, 
near  Puno.  According  to  the  same  source,  the  Inca  tribe 
were  originally  Islanders  and  made  war  on  the  people  of 
Cuzco,  which  warfare  began  about  in  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury.^ ^  I  merely  allude  here  to  these  very  uncertain  tales, 
having  to  treat  of  them  in  another  chapter  of  this  mono- 
graph and  with  greater  detail.  The  same  is  the  case  with 
the  (much  better  founded)  statements  concerning  the  occu- 
pation of  the  Island  by  the  Inca,  in  the  latter  half  of  the 
fifteenth  ^^  century,  which  will  be  discussed  in  the  archaeo- 
logical sections.  Suffice  it  to  mention  here  that  at  the  time 
when  the  Inca  first  visited  the  Island  they  found  it  inhabited 
by  Aymara  of  the  Lupaca  branch,  or  rather,  who  spoke  the 
Lupaca  dialect  of  the  Aymara  idiom.  It  seems  that  these 
were  partly  driven  to  the  mainland,  while  some  Quichua  and 
a  number  of  women  established  themselves,  or  were  estab- 
lished, around  the  shrine  and  at  other  sites,  chiefly  for  cere- 
monial purposes.2^ 

After  the  Spaniards  had  become  complete  masters  of 
northern  Bolivia,  in  1538,  it  becomes  difficult  to  trace  the 
condition  of  the  Island  until  the  end  of  the  century.  On  the 
map  made  by  order  of  the  Viceroy  Don  Francisco  de  Toledo 
in  1573  (herewith  published)  the  "Embarcadero,"  or  place 
where  people  from  the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana  were  wont 
to  embark  in  order  to  cross  over  to  Titicaca  Island,  is  indi- 


66  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

cated ;  hence  it  may  be  the  Island  was  inhabited  at  the  time. 
From  the  same  time  (1571-1574)  Juan  Lopez  de  Velasco, 
cosmographer  royal,  conveys  the  information  (obtained  at 
second  or  third  hand)  that  in  the  "great  lagune  of  Chucuito, 
in  the  language  of  the  Indians  Titicaca,"  there  are  "many 
islands  peopled  by  natives,  who  navigate  it  in  their  canoes 
and  plant  their  crops  on  the  islands,  and  keep  in  them, 
guarded  as  in  a  stronghold,  the  most  precious  things  they 
have ;  and  so,  anciently,  in  the  time  of  the  Incas,  there  was 
a  temple  of  the  sun,  great  and  very  rich. ' '  While  the  Count 
de  la  Gomera  was  Governor  of  Chucuito  (end  of  the  sixteenth 
and  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century)  he  caused  "all 
the  uncultured  Indians  to  be  removed  from  the  islands.  "^^ 
Whether  this  measure  was  limited  to  the  islands  in  the 
vicinity  of  Chucuito  or  whether  it  was  also  extended  to  Titi- 
caca  and  Koati  is  not  certain.  At  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 
century  the  Dominican  Fray  Gregorio  Garcia,  a  resident  of 
Peru  and  Bolivia  for  a  number  of  years,  describes  the 
islands  as  deserted,  which  might  indicate  that  they  were  de- 
populated under  pressure  of  official  measures.^^  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Augustine  Antonio  de  la  Calancha,  about 
thirty  years  later,  published:  "On  the  islands  which  its 
archipelago  embraces,  and  especially  on  the  largest  one  of 
Titicaca,  there  are  great  numbers  of  Indians,  either  as  fugi- 
tives from  the  Doctrine,  or  on  account  of  being  troubled  by 
the  Corregidores  and  Caciques,  or  as  fishermen  for  their 
own  sustenance,  and  not  a  few  of  them  in  order  to  continue 
in  their  idolatrous  practices.  "^^  Thus,  although  the  Island 
may  have  been  abandoned  for  a  number  of  years,  at  the 
close  of  the  sixteenth  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  it  was  reoccupied  afterward  by  Indians,  but 
there  seem  not  to  have  been  any  white  settlers  on  it  until  the 
eighteenth  century,  or  perhaps  later.  I  have  as  yet  been 
unable  to  find  out  if  the  Island  was  inhabited  at  the  time  of 
the  great  uprising  of  1780. 

The  historical  notices  presented  above  are  meager,  but 


03 


ai 

PI 


'T3 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       67 

they  indicate  that  few,  if  any,  direct  descendants  of  the 
Indians  who  occupied  Titicaca  in  the  early  part  of  the  six- 
teenth century  can  be  looked  for  on  the  Island  to-day. 
While  the  great  majority  of  the  Islanders  are  to-day  Aymara 
by  language,  and  regard  themselves  as  such,  it  is  not  un- 
likely that  Quichua,  even  Uro,  and  perhaps  Chachapoyas 
elements  ^^  are  mixed  with  them,  and  the  statement  of  the 
actual  owners  of  Titicaca,  that  its  present  Indian  popula- 
tion is  of  comparatively  modern  origin  and  has  settled  on 
it  from  various  places,  should  not  be  lost  sight  of. 

While  the  women  on  the  Island  are  usually  of  the  low 
stature  of  other  female  Indians,  there  are  among  them  some 
of  middle  height  and  more  slender  than,  for  instance,  the 
Pueblo  Indian  women  of  New  Mexico.  Among  the  men 
there  are  some  tall  and  well  formed  figures,  with  pleasant 
faces;  many  are  of  low  stature  and  have  sinister  counte- 
nances. It  is  not  unusual  to  meet  an  Indian  with  a  remarkably 
low  forehead  and  abnormally  elongated  skull.  It  is  known 
that  flattening  of  the  forehead  was  carried  on  for  at  least 
half  a  century  after  the  Spanish  authorities  had  perempto- 
rily forbidden  the  practice.^^ 

The  Indians,  not  only  of  this  Island  but  of  the  Puna  in 
general,  are  rather  a  hardy  race.  Nevertheless,  diseases  are 
as  frequent  among  them  as  among  ourselves.  With  us,  care 
is  taken  to  keep  the  upper  extremities  of  the  body  cool  and 
the  feet  especially  warm.  The  Aymara  Indian  goes  bare- 
footed, trudges  for  hours,  nay  for  whole  days,  in  the  ice-cold 
waters  of  the  Lake  up  to  the  knees,  while  on  the  head  he 
carries  a  pointed  woolen  cap  with  ear-laps  drawn  down,  and 
a  hat  over  that  cap.  Over  his  shirt  or  jacket  he  wears  a 
poncho,  more  or  less  thick  and  more  or  less  ragged  and 
dirty,  that  reaches,  when  very  long,  as  far  as  the  knees. 
Thus  only  the  upper  part  of  the  body  is  protected  and  the 
feet  are  bare.  It  is  true  that  their  feet  gradually  obtain  a 
natural  protection  through  the  skin  being  thickened  and 
hardened  by  constant  exposure.    Usually,  the  Indian  wears 


68  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

a  sandal  of  leather.^*^  Shoes  or  gaiters  are  worn  only  on 
festive  occasions  and  are  quite  clumsy.  The  soles  are  about 
an  inch  in  thickness,  the  heels  three  inches  high,  the  uppers 
thick,  often  decorated  with  painted  rivets  and  strings,  and 
in  the  soles  are  ponderous  nails  with  rounded  heads.  This 
festive  foot-gear  of  the  Aymara  presents  a  striking  but  not 
graceful  appearance. 

The  Aymara  of  Titicaca,  and  probably  the  whole  tribe, 
suffer  from  colds,  coughs  and  lung  diseases.^'^  Protracted 
exposure  to  the  cold  waters,  such  as  a  long  voyage  on  the 
Lake  during  stormy  weather  in  an  unprotected  balsa,  pro- 
duces sometimes  an  ailment  which  we  successfully  cured 
with  nitrate  of  potash.^^  Skin  diseases  we  found  to  be 
common  on  the  Island.  During  our  stay  Mrs.  Bandelier 
was  besieged  by  men,  women,  and  children  begging  for  re- 
lief from  what  they  erroneously  call  itch.  All  our  supply  of 
Peruvian  balsam  became  exhausted,  for,  if  applied  together 
with  sulphur,  the  treatment  was  invariably  successful.  This 
contagious  disease  began  to  show  itself  at  the  end  of  Janu- 
ary, and  by  the  middle  of  March  over  thirty  of  both  sexes 
and  all  ages  had  been  cured.  It  is  certain  that  smallpox  and 
measles  occur,  although  we  had  no  cases  during  our  stay 
there.  It  is  equally  true  that  the  former,  especially,  makes 
the  same  havoc  among  the  Indians  of  Titicaca  as  among 
northern  tribes.  A  number  of  less  dangerous  diseases  have 
come  under  our  observation  and  have  usually  yielded  to  the 
contents  of  our  medicine  chest,  specially  prepared  at  Lima. 
From  consumption  down  to  toothache,  nearly  the  entire 
scale  has  been  represented.^^  A  very  common  ailment  is 
indigestion,  produced  by  a  happy  combination  of  coarse 
food  and  excess  of  alcoholic  liquids.  Beside  exposure  to 
cold  and  moisture,  the  mode  of  living  is  the  chief  cause  of 
the  ailments  to  which  these  people  are  subjected.  Their 
houses  are  mostly  of  stone,  the  more  or  less  shaped  blocks 
being  laid  in  common  adobe  mud.^**  They  are  usually  of 
one  room  only,  and  I  noticed  the  same  distribution  of  the 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       69 

home  into  three  buildings  or  more,  which  I  had  previously- 
noted  among  the  Indians  of  central  and  southern  Mexico.^  ^ 
A  residence  usually  consists  of  at  least  three  small  rectan- 
gular and  thatch-roofed  buildings,  each  with  its  door  and 
without  any  windows.  One  of  these  buildings  is  the  kitchen, 
another  is  officially  regarded  as  the  dormitory,  and  there 
are  one  or  more  storehouses.  This  arrangement  prevails  in 
the  Bolivian  as  well  as  in  the  Peruvian  Puna.  Around 
Juliaca  and  up  the  valley  toward  Ayaviri  the  numerous 
dwellings  of  the  aborigines,  each  surrounded  with  several 
outhouses  of  almost  the  same  size  and  shape,  are  scattered 
over  the  level  expanse  like  so  many  tiny  hamlets.^^ 

Living  in  close,  low,  and  usually  very  filthy  abodes  is  not 
hygienic.  Furniture  is  limited  to  the  most  primitive.  In- 
stead of  a  bedstead,  there  is  a  so-called  "gallo,"  or  bench, 
made  of  adobe.  On  this  bench  the  ponchos  of  the  inmates 
are  spread,  and  there  they  sleep,  sometimes  with  a  straw 
mat  under  the  poncho.  Not  unfrequently  the  dormitory  is 
united  with  the  cooking-place,^^  and  then  the  family  shares 
the  room  with  numerous  guinea-pigs,  domestic  fowl,  or 
dogs,  and  even  with  swine  of  tender  age.^^ 

In  the  kitchen  of  the  hacienda  buildings  at  Challa  there 
dwelt  the  '  '■  Unya-siri, ' '  or  Indian  warden  of  the  house,  with 
his  consort,  a  number  of  guinea-pigs,  two  white  rabbits,  and 
an  occasional  chicken.  Chairs  are  not  common,  but  still 
they  are  found  and  are  invariably,  as  well  as  the  tables,  of 
the  low  kind  so  common  ten  years  ago  among  the  Pueblo 
Indians  of  New  Mexico.^^ 

In  the  house  of  our  ' '  compadre ' '  at  Kea-koUu,  where  we 
spent  a  number  of  ''picturesque"  days,  a  table  had  been 
built  with  two  ponderous  stone  slabs  supporting  a  heavy 
stone  plate.  Such  a  home  is  not  without  some  attempts  at 
decoration.  The  walls  have  niches,  and  these  niches  some- 
times contain  a  carved  image  and  a  few  modest  flowers.  A 
saucer  containing  fat  stands  before  the  object  of  worship, 
and  a  burning  wick  timidly  protrudes  from  the  vessel. 


70  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

Crucifixes  are  not  rare,  although  not  generally  displayed. 
Painted  images  we  do  not  remember  to  have  seen  in  Indian 
homes  on  the  Island.^^    It  lies  so  utterly  ^ '  out  of  the  world ! ' ' 

The  valuables  of  the  Indian  are  stored,  or  hidden  away 
rather,  in  the  store-rooms,  and  it  is  more  than  indiscreet  to 
attempt  to  enter  one  of  these.  Hence  a  store-room  is  only 
known  to  us  from  the  outside,  or  as  far  as  the  casually 
opened  door  permitted,  in  which  case  one  or  more  of  the 
family  would  surely  block  the  way  as  thoroughly  as  possi- 
ble. Mistrust  is  one  of  the  leading  traits  of  Aymara  char- 
acter, a  mistrust  which  is  partly  the  consequence  of  frequent 
abuses  committed  by  political  and  ecclesiastical  authorities. 
It  is  also  due  in  part  to  the  possible  concealment,  in  such 
places,  of  objects  of  ancient  worship  and  especially  of 
sorcery.  I  would  say  here  that  the  Aymara  Indian  is  as 
mistrustful  of  his  own  people  as  he  is  of  a  stranger.^'^ 

The  kitchen  furniture  reduces  itself  to  a  hearth  of  clay, 
called  ''kere,"  provided  with  a  firehole,  and  one  or  more 
holes  on  which  to  place  cooking  vessels.  There  are  no  chim- 
neys or  flues  in  Indian  houses.^^  As  the  brushwood  is  often 
green,  or  the  substitute  of  taquia^'^  is  used,  the  dingy  place 
becomes  filled  with  a  pungent  smoke  injurious  to  the  eyes. 
The  cooking  vessels  are  of  clay  mostly  ;^^  an  iron  kettle  or 
pan  is  regarded  as  a  first-class  treasure  and  stolen  from  the 
unsophisticated  stranger  as  often  as  possible.  The  pottery 
is  not  made  on  the  Island  but  at  various  places  of  the  Puna, 
as,  for  instance,  at  Ancoraymes,  on  the  northern  shore  of 
the  Lake ;  and  it  is  bought  either  at  the  Copacavana  fairs  or 
on  an  occasional  voyage  by  balsa  to  that  village  or  to  Acha- 
cache.  It  may  be  said  that  the  kitchen  and  household  fur- 
niture of  the  Islanders,  and  inhabitants  of  the  Puna  in 
general,  display  the  same  combination  of  ancient  and  modern 
as  that  of  the  sedentary  Indians  of  the  southwestern  United 
States  and  of  Mexico,^ ^  the  preponderance  being  slightly 
in  favor  of  modern  implements.  Ancient  vessels  are  occa- 
sionally met  with,  but  they  are  seldom  well  cared  for.    It  is 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       71 

chiefly  the  larger  jars  that  are  preserved  for  the  storing  of 
grain  and  for  the  preservation  of  chicha.^^ 

The  most  important  household  utensil,  from  ancient 
times,  is  the  grinding  slab  with  its  grinder,  both  of  stone, 
called  in  common  parlance,  and  in  Peru  and  Bolivia,  the 
batdn.  Father  Cobo  says  of  this  indispensable  utensil: 
"For  grinding  their  corn  and  bread  they  have  in  their 
houses  smooth  and  broad  slabs  on  which  they  pour  out  a 
small  quantity  only,  and  when  that  is  ground,  as  much 
again.  They  grind  it  by  placing  on  this  slab  a  stone  made 
in  the  shape  of  a  half-moon,  about  two  palms  in  length  and 
one  in  width,  not  round,  but  somewhat  elongated,  with  three 
or  four  inches  of  edge.  They  take  hold  of  the  horns  with 
their  hands  and,  lowering  and  lifting  alternately  the  arms, 
move  it  edgewise  from  one  side  to  the  other  over  the  maize, 
and  by  means  of  this  labor  and  difficulty  grind  it,  as  well  as 
anything  else,  although  now  most  of  them  use  our  mills. 
This  instrument  we  have  called  batan  .  .  .  but  the  Indians 
call  it  'maray,'  naming  the  lower  stone  'callacha'  and  the 
upper  Hanay.'  "^^ 

The  batan,  whether  ancient  or  modern,  has  nothing  of  the 
elaborateness  of  the  ''metate"  used  in  Mexico  and  adjacent 
countries.  It  is  simply  a  ponderous  slab,  unadorned  and 
seldom  even  roughly  shaped.  Any  suitable  flat  rock  is 
selected  for  the  purpose,  but  by  preference  an  ancient  batan 
is  taken  from  some  neighboring  ruin.  The  crusher  is  usually 
a  small  oval  boulder,  picked  up  among  the  drift.  Whereas 
the  metate  is  worked  on  the  incline,  the  batan  is  used  in  a 
horizontal  position  and  indiscriminately  for  grinding  red 
pepper,  maize,  dried  meat,  and  quinua,  or  coffee  when  the 
latter  can  be  procured.  Mortars,  ancient  as  well  as  modern 
(the  latter  manufactured  at  Viacha  out  of  white  stone), 
some  with  pestles  and  others  with  simply  a  rounded  pebble, 
are  frequently  met  with,  and  are  used  for  grinding  herbs 
and  other  condiments.^^ 

An  Indian  kitchen  containing  the  hearth,  several  ''ga- 


72  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

los,"  pots  and  pans,  brushwood  or  taquia,  and  the  batan, 
and  occupied  by  a  number  of  human  beings,  a  colony  of 
guinea-pigs,  a  dog  or  two,  and  the  like,  is  one  of  the  most 
crowded  places  on  the  globe. 

Indian  architecture  in  the  Sierra,  hence  on  the  Island 
also,  displays  a  marked  tendency  to  exclusion  of  fresh  air. 
The  doors  are  not  only  low  but  even  the  sill  is  raised. 
Windows  there  are  none,^^  hence  light  is  excluded  as  well 
as  air,  unless  the  door  be  open.  I  must  say,  however,  that 
the  same  is  the  case  in  most  of  the  hacienda  buildings  on  the 
Puna.  The  rooms  are  much  more  spacious  than  those  in 
Indian  abodes  and  the  ceilings  higher,  but  the  windows  have 
no  panes;  they  are  closed  with  rude  shutters,  and  he  who 
must  work  during  the  day  in  these  apartments  has  to  open 
the  door  and  sit  in  the  humid  cold,  muffled  in  vicuna  blankets 
and  overshoes  (if  he  has  any),  in  order  to  be  able  to  write 
or  draw. 

The  constant  cold  prevailing  in  these  regions^®  is  the 
main  reason  for  excluding  air,  from  the  houses  of  the  abo- 
rigines as  well  as  from  those  of  the  better  classes.  Against 
this  chilly  air  there  is  no  way  of  protection,  since  there  is 
no  timber,  hence  no  clean  combustible,  in  the  land.  Both 
the  Indian  and  the  white  are  driven  out  of  the  house  into 
sunshine,  if  there  is  any,  and  as  long  as  it  lasts.  Should  it 
be  a  rainy  day,  or  at  night,  crowding  is  the  only  way  for  the 
Indian  to  obtain  warmth,  and  if  to  that  crowding  the  addi- 
tional heat  of  a  close  kitchen  can  be  added,  life  is  rendered 
at  least  supportable.  Leaving  the  door  open,  to  let  out  the 
smoke  or  from  force  of  habit,  the  Indian  family  agglomer- 
ates, either  in  the  dark  or  by  the  dim  light  of  a  rare  tallow 
dip  until  one  after  the  other  falls  asleep.  Usually  the  door 
of  the  dormitory  is  closed  at  night  but  rarely  locked,  al- 
though the  doors  of  store-rooms  are  fastened.^^  Then 
everybody  slumbers,  men,  women,  girls  and  children,  on 
' '  gallos, ' '  on  ponchos,  covered  or  uncovered,  but  never  un- 
dressed.   The  Indian  sleeps  to-day  very  much  as  Cobo  de- 


i 


c8 

I 

o 

o 
O 


,£1 


O 


!=I 


,i3 

o 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       73 

scribes  it  from  early  times :  * '  Everywhere  they  sleep  in  the 
same  clothes  in  which  they  go  about  in  the  daytime,  except 
that  the  males  take  off  the  Yacolla  and  the  women  the 
Lliclla;  and  when  they  rise  in  the  morning  all  the  dressing 
they  have  to  do  is  to  shake  and  arrange  their  hair  .  .  .  "^* 
The  dress  of  to-day  still  preserves  some  primitive  features 
with  the  addition  of  breeches  and  sometimes  a  jacket  as  well 
as  a  shirt  for  the  men,  and  of  a  chemise  and  skirts  for  the 
women.  The  ancient  costumes  are  described  as  follows: 
Cieza  de  Leon  mentions  the  pointed  caps  of  the  men,  called 
by  him  ''chucos,"^^  whereas  "lluchu"  is  the  name  now 
given  to  them  on  the  Island  and  on  the  Peninsula  of  Copa- 
cavana  as  well  as  at  La  Paz.  Cobo,  who  gives  the  most  de- 
tailed description,  but  who  wrote  nearly  a  century  after 
Cieza,  says  of  the  costume:  "Their  dress  was  simple  and 
limited  itself  to  only  two  pieces,  also  plain  and  without  lin- 
ing or  folds  (plaiting) ;  the  men  wear  below,  in  place  of 
breeches  or  underwear,  a  scarf  a  little  wider  than  the  hand 
and  thin,  and  so  tied  around  the  loins  as  to  give  an  appear- 
ance of  decency  .  .  .  this  they  call  guara,  and  only  use 
it  after  they  are  fourteen  and  fifteen  years  of  age.  Over 
the  guaras  they  put  a  vestment  without  sleeves  or  collar, 
which  they  call  uncu,  and  we  call  it  undershirt,  as  it  has 
the  cut  of  our  shirts ;  and  each  one  is  woven  separate,  since 
they  do  not,  as  we  do,  weave  large  pieces  and  then  cut  off 
from  these  for  their  garments.  The  texture  is  like  a  piece 
of  thick,  coarse  stuff,  its  width  is  three  and  a  half  palms, 
and  its  length  two  ells.  The  opening  for  the  head  and  neck 
is  left  so  that  there  be  no  need  of  cutting  it  open,  and,  once 
taken  from  the  loom,  all  that  is  required  is  to  fold  it  and 
sew  the  sides  with  the  same  thread  with  which  it  was  woven, 
just  as  one  sews  a  bag,  leaving  in  the  upper  part  of  each 
side  opening  enough  to  stick  through  the  arms.  This  garb 
commonly  reaches  as  low  as  the  knee  or  three  or  four  fingers 
(inches)  above  it. 
"The  cape  is  less  intricate.    They  make  it  of  two  pieces, 


74  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

with  a  seam  in  the  middle,  two  and  a  quarter  ells  long,  and 
one  and  three  quarter  ells  broad.  It  has  four  corners  or 
ends  like  a  mantle  or  blanket,  and  for  this  reason  we  call  it 
mantle,  but  the  name  which  the  Indian  gives  it  is  yacolla. 
They  throw  this  over  the  shoulders,  and  when  they  dance, 
work,  or  do  anything  in  which  it  might  be  an  obstacle,  they 
tie  it  with  two  ends  over  the  left  shoulder,  leaving  the  right 
arm  free.  Beneath  this  mantle  and  above  the  underwear, 
they  carry  a  bag  or  wallet  hanging  from  the  neck,  named 
chuspa,  one  palm  in  length,  more  or  less,  and  proportionately 
wide.  This  hangs  down  to  the  girdle  below  the  right  arm, 
and  the  strap  to  which  it  is  hung  passes  over  the  left 
shoulder.  This  bag  replaces  to  them  our  pockets.  This  is 
the  common  and  usual  costume  of  the  males,  arms  and  legs 
being  bare,  and  this  costume  they  make  of  wool  in  the  moun- 
tains and  of  cotton  in  the  hot  lands. "^'^ 

Of  the  female  dress  the  same  author  speaks  as  follows: 
''It  consists  of  two  mantles:  one  of  these  they  wear  like  a 
tunic  without  sleeves,  as  wide  above  as  below,  and  covering 
them  from  the  neck  to  the  feet.  There  is  no  slit  in  it  for 
putting  through  the  head,  and  they  wrap  themselves  up  in 
it  in  the  following  manner :  they  wrap  the  body  in  it  from 
under  the  arms  downwards,  and  pulling  up  the  edges  over 
the  shoulders,  they  join  and  fasten  them  with  their  pins. 
From  the  girdle  down  they  tie  and  cinch  the  body  with  a 
scarf,  broad,  thick  and  handsome,  called  chumpi.  This  tunic 
or  wrapper  is  called  anacu;  it  leaves  the  arms  free  and  naked 
and  it  remains  open  on  one  side  so  that,  although  the  edges 
overlap  a  little,  when  they  walk  they  flutter  and  open  from 
the  chumpi  or  scarf  down,  showing  part  of  the  leg  and 
thigh.  .  .  .  The  other  mantle  is  called  lliclla;  this  is  thrown 
over  the  shoulders  and,  gathering  the  edges  over  the  breast, 
they  fasten  them  by  means  of  a  pin.  These  are  their  man- 
tles or  mantillas,  which  come  down  as  far  as  half  the  limb, 
and  they  take  them  off  when  they  work  or  when  they  are  at 
home. 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       75 

**  Their  pins  with  which  they  fasten  the  dresses  are  called 
tupus,  and  they  are  very  queer  and  as  long  as  a  third  of  an 
ell  and  less,  and  the  smallest  of  half  a  span  and  as  thick  as 
small  bones.  At  the  top  they  have  a  thin  and  round  plate 
of  the  same  metal,  as  large  as  a  real  of  eight  (half  a  quarter 
or  twelve  and  a  half  cents),  more  or  less  according  to  the  size 
of  the  tupu,  with  the  edges  so  thin  and  so  sharp,  that  they 
cut  many  things  with  them.  Most  of  these  tupus  or  topos 
have  many  trinkets  of  gold  and  silver  dangling  from  the 
heads.  In  these  pins  they  place  their  greatest  pride.  An- 
ciently they  were  made  of  gold,  of  silver  and  copper ;  to-day 
the  most  of  them  are  of  silver  with  some  carvings  and  paint- 
ings on  the  heads,  made  with  special  curiosity. 

'  *  To  adorn  their  heads  consists  in  carrying  the  hair  very 
long,  washed  and  combed;  some  wear  it  loose  and  others 
plaited.  They  tie  it  with  a  ribbon,  more  or  less  as  wide  as 
a  finger,  of  many  colors  and  striking,  which  they  call  vincha, 
that  crosses  the  forehead.  On  the  head  they  put  a  piece  of 
very  fine  cumhi,  called  pampacona,  and  this  piece  of  cloth 
they  do  not  wear  its  full  width,  but  folded,  so  as  to  be  only 
one  sixth  of  an  ell  wide.  One  edge  comes  down  over  the 
forehead  and  the  other,  twisting  it  around  the  head  so  as  to 
leave  the  hair  free  on  the  sides,  falls  down  over  the  back  of 
the  neck. 

' '  On  the  chest,  from  one  shoulder  to  the  other,  they  used 
to  wear  necklaces  of  certain  beads  called  chaquiras,  which 
were  made  of  bones  and  sea  shells  of  various  colors.  They 
neither  wore  ear-pendants  nor  perforated  their  ear-laps.  "^^ 

Of  the  ancient  costumes  of  the  males,  the  pointed  cap, 
poncho  and  breech-clout  have  remained.  The  pins  and 
needles  are  also  used.^-  The  men  have  adopted,  besides 
shirt  and  jacket,  a  wide  kind  of  breeches,  open  behind  from 
the  knee  down— the  so-called  calzon,^^  known  in  Peru  also 
as  characteristic  of  the  Aymara  dress.  A  bright  colored 
scarf,  sometimes  with  striking  designs,  fastens  this  species 
of  breeches  about  the  waist,  and  the  trousers  are  turned  in- 


76  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

side  out  when  they  are  at  work  or  in  a  specially  bellicose 
mood.  Scanty  protection  of  the  lower  extremities,  careless 
and  unclean  dress,  and  the  pointed  cap  with  the  small,  nar- 
row-brimmed and  round-topped  felt  hat,  are,  for  the  men, 
the  essential  components  of  an  every-day  Aymara  costume 
on  the  Islands  as  well  as  along  the  shores  of  the  Lake  and  on 
the  Puna. 

This  costume  is  not  very  hygienic,  in  the  climate  in  which 
it  is  worn.  The  houses  are  certainly  not  hygienic,  nor  is  the 
manner  of  living.  Custom  and  habit  keep  the  Indian  in  the 
old  road  he  still  travels ;  although  improvements  have  been 
made  since  the  conquest,  not  only  in  dress  but  chiefly  in 
household  utensils  and  in  implements.  Thus  the  houses 
have  doors,  often  of  rawhide  only,  but  still  doors  made  to 
close  and  with  wooden  hinges,  some  also  with  hinges  of  iron. 
Lumber  being  an  unknown  quantity  in  the  Puna,  the  Indian 
seizes  upon  every  empty  box  in  which  the  alcohol  which  fur- 
nishes him  with  most  of  his  spiritual  nourishment  is  trans- 
ported, and  with  the  aid  of  the  few  iron  tools  he  has  either 
bought  or  stolen,  and  a  stone  as  hammer,  he  manufactures 
a  door.  Of  the  same  material  he  occasionally  makes  a  low 
table  and  perhaps  an  equally  low  stool  with  high  square 
back,  called  by  courtesy  a  chair. 

All  these  are  advances ;  and  for  their  scantiness  we  must 
not  blame  too  severely  the  Spanish  colonist  nor  the  former 
colonial  government.  I  cannot  sufficiently  insist  upon  the 
extraordinary  situation  of  the  Spanish  colonies.  Importa- 
tion was  difficult,  and  transportation  still  more,  to  the  inte- 
rior of  as  secluded  a  region  as  Bolivia  and  the  environs  of 
its  great  Lake.  Hence  advances  could  be  made  but  very, 
very  slowly.  If  the  Creole  met  with  great  obstacles,  how 
much  greater  were  they  for  the  Indian  who,  besides,  looked 
upon  every  innovation,  every  unknown  and  uncomprehended 
implement  or  source  of  comfort,  with  suspicion  and  super- 
stitious aversion. 

During  primitive  times,  the  Aymara  Indians  needed  no 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       77 

other  instrument  in  order  to  manufacture  garments  and 
dresses,  or  to  mend  them,  than  a  needle  which  they  called 
^^ciracuna,"  made  of  a  spine  (thorn)  as  long  as  half  a 
**geme"  (five  and  a  half  inches),  as  thick  as  one  of  our 
darning  needles,  perforated  at  one  end  and  very  pointed.^"* 
Copper  and  bronze  needles  ("yauri")  were  used  also.^^  To- 
day they  have,  on  the  Island  and  elsewhere,  sewing  needles, 
pack  needles,  metallic  pins,  and,  at  Sampaya  on  the  main- 
land, as  well  as  at  Copacavana,  the  sewing  machine.  The 
maul  of  stone  used  for  breaking  clods  of  the  often  very  hard 
soil  is  still  in  use;  but  the  ''chonta,"  a  first  cousin  to  the 
Mexican  ''coa,"^*^  with  a  heavy  blade  of  steel,  has  long  ago 
supplanted  the  hoe  of  stone,  copper  or  bronze.  The  wooden 
plough,  drawn  by  treacherous  bulls  (not  by  cows),  is  in 
general  use.  Knives,  forks,  spoons,  and  ladles  are  of  metal 
in  many  Indian  abodes.  Iron  axes  and  hatchets,  iron 
shovels,  and  occasionally  planes,  saws,  bits  and  augers,  are 
found  in  possession  of  the  Indians  and  they  know  how  to  use 
them.  Still  the  aborigine  yet  grasps  a  stone  in  preference 
to  a  hammer,  and  he  ties  in  preference  to  nailing. ^"^  He 
steals  modern  tools  as  diligently  as  he  can,  and  no  nail  is 
safe  from  him,  no  end  of  rope  or  leather  strap,  even  if  they 
belong  to  a  parcel  or  to  a  saddle,  and  if  the  removal  en- 
dangers the  safety  of  parcel  or  rider.  But  after  he  acquires 
such  civilized  implements  and  auxiliaries  he  does  not  take 
any  care  of  them.  The  owners  of  Challa  have  repeatedly 
given  tools  to  their  Indians.  The  latter  used  them  rather 
deftly,  but  after  a  year  or  so  the  saw  was  blunt  and  rusty, 
and  the  hatchet  had  lain  in  the  mud  so  long  that  when  a 
neighbor's  offspring  dug  it  out  of  the  mire  it  became  trans- 
formed into  a  harmless  toy.  Then  they  will  beg  or  steal 
from  a  stranger's  scanty  supply  of  tools,  to  neglect  these 
in  turn,  as  soon  as  they  have  no  immediate  use  for  them.^^ 

This  carelessness  is  exhibited  toward  everything.  The 
Indian  puts  on  a  new  shirt  and  wears  it  day  and  night  until 
it  is  a  disgusting  rag;  then  he  tries  to  get  another  one. 


78  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

Every  article  of  clothing  he  serves  in  the  same  way.  He 
likes  animals,  but  does  not  give  them  any  care.  With  very 
few  exceptions,  perhaps  not  a  single  one,  the  Indian  houses 
are  dilapidated.  Sweeping  with  a  very  unhandy  wisp  of 
ichhu-grass  is  done  mostly  on  the  day  previous  to  a  feast, 
that  is,  only  a  few  times  each  year.  The  accumulation  of 
rubbish,  it  seems,  propagates  heat.  Personal  cleanliness  is 
on  the  same  level.^^ 

In  addition  to  the  improvements  already  enumerated,  I 
have  to  mention,  as  an  advance  made  since  the  Spanish  occu- 
pation in  articles  of  household  use  and  furniture,  the  so- 
called  gallo  or  sleeping  platform  of  adobe.  In  olden  times 
the  family  slept  on  the  floor.^*^  The  tile  roof,  not  rare  on 
the  Island,  is  another  improvement. 

The  Indians  on  the  Island  are  not  serfs.  It  would  be 
more  appropriate  to  call  them  ' '  renters. ' '  In  case  of  a  sale 
they  are  not  obliged  to  remain  on  the  land.  Those  of  the 
men  who  have  lands  in  charge  for  cultivation  cannot  hire 
themselves  out  to  others  without  permission  of  the  proprie- 
tor ;  such  as  have  no  lands  in  charge  may  work  for  others, 
and  it  is  not  rare  to  find  young  men  and  boys,  from  the 
Island,  at  La  Paz  as  servants  or  hired  hands.  The  Indians 
have  no  real  estate  of  their  own,  but  occupy  sites  where 
their  houses  stand,  and  work  little  plots  and  fields  for  which 
they  pay  no  direct  rental.  The  compensation  given  the 
owners  consists  in : 

(1)  Cultivation  of  certain  arable  lands  exclusively  for  the 
benefit  of  the  owners,  or,  as  it  is  called,  for  the  "hacienda." 

(2)  Personal  attendance,  without  compensation,  at  the 
houses  of  the  owner,  either  when  they  dwell  on  the  Island 
or  at  Puno,  La  Paz,  or  elsewhere.  The  men  while  per- 
forming such  a  service  are  called,  ''pongo";  the  women, 
*'mit^ani."«i 

(3)  Other  special  services,  such  as  selling  of  the  produce 
C'Aljiri")  at  Copacavana,  guarding  the  house  (''unya- 
siri"),  herding  of  sheep  and  cheese-making.    These  services 


HUilrti  J^OJJDiJl  J 


■fR   Kfl/f^ 


Plate  XVII 

Male  and  female  Aymara  skulls  from  Titicaca  Island.     The  male 
skull  artificially  flattened 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       79 

are  not  entirely  gratuitous,  but  compensated  to  a  certain 
extent  in  products,  that  is,  in  sheep,  cheese,  milk,  and  the 
like.  Money  is  neither  received  nor  paid  except  when  some 
of  the  products  of  the  hacienda  are  sold,  in  which  case  the 
proceeds  are  received  by  the  ilacata  who  keeps  the  accounts 
for  the  owners  and  settles  with  them  and  their  "mayor- 
domo,"  or  overseer,  who  is  the  agent  of  the  proprietors  on 
the  Island,  although  in  the  case  of  Challa  he  remains  most 
of  the  time  at  Copacavana.  Yumani  has  no  mayordomo,  as 
one  of  the  owners  resides  there  during  fully  one  half  of  the 
year.  The  Indians  are  also  obliged  to  transport  the  crops  or 
products  belonging  to  the  hacienda  to  where  the  owners 
reside,  or  to  Copacavana,  which  is  the  nearest  market. 

Of  these  four  kinds  of  servitude  only  one,  that  of  pongo  or 
mit  '-ani,  may  become  vexatious.  The  pongos  alternate  every 
fortnight.  Every  fortnight  a  new  set  goes  from  the  Island 
either  to  Puno,  or  to  Copacavana  if  one  of  the  family  re- 
sides there,  or  to  La  Paz,  or  Sapahaqui,  to  attend  at  the 
houses  of  their  landlords.  This  may  become  annoying  at 
times,  since  it  may  fall  upon  one  whose  duties  would  lie 
nearer  to  home.  But  on  the  whole  the  proprietors  of  Titi- 
caca  treat  their  renters  with  a  consideration  akin  to  sacrifice 
of  their  own  interests.  This  is  especially  the  case  in  the 
working  of  the  lands  of  the  haciendas  and  in  the  gathering  of 
crops.  We  had  ample  opportunity  to  convince  ourselves  of 
how  much  the  Indians  abuse  the  negligence  of  the  owners, 
or  rather  their  careless  good  nature;  how  little  they  did 
for  the  lands  of  the  hacienda,  and  how  the  crops  raised  on 
them  were  stolen  under  the  very  eyes  of  the  overseer.  As 
for  transportation  of  products  from  the  Island,  it  is  usually 
done  by  Indians  who  are  called  to  Puno  or  other  places  of 
residence  of  the  owners,  hence  it  is  not  an  extra  duty,  prop- 
erly speaking. 

According  to  Bolivian  and  Peruvian  laws  the  Indian  is, 
at  least  in  theory,  a  citizen.'^^  Hence  he  might  vote.  Such 
an  exercise  of  the  "rights  of  a  free  and  enlightened  citizen'* 


80  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

we  have  not  had  the  pleasure  of  witnessing;  but  from  de- 
scriptions it  would  be  about  as  imposing  an  affair  as  voting 
in  many  parts  of  the  interior  of  Mexico,  where  the  Indian 
receives  for  his  patriotic  action  a  compensation  that  inevita- 
bly culminates  in  alcohol.  The  Indians  from  Titicaca  would 
have  to  vote  at  Copacavana ;  but  whether  they  exercise  this 
right  or  not,  and  under  what  pressure,  we  have  not  yet  been 
able  to  ascertain. 

Communal  tenure  of  lands  was  abolished  in  Bolivia,  but 
the  laws  remained  so  far  a  dead  letter.*^^  In  the  case  of  the 
Island,  it  is  private  property,  and  the  Indians  are  only 
renters ;  there  is  no  communal  tenure,  though  some  features 
of  it  remain.  Thus  every  year  in  autumn  (southern  hemi- 
sphere) a  distribution  of  plots  for  cultivation  is  made.  On 
Titicaca,  the  ilacata  proceeded  to  make  this  distribution,  on 
the  ninth  of  March,  1895,  among  the  Indians  pertaining  to 
the  hacienda  of  Challa.  Every  one  who  has  a  family,  or  re- 
quires land,  is  allotted  a  tract  of  tillable  soil  proportionate 
to  his  wants.  This  tract  he  cultivates  for  one  year  only. 
Then  it  is  left  to  rest  for  a  term  of  four  years,  while  he 
receives  in  exchange  a  new  plot  that  has  been  recuperating 
about  that  length  of  time.  The  rule  is  not  the  same  in  all 
localities.  There  are  districts  or  valleys  where  lands  rest 
three,  seven  or  ten  years.  It  results  from  this  that,  while 
the  surface  of  the  Island  (wherever  rocks  do  not  protrude) 
appears  to  have  been  "anciently  cultivated,"  that  cultiva- 
tion has  been  far  from  simultaneous.  Only  a  small  pro- 
portion was  tilled  at  any  given  time,  the  other  portions 
lying  idle  to  recuperate.  This  system  of  rotation  is  a 
very  ancient  one,  and  there  is  no  doubt  it  was  general  all 
over  the  Sierra  long  before  the  Cuzco  Indians  overpowered 
the  mountain  tribes.^^  The  lands  on  the  Island  may  be 
classified  as  follows,  starting  from  the  basis  that  the  entire 
real  estate  is  vested  in  owners  of  originally  Spanish  extrac- 
tion: 

CI)  Vacant  expanses  and  pasturage,*'^  the  latter  used  by 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       81 

the  flocks  of  the  hacienda,  but  the  animals  of  the  Indians 
obtaining  their  share  of  them  with  the  knowledge  and  con- 
sent of  the  owners. 

(2)  Lands  cultivated,  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  the 
proprietors,  by  the  Indians  in  common  and  without  com- 
pensation. 

(3)  Individual  plots  distributed  among  the  Indians  an- 
nually and  improved  by  them  for  their  own  benefit  without 
payment  of  rent. 

(4)  The  sites  of  the  homes  of  the  Indians  which  they 
occupy,  without  rent,  as  long  as  they  please,  or  as  long  as 
they  have  no  reason  for  abandoning  their  dwellings. 
Should  they  make  a  change,  they  can  move  to  another  site 
without  being  molested  or  compelled  to  ask  for  permission, 
as  long  as  they  do  not  inconvenience  a  neighbor  or  impinge 
on  cultivated  expanses  or  pasturages. 

Thus  the  Indian  has  on  the  Island  no  real  estate  of  his 
own,  but  he  may  exchange  the  plot  annually  allotted  to  him 
for  cultivation  for  that  of  another  Indian.^^ 

Political  jurisdiction  is  vested  in  the  Corregidor  of  Copa- 
cavana ;  and  the  courts  of  Bolivia  rule  in  matters  of  serious 
crimes.  The  curacy  of  Copacavana  is  the  ecclesiastical 
authority ;  but  the  Indians  still  maintain,  as  everywhere  on 
the  Puna  and  in  the  Sierra,  an  organization  of  their  own, 
one  handed  down  to  them  from  pre-colonial  times,  and 
which  is  based  upon  the  clan  as  a  unit.  The  clan  in  Quichua 
as  well  as  in  Aymara,  in  Peru  as  well  as  in  Bolivia,  bears 
the  name  of  ''ayllu."  It  is  the  well-known  consanguine 
cluster,  all  the  members  of  which  acknowledge  an  official 
and  traditional  relationship,  governing  themselves  inde- 
pendently of  other  clans,  while  the  tribe  is  but  a  shell,  pro- 
tecting and  holding  together  a  number  of  clans  through 
common  consent.^'^ 

The  rapid  but  irregular  expansion  of  the  sway  of  the  Inca 
tribe  of  Cuzco  did  not  modify  these  primitive  organizations 
wherever  conquered  inhabitants  were  suffered  to  remain. 


82  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

The  ayllus  remained  as  before,  as  well  as  two  larger  groups, 
each  of  which  embraced  several  clans.  These  groups  existed 
at  Cuzco  as  geographical  divisions,  called,  respectively. 
Upper  and  Lower  Cuzco— "Hanan"  and  "Hurin-Cuzco."^^ 
Under  the  names  of  ''Aran-Saya"  and  "Ma-Saya,"  analo- 
gous divisions  are  met  with  among  the  Aymara  everywhere, 
and  were  found  among  them,  together  with  the  ayllu,  by  the 
Spaniards.  At  the  present  day  the  village  of  Tiahuanaco  is 
divided  into  Aran-saya  and  Ma-saya,  the  former  embracing 
what  lies  north,  the  latter  what  lies  south,  of  the  central 
square.  In  the  older  church  books  of  Tiahuanaco  the  two 
^'sayas"  are  noticed  occasionally/,  the  ayllu  always. ^^  At 
present  the  ayllus  are  much  scattered,  not  in  consequence 
of  depopulation,  but  of  wider  dispersion  through  inter- 
course. A  number  of  Indian  families  settling  in  another 
village  became  there  an  ayllu  named  after  the  place  they 
came  from,  a  custom  also  observed  in  former  times  ;'^''  thus 
there  is  an  "Ayllu  Tiahuanaco"  at  Coni,  at  the  foot  of 
Ulimani.  The  Indians  of  Titicaca,  at  least  those  of  Challa, 
belong  (according  to  their  own  statement)  to  the  cluster  of 
Aransaya  of  Copacavana.  They  are  divided  into  two  local- 
ized clans :  the  ayllu  of  Challa  and  the  ayllu  of  Kea.  About 
the  organization  of  the  Indians  of  Yumani  I  could  not  ascer- 
tain anything  beyond  that  they  have  their  own  officers. 
They  were  even  more  reticent  than  the  Indians  of  Challa. 
Agglomeration  on  haciendas  has  been  a  disturbing  factor  in 
original  grouping  and  government.  To-day  the  owners  of 
haciendas  believe  that  they  appoint  the  Indian  functionaries 
without  consulting  the  wishes  of  their  Indians.  These 
officers  are :  An  ilacata,  an  alcalde,  and  at  least  two  campos. 
The  ilacata  represents  the  administrative  power.  He  dis- 
tributes the  lands  for  cultivation.  He  receives  the  products 
of  tracts  cultivated  for  the  benefit  of  the  owners  and  over- 
sees certain  labors  done  in  common.  The  alcalde  is  the 
executive  officer.  All  cases  of  strife,  conflict,  acts  of  vio- 
lence come  under  his  jurisdiction.    He  also  heads  the  men  in 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       83 

case  of  warfare.  So  the  former  corresponds  to  the  gov- 
ernor, the  latter  to  the  war-captain,  of  the  New  Mexico 
pueblos.  On  the  Island  these  two  principal  officers  are  ac- 
cepted rather  than  appointed  by  the  proprietor  on  or  about 
the  first  of  January  of  each  year;'^^  also  the  campos,  who 
are  subalterns  and  assistants,  watching  the  fields  and  the 
manner  in  which  they  are  attended,  the  housing  of  the  crops, 
their  transport,  the  dispatching  of  pongos,  and  the  like.  All 
these  officers  have  their  staffs  of  office,  with  silver  heads  if 
possible,  but  no  distinctive  costume. 

I  have  said  that  the  owners  accept  the  officers  proposed. 
The  natives  of  Challa  told  me  emphatically  that  there  ex- 
isted a  council  of  old  men,  and  that  this  council  proposed 
the  ilacata,  alcalde  and  campos  to  be  appointed  each  year. 
The  existence  of  such  a  body  was  denied  by  the  owners. 
Probably  both  sides  were  right,  each  from  their  own  stand- 
point. A  council  certainly  exists,  but  it  does  not  propose 
the  men  of  its  choice  directly ;  it  elects  them !  We  had  proof 
of  this  while  on  the  Island,  in  the  fact  that  the  Indians, 
among  themselves,  were  quietly  speaking  of  somebody  as 
next  ilacata,  whereas  the  owner  himself  had  not  yet 
thought  of  any  one.  In  cases  of  great  importance  a  pub- 
lic meeting  may  be  called,  at  which  even  women  have  vote 
and  voice. 

The  term  ilacata  is  an  Aymara  word,  whereas  alcalde  is 
Spanish.  We  endeavored  to  find  out  how  the  alcalde  was 
called  in  Aymara,  but  without  result.'^^  In  the  docu- 
ments concerning  the  great  Indian  uprising  of  1780  and  fol- 
lowing years,  of  which  Jose  Gabriel  Condorcanqui,  or  Tupac 
Amaru,  was  a  conspicuous  figure  in  the  beginning,  both  the 
Indian  alcaldes  and  the  ilacatas  are  mentioned.'^'^  Among 
northern  Peruvian  Indians,  the  gohernadores  seem  to  repre- 
sent the  Bolivian  ilacata.  The  alcalde  was  and  is  the  police- 
magistrate  of  his  tribe,  or  comunidad,'^^  hence  he  seems  to 
be  the  counterpart  of  the  capitan  a  guerra  of  the  pueblos  of 
New  Mexico  and  northern  Mexico;  whereas  the  campos 


84  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

are  alguaziles  or  constables,  similar  to  the  tenientes  of 
northern  village-Indians.  That  the  alcalde  is  a  leader  in 
warfare  was  plainly  shown  on  the  16th  of  March,  1895,  when 
the  Indians  along  the  Peruvian  shores  had  risen  and  were 
threatening  Copacavana.  It  was  the  alcalde  to  whom  the 
Corregidor  of  Copacavana  gave  orders  to  come  to  the  relief 
with  armed  men,  and  similar  orders  were  imparted  to  all 
the  Indian  alcaldes  within  the  jurisdiction.  The  ilacatas  re- 
mained quietly  at  home,  and  we  were  assured  that  they  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  warlike  preparations. 

With  the  intermingling  and  shifting  of  clans,  the  changes 
wrought  thereby  and  the  formation  of  new  ones,  it  is  not 
easy  now  to  detect  primitive  customs  in  regard  to  marriage, 
naming  of  children  and  interment.  It  seems  certain,  how- 
ever, that  marriage  originally  was  exogamous,  with  descent 
in  the  female  line.'^^  On  the  Island,  regular  marriage 
through  the  Church  is  officially  required,  but  the  Indians  do 
not  follow  the  precept.  Baptism  is  more  rigidly  observed, 
and  one  reason  for  this  may  be  the  greater  cheapness  of  the 
ceremony.  Marriages  are,  according  to  the  character  of 
the  parish  priest,  often  expensive.  The  complaint  raised 
against  the  clergy  on  that  score  is  unhappily  too  well  justi- 
fied. It  is  true  that  with  the  advent  of  the  Franciscans  at 
the  convent  of  Copacavana,  a  laudable  change  has  taken 
place ;  still  the  Indians  have  remained  rather  loose  in  their 
marital  relations,  and  little  punishment  is  meted  out  to  the 
unfaithful  husband  or  wife.  As  to  chastity,  the  natives  are 
like  Indians  everywhere  else,  and  like  the  population  of 
these  countries  in  general.'^^  Not  a  single  marriage  hav- 
ing been  performed  while  we  were  on  the  Islands,  we  cannot 
give  any  details  from  personal  knowledge.  We,  however, 
took  part  as  god-father  and  god-mother  in  an  Indian  bap- 
tism, which  was  carried  out  strictly  according  to  the  rules 
of  the  Church.  As  presents,  we  had  to  give  the  mother  (not 
to  the  father)  chocolate,  rice,  sugar,  two  skirts — one  for 
herself  and  another  for  the  baby— and  two  chemises  for  the 


pi 

Ah 


O 


M 


o 


M 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       85 

child.  The  father  being  the  sheep  herder  of  the  Island,  we 
were  excused  from  adding  fresh  meat  to  the  gifts,  but  made 
up  for  it  in  the  number  of  chemises. 

We  diligently  inquired  about  aboriginal  personal  names, 
but  were  invariably  told  there  were  none,  many  personal 
names  in  Aymara  having  turned  into  family  names  since 
the  conquest.'^^  That  primitive  ceremonies  are  yet  secretly 
performed,  both  at  marriage  and  at  the  birth  of  a  child,  is 
beyond  all  doubt,  for  we  have  seen  too  many  evidences  of 
the  power  sorcery  and  ancient  ceremonials  still  exert  over 
the  Indian  in  every  phase  of  life.  But  it  is  not  possible,  in  a 
single  year's  contact,  to  gain  the  confidence  of  so  reticent  a 
tribe  as  the  Aymara.  In  regard  to  burials  we  were  more 
fortunate.  In  the  first  place,  we  witnessed  at  least  a  part  of 
the  burial  of  an  adult  at  Challa ;  but  saw  only  what  can  be 
seen,  with  slight  modifications,  among  the  New  Mexico  pue- 
blos, in  church.  The  body  was  wrapped  in  ponchos;  but 
what  transpired  in  the  churchyard  while  the  body  was  being 
interred,  we  were  not  allowed  to  witness.  At  Tiahuanaco, 
however,  we  were  reliably  informed  that  when  a  child  dies, 
a  vessel  containing  water,  some  food,  and  a  small  wisp  or 
broom,  are  put  into  the  grave  with  the  body.  The  belief  is 
that  it  takes  the  soul  several  days'  travel  to  reach  heaven, 
and  that  the  broom  is  required  for  sweeping  the  road  in 
order  to  reach  the  last  resting  place.*^^  While  on  the  Island 
we  were  assured  that  on  the  death  of  an  Indian  peculiar 
ceremonies  are  performed  around  the  body,  and  that  when 
that  body  has  been  removed  from  the  house,  ashes  are 
strewn  on  the  floor  inside  the  door-sill,  and  the  house  is 
locked  from  the  outside.  After  burial  the  people  examine 
the  floor  carefully.  This  is  done  by  "old  men,"  and  seldom 
do  they  fail  to  discover  foot-prints  of  men,  women  and 
roosters.  The  former  are  looked  upon  as  prognosticating 
further  deaths  in  the  family,  and  the  latter  as  indicating  the 
presence  of  evil  spirits  whom  they  call  ^'devils/'  It  is  inter- 
esting to  compare  these  practices  with  those  in  use  among 


86  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

the  pueblos  as  well  as  with  ancient  Peruvian  customs  men- 
tioned by  early  chroniclers."^^ 

So  far  as  our  observation  goes,  organization,  marriage 
and  other  customs,  on  the  Island,  seem  to  be  like  those  we 
saw  and  heard  of  at  other  places  in  Bolivia.  There  are 
local  variations,  but  the  main  features  are  the  same.  In 
another  work  I  shall  record  data  obtained  elsewhere  in 
Bolivia,  and  that  throw  much  more  light  on  all  these  ques- 
tions. For  the  present  I  confine  myself  to  what  we  observed 
and  learned  on  the  Island  and  in  its  neighborhood. 

If  we  resume  the  foregoing,  we  find  (1)  the  same  disposi- 
tion of  buildings  constituting  the  Indian  home  as  in  central 
and  southern  Mexico;  (2)  a  degree  of  development  in  art 
and  industry  about  on  a  level  with  that  of  the  New  Mexico 
pueblos  half  a  century  ago;^"  (3)  communal  tenure  of 
lands;  (4)  a  system  of  clanship  ante-dating  Spanish  occu- 
pation, with  indications  that  the  original  gentes  may  have 
partly  disappeared,  whereas  new  clans  have  sprung  up,  tak- 
ing their  names  mainly  from  localities;  (5)  officers,  elective 
in  the  clan,  but  under  ostensible  control  of  the  government, 
and  of  the  landowners  where  the  Indians  live  on  large 
estates,  as  on  the  Island ;  these  officers  corresponding  to  the 
governor,  war-captain,  and  assistants  of  the  New  Mexico 
village;  (6)  marriage  customs,  officially  regulated  by  the 
Church.  Here  I  should  add  that  in  the  seventeenth  century 
the  ayllu  may  have  already  lost  control  of  marital  rules,^* 
marriages  becoming  indiscriminately  indogamous  and  ex- 
ogamous.  The  distribution  of  estates  depends  upon  the  will 
of  the  parents,  and  there  is  not,  as  among  the  pueblos,  as 
strict  a  division  between  what  belongs  to  the  mother  and 
what  pertains  to  the  father ;  and  yet  it  is  asserted  that  the 
wife  controls  whatever  is  housed,  or  contained  in  the  house ! 
We  noticed  that  we  never  obtained  articles  of  the  household, 
such  as  ancient  pottery  used  in  a  kitchen,  except  with  consent 
of  the  women.  (7)  Burial  rites  resembling  those  of  the  Mexi- 
can and  New  Mexico  sedentary  Indians  at  the  present  time. 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       87 

The  life  of  the  Indian  on  the  Island  is  seemingly  monoto- 
nous. Agriculture  is  his  chief  occupation.  He  plants  maize 
in  October  and  harvests  it  in  May.  Barley  is  sown  in  Janu- 
ary and  February,  and  matures  in  May  also.  Potatoes, 
which  are  the  important  staple,  are  planted  in  August  and 
September,  so  are  the  oca,  and  the  quinua,  but  early  pota- 
toes are  already  harvested  in  January  and  February, 
whereas  oca  and  quinua  can  only  be  gathered  in  May.  This 
cycle  of  crops  recurs  with  unvarying  regularity  year  in  and 
year  out,  and  this  is  the  narrow  circle  within  which  the  lead- 
ing occupations  of  the  Islanders,  and  of  the  Indians  in  gen- 
eral, are  kept  alive.  Personal  service  to  the  owners  bears 
the  same  character  of  monotonous  periodicity.  But  as  these 
duties  require  absence  from  home,  and  at  places  where  there 
is  more  to  be  seen  and  heard  (as,  for  instance.  La  Paz  and 
Puno),  the  Indian  of  Titicaca  has  become  more  wide-awake 
and  crafty,  more  malicious,  than  many  of  the  Indians  of 
other  localities  of  the  Puna ;  his  wits  are  sharper,  and  he  is 
by  no  means  the  clumsy  being  as  which  he  may  appear  at 
first  glance.  While  at  home,  little  sociability  can  be  noticed. 
They  hardly  gather  except  on  feast-days.  Life  is  much  the 
same  as  in  a  pueblo  of  New  Mexico. 

The  young  men  associate  more,  and  chiefly  at  night. 
Many  of  them,  or  of  such  as  are  married  but  still  young,  go 
on  trading  expeditions  to  Yungas,  to  the  hot  regions  beyond 
the  snowy  Illimani.^^  They  take  with  them  mules  and  don- 
keys laden  with  products,  mostly  chuiiu  and  oca,  also  barley, 
and  trade  them  off  for  coca,  coffee,  and  sweet  tropical 
fruit.  These  they  sell  either  at  Copacavana  or  on  the 
Island,  keeping  a  respectable  lot  for  themselves.  Such  trips 
furnish  food  for  discussion  at  home.  An  occasional  voyage 
to  the  eastern  Bolivian  shore,  to  buy  pottery  and  peaches, 
the  former  at  Ancoraymes,  the  latter  from  the  vicinity  of 
Sorata,  is  another  source  of  talk  outside  of  the  every-day 
treadmill.  Gossip  is  as  rank  and  rife  among  them  as  in  any 
civilized  community,  and  as  the  Aymara  Indian  is  naturally 


88  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

of  a  quarrelsome  and  rancorous  disposition,  squabbles  in 
words  and  deeds  are  not  uncommon.  For  such  dissensions 
there  is  always  ample  pretext.  When  crops  are  being  gath- 
ered, stealing  is  diligently  practiced.  They  are  as  dishonest 
towards  each  other  as  towards  the  owners  of  the  Island,  and 
we  know  of  an  instance  of  an  old  man,  who  had  to  sit  up 
night  after  night  in  the  bitterest  cold  and  in  the  open  field, 
to  guard  his  potato  crop. 

During  our  stay  we  had  occasion  to  heal  a  group  of 
Indians,  all  of  the  cluster  of  Kea,  who  had  ill-treated  each 
other  on  the  most  futile  pretexts.  But  the  great  occasion 
for  displaying  prowess  is  with  their  neighbors,  the  Indians 
of  the  hacienda  of  Yumani.  The  latter  are  as  pugnacious  as 
those  of  Challa  and,  although  much  less  numerous,  provoke 
hostilities  now  and  then  by  trespassing  upon  their  neigh- 
bors' lands.  The  results  are  regular  engagements  with 
slings  and  stones,  women  supplying  the  men  with  projec- 
tiles, which  they  carry  in  their  skirts.  A  number  are  badly 
wounded  and  now  and  then  some  are  killed,  for  the  Indian  is 
dangerously  expert  with  the  sling.  Such  engagements  end 
invariably  in  the  rout  of  the  Yumani  warriors,  but  still  they 
are  renewed  annually.  Among  the  Aymara,  hostilities  be- 
tween villages  are  common  occurrences,  and  a  number  of 
persons  are  killed  every  year  in  fights  between  pueblos  or 
haciendas,  or  on  festive  occasions. 

There  is  no  school  on  the  Island.  An  old  man,  who  speaks 
Quichua  as  well  as  Aymara,  teaches  some  of  the  children 
church  hymns  and  Catechism  in  their  own  language.  There 
is,  as  far  as  we  could  ascertain,  one  Indian,  an  old  man,  who 
is  able  to  read  and  write.  He  does  this  lying  on  the  floor, 
with  his  face  down.  His  chirography  is  as  original  as  his 
orthography  is  picturesque.  Some  of  the  Indians  still  pre- 
serve a  kind  of  picture-writing,  of  which  the  annexed  plate 
is  a  specimen.  It  is  very  difficult  to  obtain  such  pictographs. 
The  Indians  refuse  even  to  exhibit  them,  and  our  tenders  of 
money  could  not  induce  them  to  show  us  one  of  these  curious 


§ 


w 


a, 


M   c 


^  -t^ 


0 


o 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       89 

pictographs.  Their  import  is  wholly  religious ;  they  are  the 
Catechism,  and  church-prayers,  pictorially  represented. 
The  one  herewith  presented  belonged  to  Don  Abel  Mendoz 
of  Puno,  who  sent  it  to  the  Geographical  Society  at  Lima, 
and  the  copy  is  a  photolithograjDhic  publication  in  that 
society's  Bulletin.^^  Nobody  has,  as  yet,  been  able  to 
secure  a  literal  translation,  but  it  seems  certain  that  they 
all  relate  to  church  ritual  and  are  of  post-Columbian  ori- 
gin,^"* For  keeping  their  accounts  with  the  hacienda,  the 
Indians,  on  the  Island  as  well  as  on  the  flanks  of  Illimani 
and  elsewhere  in  the  Sierra,  still  use  a  simple  "quippu"  or 
knotted  string,  also  sticks  with  notches.  We  have  seen  the 
former  in  use  at  Llujo.^^ 

Councils  are  held  on  matters  of  interest  to  the  whole 
community,  but  where  and  when  we  could  not  ascertain. 
The  affairs  of  the  little  commonwealths  on  the  Island  are 
discussed,  and  Indians  are  by  no  means  indifferent  to  the 
outside  world  either.  We  noticed,  during  our  stay  among 
them  while  the  civil  war  in  Peru  was  going  on,  with  what 
interest  the  Indians  followed  the  course  of  events  and  how 
surprisingly  well  informed  they  were  of  military  move- 
ments. When  Chilian  troops  once  trespassed  on  Bolivian 
territory  and  an  invasion  of  Bolivia  by  them  was  feared,  we 
obtained  the  news  through  our  Indians  at  Challa  and  at  once 
noticed  that  the  occurrence  was  not  by  any  means  a  matter 
of  indifference  to  them.  While  the  Indian  uprising  along 
the  Peruvian  border  continued  and  negotiations  were  being 
carried  on  secretly  between  the  insurgents  and  the  Indians 
on  the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana,  we  now  and  then  noticed 
fire-signals  on  the  mainland  both  west  and  east,  and  it  was 
not  very  reassuring  to  see  a  response  flaring  up  on  the 
summit  of  Kea-Kollu,  the  most  convenient  height  for  that 
purpose  on  the  Island.  Of  sign-language  we  have,  as  yet, 
not  seen  any  trace. 

The  condition  of  the  Indian  of  the  Puna  appears  to  be 
poverty,  nay,  indigence.     One  who  arrives  on  the  great 


90  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

central  plateau  and  sees  the  Indian  trundling  along  with 
bare  feet  or  at  best  only  with  sandals,  his  body  protected  by 
a  ragged  poncho,  following  his  donkey,  as  shaggy  and  un- 
couth as  the  master,  or  a  llama;  sees  him  devouring  an 
unappetizing  meal  of  chunu  and  oca  or  roasted  beans  on 
the  road,  and  sees  the  dingy,  close,  unclean  home  where  the 
same  kind  of  meal  is  taken,  is  led  to  deplore  the  fate  of  the 
aborigine.^^  And  yet,  the  Indians  own  more  wealth  in 
money  than  many  of  the  landholders  in  Bolivia,  but  this 
money  they  hide  most  anxiously.  Frequent  spoliations, 
especially  since  the  separation  of  South  America  from 
Spain,  is  one  reason  why  the  Indian  hides  his  wealth.  He 
keeps  it  for  certain  festive  occasions,  on  which  he  lavishly 
spends  for  display  in  dances  and  in  orgies.  He  hoards  also 
for  another  purpose.  The  Indian  is  slowly  accumulating 
even  firearms.  On  the  Island,  revolvers  are  by  no  means 
rare,  neither  is  ammunition.  The  disconnected  state  of 
Indian  society,  their  segregation,  maintained  also  after  the 
Spanish  occupation,  render  an  uprising  very  improbable; 
but  should  they  ever  be  able  to  coalesce,  the  situation  of 
Bolivia  and  of  the  Peruvian  Sierra  might  become  exceed- 
ingly critical. 

These  are  the  main  reasons  why  the  Indian  is  so  ex- 
tremely anxious,  as  I  have  previously  stated,  to  secure 
money.  He  uses  it  also  as  currency  in  his  daily  transac- 
tions. But  there  is  a  substance  which  he  prizes  even  more, 
for  certain  reasons,  than  gold  or  silver,  and  this  is  coca. 
The  dried  leaves  of  Erythroxilon  Coca,  a  product  of  the 
hot  lands,  are  in  many  cases  a  greater  incentive  for  the 
Indian  to  sell  or  to  work  than  money.^'^  Such  has  been  our 
experience  elsewhere.  Coca  is,  to  the  older  men  among 
them,  more  indispensable  than  food  or  drink.  I  need  not 
treat  here  of  the  qualities  attributed  to  this  plant,  whether 
real  or  imaginary;  but  its  leaves  are,  if  not  another  cur- 
rency, like  shell-beads  among  northern  Indians,  often  a 
much  surer  resource  than  silver  or  gold.    The  use  of  coca 


0 

,a 

X 

ew 

X 

O 

to 

la 

^ 

M 

< 

ft! 

M 


M 


o 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       91 

is  more  common  and  more  widely  distributed  among 
the  male  Indians  than  it  was  before  the  time  of  Pizarro, 
because  the  coca-plant  was  then  cultivated  to  a  limited  ex- 
tent only,^^  and  the  coca-producing  regions  have  become 
more  accessible.  What  has  been  published  about  planta- 
tions of  coca  on  Titicaca  Island  for  the  benefit  of  the  Incas 
is,  at  best,  very  doubtful.^^ 

Both  money  and  coca  are  indispensable  to  the  Indians  for 
religious  purposes.  As  religious  performances  constitute 
an  important  part  of  their  exterior  life,  and  as  their  modes 
of  thinking  and  the  motives  of  their  actions  are  dependent 
upon  religious  beliefs,  I  shall  have  to  approach,  though 
timidly,  this  important  field  as  far  as  we  were  able  to 
scrutinize  it  while  on  the  Island  of  Titicaca  and  at  Copa- 
cavana. 

The  Indian  of  Bolivia  is  a  Catholic;  at  least  nominally. 
He  clings  with  utmost  tenacity  to  his  local  church  and  cer- 
tain sanctuaries,  to  the  images  they  contain,  and  to  every 
vestment  and  ornament.  This  attachment  is  manifested  in 
the  presence  of  the  stranger  and  to  any  one  who  would  en- 
deavor to  deride  or  profanate  such  objects.  But,  in  case  of 
a  general  uprising,  I  doubt  very  much  (and  in  this  I  am 
confirmed  by  the  opinion  of  reliable  parish  priests)  whether 
the  Indians  would  not  return  openly  to  a  paganism  which 
at  heart  they  still  profess  and  in  secret  actually  practise. 
The  great  Indian  rebellion  of  1781  would  have  culminated 
in  such  a  return.^*^  The  Aymani  Indian,  especially  the 
younger  generation  and  the  sorcerers,  are  fetish-worship- 
ers to-day,  while  they  follow  the  rites  of  the  church  also. 
The  latter  is  done  sincerely,  inasmuch  as  the  Indian  at- 
tributes to  these  rites  and  ceremonies  power  in  cases  when 
the  ceremonials  of  his  primitive  creed  are  powerless;  in 
other  words :  he  sincerely  believes  Catholic  rites  and  pray- 
ers to  be  ''big  medicine"  for  certain  things,  whereas  he 
still  clings  to  the  other,  and  with  still  greater  tenacity  per- 
haps.   I  can  but  repeat,  on  this  point,  what  I  have  already 


92  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

published  in  regard  to  the  tribes  of  the  southwestern  United 
States  and  of  northern  Mexico :  "  It  is  vain  to  deny  that  the 
southwestern  Indian  is  not  an  idolater  at  heart,  but  it  is 
equally  preposterous  to  assume  that  he  is  not  a  sincere 
Catholic.  Only  he  assigns  to  each  belief  a  certain  field  of 
action,  and  has  minutely  circumscribed  each  one.  He  liter- 
ally gives  to  God  what,  in  his  judgment,  belongs  to  God,  and 
to  the  devil  what  he  thinks  the  devil  is  entitled  to,  for  the 
Indian's  own  benefit.  Woe  unto  him  who  touches  his  an- 
cient idols,  but  thrice  woe  to  him  who  derides  his  church 
or  desecrates  its  ornaments.  "^^  Substituting  ''Aymara  of 
Bolivia  and  Peru"  for  ''southwestern  Indian,"  and  this 
statement  stands  as  well  for  South  America  as  for  those 
parts  of  the  northern  hemisphere  about  which  it  was 
written. 

The  Indian,  so  far  as  we  could  observe,  firmly  believes  in 
a  spiritual  being— spiritual  in  the  sense  that  it  is  invisible 
to  his  eyes — which  being  is  the  Christian  God,  ''Dios"  or 
"Dius,"  and  for  which  he  has,  at  least  on  the  Island,  no 
other  name.^^  The  Indian  professes  great  devotion  to  the 
patron  saint  of  his  chapel,  and  on  the  Island  ' '  Our  Lady  of 
the  Light,"  the  miraculous  image  of  Copacavana,  certainly 
stands  higher  in  his  estimation  than  the  invisible  *'Dius." 
He  attends  church  nearly  every  Sunday.  The  balsas  that 
cross  to  Yampupata  and  recross,  are  filled  with  men, 
women  and  children  on  Saturdays,  who  go  to  pray  at  the 
sanctuary  of  ' '  Nuestra  Senora  de  Copacavana, ' '  and  at  the 
same  time  to  sell  their  products  at  the  Sunday  fairs.  They 
make  vows,  and  discharge  the  obligations  thereby  incurred ; 
they  are  anxious  to  have  their  children  baptized;  they  sob 
and  howl  and  sigh  at  church  in  a  heartrending  manner,  and 
if  they  can  steal  a  piece  of  the  hostia,  it  will  invariably  be 
used  for  some  medicinal,  that  is,  witchcraft,  purpose.  At 
Tiahuanaco  we  were  told  that  the  Indians  believe  that 
when  a  child  dies  unbaptized  it  returns  to  the  body  of  the 
mother,   causing  it  to   swell,   a  process  which  they  call 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       93 

''limbo,"  and  to  prevent  this  they  use  the  Jiostia.  They 
confess  themselves  regularly  for  some  years,  then  again 
drop  the  ' '  habit. ' '  They  regard  God  and  the  saints  usually 
as  beneficent  or  rather  as  useful.  Certain  diseases,  how- 
ever, are  attributed  to  an  ill  wind  produced  by  God,  and 
others  to  an  ill  wind  due  to  some  saint ;  hence  the  ' '  pacha 
ayre"  and  the  "santo  ayre."^^  In  some  districts  or  vil- 
lages, no  image  of  a  saint  is  tolerated  in  their  houses,  out 
of  dread  of  that  "ill  wind"  of  the  saints.  Of  retribution 
after  death  they  have,  as  far  as  we  could  ascertain,  no  idea. 
Of  the  existence  of  evil  spirits  they  are  firmly  convinced. 
On  the  Island,  it  is  ''Supay"  who  sweeps  over  the  land  in 
the  hail-storm,  and  when  their  crops  are  destroyed  by  hail 
they  say  that  Supay  has  preyed  on  them  with  his  hordes  of 
other  fiends.  How  often  were  we,  at  night,  startled  by  the 
lugubrious  sound  of  the  ' '  Pu-tu-tu, ' '  a  cow-horn,  which  the 
Indians  blew  on  the  approach  of  clouds  threatening  hail, 
in  order  to  oblige  Supay  and  his  associates  to  take  another 
course  in  their  devastating  career.^*  At  Tiahuanaco  and 
vicinity  it  is  *  *  Anchancho "  ^^  who  plays  the  part  of  the 
spirits  of  evil,  and  when  they  fear  his  approach  in  a  threat- 
ening storm,  they  also  blow  their  pu-tu-tus  and  shout  at  the 
top  of  their  voices:  ''Pass  on,  pass  on!"  On  the  Island, 
there  seems  to  be  greater  indifference  than  on  the  mainland 
toward  some  church  practices,  as,  for  instance,  they  care 
very  little  for  an  official  blessing  of  the  crops.  Mass,  how- 
ever, is  exacted  by  them  on  the  feast  day  of  their  pa- 
tron saint.  When  the  agents  of  the  owners  of  Challa, 
through  a  very  ill-timed  measure,  attempted  to  prevent  the 
usual  celebration  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  July  of  1895, 
our  intervention  alone  prevented  a  serious  outbreak.  We 
noticed,  however,  that  it  was  more  the  opportunity  of  cele- 
brating the  day  with  dances  of  old  and  immoderate  drink- 
ing that  would  have  been  missed  than  the  religious  cere- 
mony. 

We  could  not  detect,  in  the  midst  of  the  host  of  witchcraft 


94  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

practices  and  reminiscences  of  ancient  beliefs,  any  prefer- 
ence to  a  worship  of  either  sun  or  moon.  The  definition  of 
Indian  fetishism  given  by  Mr.  Gushing  applies  also  to  the 
Aymara :  ' '  The  A-shi-wi,  or  Zunis,  suppose  the  sun,  moon, 
and  stars,  the  sky,  earth,  and  sea,  in  all  their  phenomena 
and  elements,  and  all  inanimate  objects,  as  well  as  plants, 
animals,  and  men,  to  belong  to  one  great  system  of  all- 
conscious  and  interrelated  life."^^  One  thing  struck  us, 
namely,  the  belief  that  both  sun  and  moon  were  created 
beings,  and  this  is  primitive  belief,  anterior  to  influences 
of  a  Christian  origin.^'^  What,  however,  the  Aymara  of 
the  Island  pays  particular  attention  to  are  the  ''Acha- 
chilas,"  literally  ''grandfathers,"  spirits,  dwelling  at  all 
conspicuous  places,  in  all  striking  objects,  and  who  are 
supposed  to  exert  a  constant  influence  upon  man,^^  This 
belief  in  the  "Achachilas"  is  nothing  else  but  the  fetishism 
so  well  characterized  by  Mr.  Gushing,  and  which  I  have 
traced  among  every  Indian  tribe  with  which  I  came  in  con- 
tact. 

Every  conspicuous  object  in  nature  is  believed,  by  the 
Aymara,  to  harbor  its  own  spiritual  nucleus  or  essence, 
that  plays  an  active  part  in  the  life  of  its  surroundings,  man 
included.  This  Indian  conception  may  be  illustrated  by  ex- 
amples that  came  under  our  observation.  While  we  were  at 
Ghalla,  the  Indians  received  orders  to  tear  down  some  walls 
forming  the  southern  side  of  a  court,  and  to  erect  on  the 
site  a  store-house  of  adobe.  The  first  part  of  this  work  was 
performed  without  any  ceremony,  and  this  greatly  incensed 
the  warden  or  "unya-siri"  who  happens  to  be  one  of  the 
leading  medicine-men  on  the  Island.  He  chided  the  work- 
men and  insisted  that,  in  order  to  prevent  disaster  to  the 
new  edifice,  they  should,  before  proceeding  to  demolish  the 
walls,  have  burnt  incense  in  each  of  the  four  corners ;  should 
have  prayed  (begging  forgiveness)  in  each  corner,  and 
finally,  in  the  centre,  prostrating  themselves,  kissing  the 
earth  and  looking  up  to  the  sky,  with  both  hands  raised  in 


■,-.1V^''4.-->.-i-.<>^ -.,•*•'   ■, 


f. 


IZZ  arAdI 


>fl}  io  sfiBq  RuoiTfiV  ai  nr§rfo  (sqliudO)  h'l 
id-<iiuyi(i  (I'l-id  yviuf  yjnn  mottod  o/it  Jr 


111  'rTiiJJo'[ 

..IBlal 


Plate  XXI 

Pottery  from  graves  of  AjTuara  (Chullpa)  origin  in  Various  parts  of  tlie 

Island.     The  two  vases  at  the  bottom  may  have  been  brought 

from  the  mainland,  possibly  from  Tiahuanaco 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       95 

prayer.  On  the  following  morning  the  foundations  of  the 
new  structure  were  to  be  laid,  and  for  that  purpose  they 
had,  the  night  before,  prepared  as  many  tiny  bundles  as 
there  were  corners,  and  an  extra  one  for  the  centre.  Each 
bundle  contained :  The  fetus  of  a  llama,^^  the  fetus  of  a  pig, 
a  piece  of  llama-tallow, ^"^^  leaves  of  a  plant  not  found  on  the 
Island  and  called  by  them  "  uira-ko-ua, "  and  coca  leaves. 
These  bundles  are  prepared  by  men  only,  and  at  night,  and 
the  parties  are  chosen  the  evening  before  by  the  ilacata, 
which  shows  that  this  officer  has  certain  religious  functions 
also.  When  all  the  workmen  had  gathered  on  the  site,  the 
one  who  directed  the  work,  the  maestro,  or  architect  (a  plas- 
terer from  the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana),  spread  before 
him  a  "llik'lla,"  or  square  piece  of  embroidered  cloth,  made 
like  a  poncho,  but  smaller.  Every  Indian  took  three  coca 
leaves,  arranging  them  in  the  shape  of  a  trefoil,  and  depos- 
ited them  on  the  llik'lla,  while  the  master  of  ceremonies  was 
pronouncing  the  following  prayer :  ' '  Children,  with  all  your 
heart,  put  coca  into  your  mouths  [each  took  a  mouthful  of 
coca-leaves] ;  we  must  give  to  the  virgin  earth,  but  not  with 
two  hearts;  with  one  heart  alone."  After  this  ceremony 
they  set  to  work.  In  the  afternoon  when  they  had  again 
gathered  they  all  took  off  their  hats,  and  the  director  said : 
''Children,  we  shall  ask  of  God  (Dius-at)  and  of  the  Acha- 
chila  and  the  grandmother,^*^ ^  that  no  evil  may  befall  us."^**^ 
Then  they  buried  the  bundles,  in  each  of  the  four  corners 
and  in  the  centre,  adding  to  them  "aji"  (red  pepper), 
sugar,  and  salt.  After  this  the  master  again  spoke  as  fol- 
lows :  "Let  all  of  you  together  take  coca  [they  put  coca  into 
their  mouths],  throw  coca  on  the  ground  [upon  this  they 
began  to  scatter  coca  into  the  trench  made  for  the  founda- 
tion], give  them  their  dues!"  The  old  men  responding: 
"Dius  pagarat-kat,  uauanaka!"— May  God  reward  you  for 
it,  children !  After  this  they  threw  earth  on  the  bundles.  In 
this  ceremony  the  Christian  God  and  the  fetishes  are  both 
appealed  to.     The  articles  offered  in  sacrifice  represent 


96  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

olden  as  well  as  modern  times.  Thus  the  llama-fetus  and 
llama-tallow,  the  ' '  uira-koua ' '  and  the  coca  are  ancient,  the 
others  are  modern. 

The  above  ceremony  of  invocation  and  sacrifice  is  called 
*'tincat"  (giving  the  "tinea"),  and  it  is  practised  on  almost 
every  similar  occasion.  While  we  were  excavating  at  Kasa- 
pata,  a  new  house  was  erected  near  this  site,  and  we  were 
told  that  the  same  sacrifice  had  been  performed  before  work 
was  begun.  On  the  first  day,  all  the  men  who  took  part  in  that 
'^house-raising"  wore  wreaths  of  flowers  around  their  hats 
and  caps.  AtTiahuanacowewereassuredthathouse-building 
is  a  communal  undertaking  of  the  ayllu,  or  of  those  of  its 
members  that  are  related  to  the  family  for  which  the  building 
is  erected,  and  that  the  only  compensation  for  such  assistance 
is  chicha  and  food.  The  custom  is  undoubtedly  primitive.^^^ 

Another  ceremony,  which  we  only  partly  witnessed,  how- 
ever, took  place  on  the  Island  during  the  days  of  Carnival, 
February  24th,  25th,  and  26tli  of  1895,  and  it  is  annually 
repeated.  Already  on  the  24th  preparations  were  going  on  in 
the  practice  of  the  drum  here  and  there.  On  the  following 
day,  the  Indians  of  Challa  with  the  alcalde  at  their  head 
brandishing  a  Peruvian  flag,  and  with  his  hat,  as  well  as 
those  of  most  of  the  other  participants,  wreathed  with  flow- 
ers, went  in  procession,  to  the  sound  of  drum  and  flute,  to 
the  fields  at  "Kea,"  there  to  exchange,  for  about  half  an 
hour,  throws  of  peaches  with  the  people  of  that  settlement, 
and  offer  to  the  soil  the  tinea  above  mentioned.  They 
burned  this  offering,  burying  the  ashes  in  the  fields  with 
appropriate  invocations,  and  sprinkling  the  ground  with 
alcohol  and  red  wine.  Afterward  they  dug  out  small  quan- 
tities of  whatever  fruit  had  been  raised,  which  was  taken 
home  to  be  kept  until  the  following  season.  The  idea  is,  to 
give  to  the  earth  (which  also  is  "Achachila")  a  remunera- 
tion or  compensation  for  its  favors. ^^^  The  most  instruc- 
tive examples  of  Achachila  worship  that  we  were  allowed  to 
witness  were  those  performed  previous  to  our  excavations 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       97 

for  antiquities,  and  without  which  no  such  work  is  expected 
to  be  successful.  We  had  to  go  through  this  ordeal  at  three 
different  places— on  Titicaca,  on  Koati,  and  at  Cachilaya, 
near  Chililaya,  on  the  mainland.  I  shall  limit  myself  to  a 
description  of  the  performances  on  Titicaca,  as  the  others 
showed  but  slight  variations. 

At  the  laying  of  the  corner-stone,  the  architect  or  superin- 
tendent ofiSciated,  but  for  the  ceremony  initiating  excava- 
tions a  medicine-man,  or  shaman,  was  required.  At  Challa 
we  had  the  desired  dignitary  at  the  very  house  of  the 
hacienda  and  in  the  person  of  its  unya-siri,  or  warden, 
Manuel  Mamani,  whose  portrait  accompanies  these  pages. 
He  informed  me  (my  wife  was  at  first  excluded  from  the 
deliberations,  though  afterward  she  was  permitted  to  see 
some  of  the  preliminaries)  that  the  articles  needed  for  the 
conjuration  were:  Coca,  uira-koa,  llama-tallow,  the  two 
fetuses,  a  piece  of  the  skin  of  the  "titi,"  or  wild-cat,  grape- 
brandy,  wine,  and  especially  ''mullu."  For  this  ceremony 
the  latter  is  a  fetish  of  white  alabaster  representing  a  bull 
or  cow,  and  resembling,  both  in  color  and  in  shape,  certain 
well-known  fetishes  of  New  Mexico. ^^^^  The  fetus  could 
not  be  procured,  but  the  other  substances  were  ready  on  the 
day  appointed,  and  in  the  afternoon  a  walk  was  taken  with 
theconjurertotwoof  the  places  where  we  intended  to  begin, 
Kasa-pata,  and  the  pasturages  of  Ciria-Pata  (g).  There, 
Manuel  Mamani  squatted  on  the  ground,  took  off  his  hat, 
and  greeted  the  ''Achachilas"  as  follows:  ''Good  after- 
noon, Achachilas:  Kasapata  Acliachila,  Llah'aylli  Acha- 
chila,  Chincana  Acliachila,  Calvario  Acliachila,  Santa  Maria 
Achachila,  Ciriapata  Acliachila!  We  have  greeted  all  of 
you  whom  a  viracocha  [the  common  designation  for  a  white 
stranger]  has  sent  me  to  greet;  for  him  [on  his  account]  I 
have  come,  as  he  cannot  speak  to  thee.  Forgive  me  for 
asking  of  thee  a  favor."  Then  he  took  coca,  made  two  tre- 
foils of  coca-leaves  and  placed  them  into  as  many  balls  made 
of  llama-tallow  (untu),  wine,  uira-koua,  a  piece  of  cat's  fur, 


98  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

and  mullu,  rasping  with  his  knife  from  the  alabaster  fetish. 
Then  making  two  holes  at  some  distance  from  each  other, 
he  placed  one  of  the  balls  in  each  of  them,  covering  the  hole 
with  a  stone.  This  was  an  "official  notice"  to  the  Acha- 
chilas  of  the  main  ceremony  that  was  to  take  place  the  night 
following.  Ordinarily,  this  preliminary  is  performed  the 
evening  before,  and  the  sorcerer  then  goes  to  dream  about 
the  most  eligible  spot.  The  Aymara  believes  in  dreams  as 
firmly  as  all  other  Indians;  but  in  our  case  the  dreaming 
part  was  deemed  unnecessary,  as  we  had  already  deter- 
mined upon  the  locality.  After  nightfall,  Manuel  stealthily 
crept  into  our  rooms.  Squatting ^"^  by  the  side  of  a  candle 
he  formed  twenty  balls  like  those  he  had  made  in  the  after- 
noon, with  the  addition,  however,  of  brandy.  He  also  made 
two  larger  ones,  in  the  centre  of  which  he  placed,  in  lieu  of 
the  usual  trefoil,  a  bunch  of  coca  leaves.  With  these  twenty- 
two  pellets,  the  remainder  of  a  bottle  of  brandy,  and  a  bottle 
of  red  wine,  our  procession  of  conjurers  crawled  up  to 
Kasa-pata  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  over  cliffs  and  slip- 
pery rocks,  and  with  more  than  one  tumble.  The  greatest 
care  was  taken  to  avoid  dwellings,  and  a  secluded  spot 
selected  for  the  operation.  The  medicine-man  repeated  the 
formula  of  the  afternoon  and  sprinkled  wine  and  afterward 
brandy  in  the  direction  of  each  of  the  five  Achachilas  named, 
saying:  "All  thy  presents  I  have  now  brought."  With  this, 
he  counted  out  the  twenty  balls  one  by  one,  each  being 
counted  as  a  quintal,  or  hundredweight,^*^''  and  adding: 
"Thou  hast  to  give  me  with  all  thy  heart."  Then  a  fire 
was  built,  and  the  twenty  balls  were  placed  on  it.  Manuel 
threw  into  the  flames  a  substance  which  he  refused  to  show 
us  and  which  caused  the  fire  to  spit  and  to  crackle.  At  this 
sound  everybody  had  to  run  off  a  short  distance  while  he 
exclaimed : ' '  The  Achachilas  are  eating ! ' '  After  the  fire  had 
gone  out  he  returned  to  the  place  and  covered  it  with  stones. 
Then  he  went  with  the  two  larger  balls  to  another  spot  and 
dug  a  hole,  saying : ' '  The  virgin  earth  is  now  invited,  here  is 


rd 

O 

^ 

'o 

W 

cS 

1— 1 

0) 

X 

M 

X 

3 

H 

p 

H 

=4-J 

< 

'-C 

,£1 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA       99 

thy  burial  of  treasure,  "*^^  and  placed  both  balls  into  the 
hole.  * '  The  very  things  of  the  Inca  thou  hast  to  bring  forth. 
Now,  with  thy  permission  we  will  take  leave.  Forgive  me. ' ' 
With  this  the  performance  was  at  an  end  and  we  groped  our 
way  back,  over  the  steep  and  wet  rocks,  without  a  single  star 
on  the  dark  firmament.  By  midnight  we  were  home  again, 
bruised  and  tired,  and  the  next  morning,  the  Indians,  satis- 
fied that  we  had  the  "Achachilas"  in  our  favor,  went  to 
work,  convinced  that  the  yield  would  be  abundant.  Never- 
theless at  noon  on  the  following  day,  while  our  laborers  took 
a  recess  for  lunch,  another  medicine-man  among  them  poured 
out  wine  and  alcohol  in  the  direction  of  the  five  Achachilas, 
after  each  one  of  the  laborers  had  taken  a  pinch  of  coca,  and 
said : ' '  Achachila,  do  not  make  me  suffer  much  work,  we  are 
those  who  work  under  pay;  to  this  viracocha  thou  hast  to 
return  what  he  paid  to  us,  for  this  thou  art  beckoned  [in- 
vited]." If  an  Indian  is  offered  a  glass  of  wine,  or  when- 
ever he  partakes  of  their  favorite  beverage,  alcohol  diluted 
to  about  sixteen  or  seventeen  degrees,  he  first  pours  out  a 
little,  as  libation.  The  well-known  offering  by  the  Peruvian 
and  Bolivian  Indians,  at  the  '  *  apachitas, "  is  also  to  the 
spirits.  Every  pass,  and  the  mountain  peaks  around  it,  are 
*' Achachilas,"  and  every  Indian  places  a  stone  and  some 
coca  leaves  in  a  corner  or  spot  along  the  trail  in  order  to 
influence  the  spirits  in  his  behalf.  The  next  one  adds  his 
votive  offering,  and  thus  heaps  of  pebbles  and  leaves  gradu- 
ally accumulated^®  They  have  their  counterparts  in  the 
''tapu"  of  the  New  Mexico  Tehuas,  the  little  stone  heaps 
around  many  of  the  pueblos  in  general,  and  in  the  Apache 
reservation  of  Arizona.  According  to  pueblo  interpreta- 
tion, each  stone  lying  on  twigs  in  one  of  these  heaps  signifies 
a  prayer.  The  Quichuas  and  Aymaras  claim  it  to  be  a  sacri- 
fice. A  sacrifice  is  always  accompanied  by  a  wish,  whether 
expressed  in  a  formal  prayer  or  not,  hence  the  fundamental 
idea  is  the  same  in  South  America  as  in  the  southwest  of 
North  America.^ ^^ 


100  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

From  what  precedes  it  is  clear  that  the  number  of  Acha- 
chilas  is  immense.  Every  summit,  every  gorge,  every  spring, 
in  short,  every  site  more  or  less  prominent  is  thought  to  be 
inhabited  by  such  a  spirit.  Meteorological  phenomena  also 
are  included,  such  as  lightning,  the  rainbow  and  the  clouds. 
One  of  their  devices  for  rain-making  consists  in  ' '  calling  the 
rain-clouds."  It  resembles  the  pueblo  practice  of  invoking 
the  ^'Shiuana"  and  beckoning  to  them  to  come.  Near 
Tiahuanaco,  there  is  a  height  whither  the  Indians  repair 
whenever  they  need  rain,  to  sacrifice  coca  and  to  call  the 
clouds.  The  rainbow  ("kurmi"  )  is  Achachila,  and  at 
Tiahuanaco  they  forbid  children  to  gaze  at  it  lest  it 
might  kill  them."^  In  short,  the  Achachilas  are  the  "Gua- 
cas"  or  "Huacas"  of  Peru;  they  are  analogous  to  the 
''Shiuana,"  and  ''Kopish-tai"  of  the  Queres,  and  to  the 
''Ojua"  of  the  Tehuas,  in  New  Mexico. ^^^ 

Whether  the  Indians  have  other  fetishes  besides  the 
' '  Mullu ' '  above  referred  to,  I  am  unable  to  tell.  All  our  en- 
deavors to  elicit  information  on  that  score  were  in  vain. 
The  queries  were  eluded,  not  answered. 

Wliere  the  idea  prevails  that  nature  is  occupied  by  a  mul- 
titude of  spiritual  individualities  more  or  less  potent,  it  re- 
sults that  whatever  man  suffers,  be  it  from  disease  or 
through  accident,  is  attributed  to  evil  spiritual  agencies.  In 
many  instances  there  is  a  singular  blending  of  ancient  with 
Christian  notions.  Thus,  at  Tiahuanaco,  we  were  informed 
that,  when  lightning  strikes  a  house,  it  is  abandoned  for  the 
day  and  night  following,  for  they  believe  that  ' '  Santiago ' ' 
(Saint  James)  has  stumbled  or  made  a  mistake.^^^  The 
doors  are  draped  in  black.  The  next  day  twelve  boys,  per- 
sonifying the  twelve  apostles,  are  fed  in  the  building.  Once 
the  meal  over,  these  boys  go  home  without  looking  back;  if 
they  turn  around  to  look,  lightning  will  strike  one  of  them 
soon  after.  After  their  departure,  the  owner  of  the  house 
and  his  wife  return  accompanied  by  a  shaman,  or  medi- 
cine-man, who,  after  joining  their  hands,  covers  their  heads 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     101 

with  a  black  poncho  and  utters  a  prayer  to  ''Pachacamac'* 
(I  have  my  doubts  about  this  word)  in  behalf  of  the  future 
safety  of  the  house.  To  this  prayer  the  sorcerer  replies  in 
a  changed  tone  of  voice  explaining  the  lightning-stroke  as  a 
mistake  that  shall  never  occur  again.  Huge  stones  are 
dreaded  as  swallowing  people  occasionally.^^*  When  the 
priest  of  Tiahuanaco  once  found  it  advisable  to  have  such 
a  stone  removed,  he  obtained  assistance  only  with  the  great- 
est difficulty,  and  after  its  removal  the  Indians  sacrificed 
coca  and  alcohol  to  appease  "Anchancho"  and  induce  him 
not  to  take  revenge  upon  them  for  the  removal. 

In  the  valuable  essay  on  Zuiii  fetishes  already  quoted,  Mr. 
Gushing  says :  '  *  In  this  system  of  life  the  starting  point  is 
man,  the  most  finished  yet  the  lowest  organism,  actually  the 
lowest,  because  the  most  dependent  and  least  mysterious. 
In  just  as  far  as  an  organism,  actual  or  imaginary,  resem- 
bles his,  it  is  believed  to  be  related  to  him,  and  correspond- 
ingly mortal.  In  just  as  far  as  it  is  mysterious  is  it  consid- 
ered removed  from  him,  further  advanced,  powerful  and 
immortal.  It  thus  happens  that  the  animals,  because  alike 
mortal  and  endowed  with  similar  physical  functions  and 
organs,  are  considered  more  nearly  related  to  man  than  are 
the  gods ;  more  nearly  related  to  the  gods  than  is  man,  be- 
cause more  mysterious,  and  characterized  by  specific 
instincts  and  powers  which  man  does  not  of  himself 
possess.  "*^^ 

The  truth  of  this  is  also  exemplified  among  the  Aymara. 
They  attribute  to  animals  not  only  the  gift  of  presage,  but 
also  the  faculty  of  intercession.  Innumerable  are  the  beliefs 
in  manifestations  of  evil  omens.  The  owl,  that  unlucky  bird, 
one  of  the  most  slandered  in  this  world,  must,  of  course, 
head  the  list,  especially  the  large  species  or  ''urcu"  (Bubo 
magellanicus).  But  the  smaller  lechuza^^^  are  also  noted 
for  the  ominous  significance  of  their  cry.  AVhen  Indians 
see  an  owl  flying  in  the  night  they  throw  salt  at  it  with  the 
left  hand.     Domestic  fowl  also  play  a  conspicuous  part. 


102  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

Whenever  a  hen  crows  like  a  rooster,  or  a  rooster  cackles 
like  a  hen,  or  when  a  rooster  crows  at  the  hour  of  evening 
prayers,  it  is  a  bad  omen  and  the  bird  is  forthwith  killed. 
On  the  mainland,  a  little  bird  which  they  call  "tiolas"  is 
much  dreaded,  being  charged  with  the  disagreeable  habit  of 
taking  away  the  * '  fat  of  the  heart ' '  while  flying  past  a  per- 
son, and  thus  causing  his  or  her  death.  Another  very  un- 
popular bird  is  called  "  cochi-pachi, "  and  its  voice  bodes  no 
good.^^'^  Among  quadrupeds,  the  skunk  and  the  fox  are,  on 
the  mainland,  suspiciously  watched,  and  if  a  fox  crosses  our 
path  accidentally,  we  had  better  prepare  for  ill  luck.  Among 
domestic  quadrupeds  it  is  the  guinea-pig  or  cuy,  formerly, 
at  least,  much  used  in  sacrifice  and  divining. ^^^  In  case  one 
of  these  lively  creatures  whines  at  night  or  chuckles,  it  is 
killed  at  once  and  its  body  thrown  away,  as  it  is  a  conejo- 
hrujo  (rabbit- witch)  and  will  carry  sickness  into  the 
family.  The  barking  of  dogs  in  a  dark  night  is  also  an  evil 
omen.  The  alcalde  of  Challa,  a  man  not  by  any  means 
gifted  with  an  exalted  imagination,  and  still  less  a  coward, 
when  returning  from  our  room  to  his  home  one  dark  night, 
was  terribly  frightened  by  the  sudden  barking  of  the  dog 
of  the  hacienda.  He  swore  he  would  never  visit  us  any 
more  after  sunset,  as  the  dog  had  seen  a  ghost,  and  he 
thought  to  have  noticed  a  dark  figure  near  our  door. 

Belief  in  fabulous  animals  is  also  current.  If  the ' '  marine 
monster"  previously  mentioned  should  not,  in  course  of 
time,  prove  to  be  some  large  aquatic  animal,  we  may  classify 
it  among  the  mythical  beasts,  although  the  belief  in  its  ex- 
istence is  of  rather  recent  origin.  The  fabulous  animal 
most  generally  believed  in,  however,  is  the  carbuncle.  As 
everywhere  else,  the  '' carbuncle"  is  described  as  a  cat,  hav- 
ing on  its  forehead  a  blood-red  stone  which  shines  at  night. 
On  the  Island  it  is  confounded  with  the  titi,  and  that  name 
is  also  given  to  it.^^^  We  were  told  that  the  carbuncle 
dwelt  in  the  snows  of  the  high  peak  of  Sajama,  near  Oruro, 
and  impeded  approach  to  the  summit  of  that  mountain. 


l-H 

© 

3 

rt 

XI 

o 

X 

m 

=1-1 

a 

o 

B 

<i 

J 

cj 

Ph 

§ 

a 

03 

■— < 

ft 

.§ 

__( 

c6 

^ 

IS 

-fj 

3 

O 

-iH 

&) 

<1 

THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     103 

Spiders  are  used,  by  some  sorcerers,  for  prognostics. 
From  the  movements  of  the  legs  of  the  insect,  the  diviner 
draws  his  inferences,  in  a  similar  manner  as  the  Opata 
Indians  of  Sonora  prognosticated  from  the  motions  of  the 
cricket.^2*^ 

We  lack  yet  most  of  the  information  desirable  in  regard 
to  the  role  of  animals  as  intercessors.  But  we  were  posi- 
tively informed  that  the  group  of  dancers  called  **Chayll'- 
pa,"  and  of  which  I  shall  hereafter  speak,  have  among 
other  duties  that  of  conjuring  drouth.  They  go  to  the  sum- 
mit of  the  height  called  Calvario  (4),  which  is  denuded  of 
all  vegetation,  gather  small  stones  and  throw  them  into  the 
Lake.  But  they  also  catch  toads  and  throw  them  into  the 
water,  there  to  intercede  for  rain.^^i  Among  the  objects  of 
stone  found  on  the  Island,  on  the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana, 
and  chiefly  on  Koati,  are  frogs  of  stone,  and  we  diligently 
inquired  of  the  Indians  whether  these  had  been  perhaps 
rain-intercessors  after  the  manner  of  those  used  by  the 
pueblos  to-day.  We  never  received  any  other  but  an  eva- 
sive reply. 

Another  indication  of  intercession  by  animals  is  found  in 
the  dance  called  chacu-ayllu,  or  chokela,  danced  by  the 
Chayll'pa.  In  this  dance  the  vicuna  plays  the  same  part  as, 
in  symbolic  dances  of  the  pueblo  Indians,  the  eagle,  the  deer, 
and  the  mountain-sheep.  The  chacu-ayllu  is  an  ancient 
ceremonial,  the  signification  of  which  as  a  '' hunter 's-dance" 
is  no  longer  understood. 

The  Chayll'pa,  whenever  they  appear  in  full  costume, 
wear  the  skin  of  a  young  vicuna,  head  included,  hanging 
down  their  backs.  The  "Kena-Kena,"  another  group  of 
dancers,  wear  a  sleeveless  jacket  made  of  the  skin  of  a 
jaguar.  Animal  forms  are  also  represented  in  the  fetishes 
called  "MuUu,"  so  extensively  peddled  about  the  country 
by  the  curious  guild  of  Indian  medicine-men  and  shamans 
known  as  **Callahuaya." 

The  Callahuaya  speak  the  Quichua  language.  ^22     Their 


104  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

home  is  the  province  of  Munecas,  east  of  the  Lake,  which 
province  is  partly  inhabited  by  Quichua-speaking  aborig- 
ines.^ ^^  On  the  Island  they  are  sometimes  called  Chunchos, 
but  they  have  nothing  in  common  with  these  forest  Indians 
except  inasmuch  as  they  pretend  (and  it  is  probably  true) 
that  some  of  their  medicinal  herbs  are  gathered  in  the 
Montana,  or  forests,  where  the  wild  tribes  (often  called 
Chunchos  collectively)  dwell  and  roam.  The  Callahuayas 
are  great  and  intrepid  traveling  peddlers ;  they  extend  their 
journeyings  to  the  eastern  as  well  as  to  the  western  sea- 
coast,  and  one  is  as  likely  to  meet  a  Callahuaya  in  Buenos 
Ayres  as  to  find  him  offering  his  wares  at  La  Paz,  Copaca  ■ 
vana  or  on  Titicaca  Island.  Their  costume  differs  from 
that  of  the  Aymara,  in  that  they  wear  pantaloons  and 
broad-brimmed  hats.  A  poncho  with  more  or  less  intricate 
patterns,  and  always  dirty,  falls  down  from  the  neck  as  far 
as  the  knee,  over  the  usually  dilapidated  breeches.  Two 
big  bags,  like  saddle  bags,  and  a  wallet  with  coca  and  other 
ingredients,  handsomely  woven,  but  stiff  with  grease,  com- 
plete the  official  costume  of  the  wandering  Callahuaya.  We 
met  them  everywhere.  Between  Puno  and  Sillustani  we  saw 
these  quaint  figures  walking  single  file,  wending  their  way 
in  silence  from  Indian  village  to  Indian  village,  from  iso- 
lated dwelling  to  isolated  dwelling,  everywhere  tolerated 
and  everywhere  received  with  undemonstrative  hospitality. 
A  close  study  of  the  Callahuayas  at  their  home  is  much 
needed,  and  would  reveal  a  host  of  interesting  details  on 
aboriginal  medicine  and  witchcraft.  As  yet  we  can  only 
speak  of  these  singular  and  enterprising  peddlers  from 
what  we  saw  of  them  far  from  the  district  which  they  in- 
habit.124 

Objects  peddled  by  the  Callahuayas  are  mostly  herbs,  but 
these  are  not  all  indigenous.  We  bought,  from  a  Callahuaya 
who  came  to  the  Island  and  offered  his  wafes  at  Challa,  the 
following  remedies:  (1)  Against  melancholy:  "yerha  de 
amante";  (2)  against  rheumatic  cold:  ^^uturuncu,"^^^  to 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     105 

be  rubbed  in;  (3)  against  headache:  "yerha  de  Castilla" 
and  sternutative  powder  of  hellebore.  Hence,  of  these  four 
substances,  at  least  one  came  from  some  druggist.  That 
such  was  the  case  was  further  proven  by  the  fact  that  the 
Indian  wizard  himself  called  the  powder  rape. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Callahuaya  had  other  medi- 
cines, more  efficient  and  certainly  indigenous,  but  these  he 
was  careful  not  to  show  us.  He  was  very  soon  taken  in 
charge  by  some  of  the-  Indians  of  Challa  and  remained 
several  days  on  the  Island,  without  showing  himself  any 
more  about  the  hacienda  buildings.  But— and  this  seems  to 
be  the  principal  treasure  in  which  the  Callahuayas  deal— he 
had  for  sale  a  number  of  fetishes  made  of  white  alabaster. 
This  mineral  is  said  to  be  abundant  in  the  region  of  Charas- 
sani,  where  the  Callahuayas  are  at  home.  We  purchased 
such  of  them  as  he  showed  us,  and  they  were  all  sent  to  the 
Museum.  One  represents  a  snail,  others  clenched  fists,  and 
these  are  said  to  create  contentment  and  give  wealth.  They 
were  all  besmeared  with  llama-tallow,  **untu,"  the  same 
substance  that  is  indispensable  for  incantations.  Other  ac- 
cessories were  gold  and  silver  tinsel,  and  red  and  black 
beans.  These  fetishes  are  sold  not  only  to  the  Indians  (and 
perhaps  less  to  these),  but  to  mestizos,  and  even  to  whites 
occasionally,  as  faith  in  the  cures  and  supernatural  gifts  of 
the  Callahuayas  is  very  common  and  deeply  rooted  in  all 
classes  of  society,  though  seldom  confessed. 

We  certainly  saw  only  such  fetishes  as  the  Callahuaya 
deemed  safe  to  exhibit,  and  not  the  most  interesting  ones. 
The  latter  are  more  particularly  called  Mullu,  and  are  of 
ancient  origin  and  use.  The  word  is  Quichua,  but  has  been 
adopted  into  the  Aymani  language.  A  Mullu  is  usually  an 
animal  figure,  like  the  one  used  by  Manuel  Mamani  in  the 
ceremonies  preceding  our  excavations.  It  is  "good"  for  a 
great  many  things,  and  the  Callahuayas  also  sell,  secretly, 
human  figures.  We  sent  to  the  Museum  a  small  one,  found 
on  the  surface  of  the  slopes  of  Ticani  (2),  and  of  a  whitish 


106  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

stone  apparently  arenaceous.  Wlien  I  showed  this  figure  to 
one  of  the  wizards  on  the  Island,  his  eyes  sparkled,  and  he 
displayed  intense  desire  to  obtain  it,  saying:  "If  it  were 
Callahuaya,  then  it  would  be  worth  a  great  deal!"  This 
significant  remark  caused  us  to  interrogate  him  cautiously, 
and  thus  we  ascertained  that  fetishes  in  the  form  of  men 
and  of  women  are  still  in  use.  We  further  found  out  that, 
while  the  white  fetishes  served  for  good  purposes,  the  Ca- 
llahuayas  had  fetishes  of  black  or  at  least  dark-colored 
stone,  which  were  used  for  evil  sorcery.  Here  our  inquiries 
came  to  an  end,  as  Mamani  denied  any  knowledge  of  ' '  black 
art." 

Accessory  information,  however,  was  obtained  in  another 
way.  A  friend  of  ours,  the  Franciscan  Father  Juan  Maris- 
cal,  on  one  of  his  intrepid  tours  among  the  then  rebellious 
Indians  of  the  Peruvian  boundary,  saw  a  whole  arsenal  of 
implements  for  witchcraft,  which  he  tried  to  secure  for  us, 
but  the  owner  refused  to  give  them  up.  Our  friend  could 
barely  more  than  glance  at  them.  He  noticed,  however, 
human  figures  and  other  strange  objects  of  wood  and  stone, 
and  also  of  rags,  but  was  not  permitted  to  examine  them 
closely  as  soon  as  the  party  having  them  in  charge  under- 
stood the  priest's  intention.  On  the  hacienda  of  Cusijata,  a 
short  distance  from  Copacavana,  a  number  of  objects  for 
evil  sorcery  were  found,  previous  to  our  coming  to  Bolivia. 
One  of  the  chief  means  for  mortally  hurting  anybody 
through  witchcraft  is,  to  make  a  human  figure  out  of  grains 
of  Indian  corn,  and  pierce  it  with  thorns.  In  order  to  sepa- 
rate a  loving  couple,  two  such  figures  are  tied  together  with 
hairs  (not  fur)  of  a  cat,  and  buried,  with  a  live  toad  along- 
side of  them.^2® 

It  will  be  noticed,  that  not  only  is  witchcraft  (good  and 
evil)  extensively  practised  among  the  Indians  of  Aymara 
stock,  hence  on  the  Island  also,  but  that  they  have  symbolic 
figures,  of  which,  however,  we  saw  very  few.  But  any  one 
visiting  Bolivia  can,  if  he  looks  at  the  roofs  of  Indian 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     107 

houses,  at  once  descry  a  primitive  symbol  placed  there 
alongside  of  the  crosses  with  which  nearly  every  gable  of 
an  Indian  home  is  decorated.  This  symbol  is  a  snake,  and 
represents  lightning.  We  had  noticed  this  figure  without 
seeing  in  it  more  than  an  accidental  ornament  until  at 
Challa  the  chapel  of  the  hacienda  was  being  repaired.  Its 
low  tower  had  been  finished;  the  cross  alone  was  lacking. 
To  humor  the  Indians,  we  promised  to  obtain  a  cross  at 
Copacavana,  of  iron  or  brass,  and  donate  it  to  them.  As 
our  trip  to  Copacavana  became  delayed,  our  servant  (a 
Bolivian  mestizo,  who  afterward  gave  us  untold  trouble 
through  his  intemperance  and  dishonesty)  volunteered  to 
make  such  a  cross,  mth  the  aid  of  our  carpenter's  tools, 
out  of  an  old  box  unserviceable  for  packing,  and  an  aged 
tin  can.  He  kept  his  promise  and,  on  completing  the  orna- 
ment, stated  that  he  would  have  to  add  two  figures  of 
snakes,  to  be  fastened  diagonally  over  the  cross.  Upon  ask- 
ing the  wherefore  of  this,  we  were  told,  by  him  as  well  as 
by  the  Indians,  that  the  snake  was  a  protection  against 
lightning,  and  its  symbolic  picture.  Figure  (p.  108)  shows 
the  symbol  in  the  text. 

a  and  a  is  the  symbol  for  lightning,  and  intended  to  repre- 
sent a  snake. 

h,  h,  h,  are  called  hands  (manos)  and  also  stand  for  light- 
ning. As  far  as  I  could  understand,  the  snake  rather  repre- 
sents the  downward  ray,  or  thunderbolt. 

The  snake  symbol  is  the  more  singular  since  that  reptile 
is  rarely  met  with  on  the  high  and  cold  table-lands,  the  only 
striking  species  being  the  aquatic  ''yaurinca,"  already 
mentioned.^  2^ 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  dances  of  the  Aymara  are 
symbolic,  although  in  many  cases  their  true  significance  is 
now  only  known  to  a  few  Indians.  Their  dancing  is  clearly 
a  religious  act,  and  if  the  performances  are  accompanied  by 
demonstrations  of  boisterous  delight  and  by  excessive  im- 
bibing, this  does  not  militate  against  their  intrinsically 


108 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


serious  character.  The  orgies  into  which  nearly  all,  if  not 
all,  the  Indian  dances  degenerate  are  not  the  result  of  deg- 
radation and  growing  viciousness  since  the  advent  of  the 
Spaniards,  as  is  often  pretended ;  they  are  ancient  customs, 
in  which  the  intemperance  displayed  takes  the  character  of 
libations}^^  It  may  be  that  the  Indian  of  the  Puna  dances 
for  mere  enjoyment  also,^^^  but  we  know  that  every  religious 
festival,  and  every  public  celebration  in  general,  is  accom- 


Cross  and  Snake,  the  latter  symbol  for  lightning,  common  on  the  gables 
of  Indian  houses  on  the  Bolivian  Puna. 

panied  by  Indian  dancing.  The  variety  of  dances  is  great, 
among  the  Aymara  as  well  as  among  the  Quichua.  Some  of 
these  are  common  to  all  districts ;  many  are  danced  only  in 
certain  localities.  Some  are  performed  at  long  intervals  of 
time,  others  on  every  occasion,  for  reasons  which  only  a 
protracted  study  of  the  Aymara  will  reveal,  a  study  that, 
like  the  work  of  Mr.  Frank  H.  Gushing  among  the  Zuiiis,  of 
Dr.  Washington  Matthews  among  the  Navajos,  and  of  Miss 
Alice  Fletcher  among  tribes  of  the  central  plains,  must  be 
carried  on  with  much  tact  and  patience. 

It  was  not  possible  during  our  stay  in  the  Lake  basin  and 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     109 

on  certain  islands  to  penetrate  deeply  into  the  nature  of 
ceremonies  identified  with  the  innermost  nature  of  the  In- 
dian and  his  most  hallowed  reminiscences.  I  can  present, 
therefore,  but  an  incomplete  introduction  to  the  subject. 
The  Aymara  are  much  more  reticent  on  these  points  than 
northern  tribes.  Besides,  the  true  meaning  of  many  dances 
is  either  lost  or  known  only  to  few,  and  these  few  are  just 
those  whose  confidence  it  is  most  difficult  to  gain. 

Comparatively  few  dances  are  performed  on  the  Island, 
and  these  are  also  danced  at  Copacavana.  Hence  what  I 
shall  say  in  regard  to  the  Island  will  apply  to  the  Peninsula, 
so  far  as  ascertained.  We  heard  that  others  are  performed 
at  Copacavana  besides,  and  have  no  reason  to  doubt  it. 
They  differ  from  those  of  the  pueblo  Indians.  The  proces- 
sion, sometimes  men  alone,  sometimes  men  and  women,  files 
in  with  less  regularity,  and  with  a  step  that  is  rather  a 
clumsy  trotting.  As  there  were  always  several  groups  danc- 
ing at  the  same  time  and  changing  places  with  each  other, 
it  was  very  difficult  to  watch  the  figures.  Each  group  of 
dancers  has  a  number  of  musicians,  who  do  not,  as  in  New 
Mexico,  stand  still  and  play  their  discordant  and  noisy  in- 
struments, but  join  the  others  in  the  dance.  The  figure  is, 
sometimes,  a  meandering  back  and  forth  in  single  file ;  gen- 
erally, however,  and  when  there  are  women  in  the  group, 
they  describe  a  circle,  with  one  man  or  a  pair  in  the  center 
whirling  about  like  tops,  the  women  especially.  We  have 
often  wondered  at  the  length  of  time  a  woman,  encumbered 
with  her  many  skirts  and  the  bundle  of  blankets  on  her  back, 
can  endure  that  vertiginous  gyration.  The  dancer  often 
falls  to  the  ground,  and  while  it  is  sometimes  from  intoxica- 
tion, it  is  also  from  sheer  dizziness.  No  better  idea  can  be 
gathered  of  the  general  character  of  these  performances 
than  at  one  of  the  great  festivals  at  the  sanctuary  of  Copa- 
cavana, for  instance  on  the  first  and  second  of  February. 
We  went  to  Copacavana  on  the  day  previous  and  when,  on 
the  picturesque  trail  from  Yampupata  to  the  village,  we  de- 


110  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

scended  into  the  bottom  by  the  Lake-side,  loud  shouting,  sing- 
ing, the  rumbling  of  big  drums,  and  firing  of  muskets  was 
heard.  Ahead  of  us  on  the  road,  a  procession  of  white  figures 
with  gaudy  head-dresses  was  moving  toward  the  village. 
They  were  dancers  going  to  the  festival.  In  front  walked 
the  ' '  Chunchu-Sicuri, "  their  heads  adorned  with  tall  um- 
brella-like contrivances,  each  of  the  canes  composing  the 
frame  carrying  a  tuft  of  red,  yellow  and  green  plumes.  This 
head-dress  is  light,  but  at  least  three  feet  high.  All  these 
dancers  were  men.  They  wore  the  gray  and  laced  jackets 
so  common  on  the  markets  of  La  Paz,  and  over  them  a 
sleeveless  bodice  of  jaguar-skin  similar  to  a  cuirass.  A 
skirt,  made  of  white  cotton  and  nicely  plaited,  sometimes 
stitched  handsomely,  floundered  about  their  limbs.  The 
leaders  carried  the  Bolivian  tricolors  and  lances,  and  their 
head-dress  consisted  of  a  stiff  hat,  with  three  tiers  of  parrot 
plumes,  in  the  national  colors:  red,  yellow  and  green.^^** 
The  noise  made  by  this  group,  with  flutes  and  drums  of  all 
sizes  and  descriptions,  frightened  our  animals,  although 
they  were  old  and  decrepit.  Following  the  Chunchu-sicuri, 
a  second  procession  wended  its  way  to  the  village.  This 
was  the  ancient  and  honorable  cluster  of  ''Ohirihuanos.** 
Their  dress  consisted  of  the  usual  festive  garb  of  the 
Aymara:  jacket,  trousers,  white  shirt,  and  an  occasional 
vest.  Over  these  was  draped  a  white  mantle,  graceful  when 
new,  but  already  much  worn.  Over  this  mantle  a  broad 
band  of  parrot  feathers,  beautifully  worked,  was  fastened 
a  drum.  On  the  head  they  wore  a  black  hat,  but  this  post- 
Columbian  head-gear  was  disguised  by  a  profusion  of 
mostly  drooping  plumes,  white  and  red.  With  the  first  of 
these  two  groups  a  few  women  jogged  along,  joining  in  the 
discordant  shouts  and  arrayed  in  their  most  select  accoutre- 
ments: a  number  of  gaudy  skirts  and  the  little  bundle  of 
blankets  on  the  back.  These  women  accompanied  the 
Chunchu-sicuri,  the  Chirihuanos  not  allowing  women  to 
dance  with  them.    Forcing  our  animals  past  this  noisy  pro- 


c3 

0^ 


o 


O 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     111 

cession,  we  reached  Copacavana  and  saw  the  devotion  with 
which  each  cluster  approached  the  sanctuary.  They  were 
admitted  to  church  to  offer  their  respects,  and,  upon  sally- 
ing from  it,  began  to  dance,  pound  their  drums,  and  blow 
their  flutes  in  each  of  the  four  corners  of  the  square  or 
plaza  successively.  It  may  not  be  out  of  place  here  to  give 
an  idea  of  the  appearance  of  this  square  on  the  evening  be- 
fore the  festival. 

At  each  of  the  four  comers,  which  are  also  the  four  en- 
trances, an  altar  had  been  erected.  Two  poles,  about  twenty 
feet  in  height,  were  set  into  the  ground  and  decorated  with 
colored  cloth  and  ribbons,  and  connected,  on  the  side  to- 
wards the  street,  by  blankets  and  ponchos  stretching  from 
one  pole  to  the  other  so  as  to  form  a  background.  This 
background  was  further  supported  by  two  intermediate 
poles.  At  right  angles  to  the  former  were  set  on  each  side 
two  other  masts  of  equal  height,  and  these  sides  were  also 
closed,  leaving  open  only  the  front.  In  the  quadrangular 
recess  thus  formed  stood  the  altar,  simply  a  table  covered 
with  cloth,  blankets,  or  ponchos,  on  which  the  image  is 
placed,  and  loaded  with  offerings  and  ornaments,  some- 
times of  the  crudest  kind.  Across  the  opening,  from  pole 
to  pole,  ropes  are  stretched  at  a  considerable  height  above 
the  ground,  and  from  these  ropes  dangled  silverware,  some- 
times of  great  value ;  plates,  trays,  cups,  all  from  the  early 
times  of  Spanish  colonization,  massive,  and  of  quaint  work- 
manship. Between  them  hung  purses  filled  with  money, 
ancient  coins,  spoons,  in  short,  all  that  could  be  used  for 
representing  metallic  wealth.  We  have  seen  some  very  re- 
markable pieces,  that  would  be  worthy  of  any  museum  of 
colonial  antiquities.  These  treasures  are  the  property  of 
private  individuals,  sometimes  of  Indians,  who  keep  them 
carefully  concealed  between  festival  and  festival.  There  are 
also  parties  who  loan  or  rent  their  plate  for  such  occasions. 

The  four  altars,  although  alike  in  the  main,  vary  in  de- 
tails.  In  front  of  them  gather  the  Indian  dancers,  one  group 


112  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

after  another,  they  bow  to  the  image,  and  then  dance  to  the 
sound  of  their  wretched  instruments,  finally  in  the  center  of 
the  square  also.  None  of  these  dances  can  compare  with 
those  of  the  New  Mexico  pueblos  for  symmetry.  Every- 
thing seems  to  be  carried  on  in  a  much  looser  way.  Already 
on  the  evening  before  the  festival  the  Indians  begin  to  drink, 
and  only  the  nature  of  the  beverage  has  changed  since  an- 
cient times;  alcohol,  diluted  from  forty  degrees  to  sixteen 
or  seventeen,  taking  the  place  of  the  primitive  chicha.  Dur- 
ing the  night,  one  or  several  trusty  Indians  keep  watch  at 
each  of  the  altars.  To  keep  awake,  they  drink,  play  the 
flute,  and  the  dancers  return  to  the  plaza  from  time  to  time 
to  repeat  their  performances  and  to  disturb  the  slumbers 
of  the  inhabitants  with  their  horrid  noise.  As,  late  in  the 
evening,  new  groups  come  in,  they  add  their  din  to  that  of 
their  predecessors,  so  that  the  first  night,  or  rather  the  night 
before  the  feast,  is  already  a  torture  on  account  of  the  truly 
infernal  uproar.  The  musical  instruments  of  the  Aymara 
are  more  varied  than  those  of  the  pueblos.  They  have  a 
great  variety  of  drums,  from  the  smallest  to  the  largest, 
and  from  the  most  ancient  type,  similar  to  the  tambourine, 
to  the  military  drum,  big  and  small.  The  Pan-flute,  called 
in  its  tiniest  form  "kena-kena,"  and  in  its  tallest  (nearly 
of  the  size  of  a  full  grown  man)  ''zampona,"  is  most 
numerously  represented.  Nearly  every  Indian  carries  a 
clarinet-like  instrument  or  a  fife  as  his  constant  companion 
when  traveling.^^^  These  instruments,  on  a  great  feast- 
day,  are  represented  by  hundreds,  and  each  group  of  play- 
ers blows  and  beats  as  hard  as  possible,  regardless  of 
harmony  with  the  tune  executed  by  their  next  neighbors. 

The  second  day  of  February  was  the  great  day  of  the 
festival.  At  daybreak  hosts  of  dancers  poured  into  the 
square,  and  the  fifes,  kenas,  zampoiias,  and  drums  made  a 
deafening  noise.  The  members  of  each  group  first  knelt  on 
the  steps  at  the  entrance  of  the  churchyard  and  then  filed 
into  church,  taking  off  their  head-gears.    Upon  returning  to 


Plate  XXV 
1.  Ground-plan  of  Ciriapata.     2.  Small  houses  (probably  luca)  at  Ciriapata 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     113 

the  square,  they  began  their  noisy  performances  at  the  cor- 
ners and  in  the  center.  The  following  groups  of  costumed 
dancers  made  their  appearance:  (1)  The  Kena-kena,  or 
Kenaicho.  These  were  the  most  numerous,  and  all  able- 
bodied  young  men.  With  them  came  a  number  of  women 
and  girls.  The  costume  of  the  men  is  striking:  A  short 
jacket  of  cloth,  black  or  brown  or  gray  (the  latter  hue  pre- 
dominating), cut  square  above  the  waist  and  mostly  with 
braids  across  the  breast;  the  usual  breeches,  and  beneath 
them  often  drawers  with  common  white  lace.  All  wear  over 
the  jacket  a  tiger-  (jaguar-) skin  in  the  form  of  a  cuirass. 
Many  of  them  also  carry  a  broad  band  like  a  talbart  of  red, 
green  and  yellow  parrot-plumes,  and  on  the  head  a  narrow- 
brimmed  black  hat  of  felt  or  plush,  surmounted  by  an  arch 
of  plumes.  From  the  band  of  this  hat  dangles,  down  the 
back,  a  train  of  tinsel,  ribbons,  and  small  mirrors.  Nearly 
every  Kena  plays  his  fife,  never  the  Pan-flute,  and  many 
have  drums.  (2)  The  Chayllpa.  Their  distinctive  dress 
consists  in  a  white  cotton  mantle  hung  edgewise  across  the 
shoulders,  one  of  the  ends  reaching  nearly  to  the  knee,  and 
over  this  mantle,  the  skin  of  a  young  vicuiia,  its  head  pro- 
vided with  eyes  of  glass,  and  profusely  decorated  with  tin- 
sel, ribbons,  and  tiny  mirrors.  A  black  felt  hat  with  a  load 
of  drooping  plumes,  red  and  white,  and  a  crown  of  similar 
plumage  completes  the  costume.  (3)  The  Chirihuanos  (al- 
ready described).  Each  is  provided  with  a  big  drum.  (4) 
The  Inca-sicuri.  Costume :  velvet,  cloth  and  silk,  gold  and 
silver  embroidery,  imitating  the  supposed  dress  of  the  Incas, 
and  clearly  of  colonial  origin.^^^  (5)  The  Chunchu-sicuri 
(already  described).  They  all  beat  small  drums  and  play 
flutes  or  fifes.  There  are  two  bands  of  these  each  with  a 
leader,  whose  distinctive  mark  is  a  hat  with  a  triple  row  of 
bright  plumes,  and  a  long  spear  or  lance  which  he  brand- 
ishes sometimes  quite  offensively.  (6)  The  Chaca-na-ni. 
They  dance  along  with  the  Kenacho,  and  wear  the  same 
costume,  without  tiger-skins. 


114  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

Add  to  these  groups  a  great  number  of  independent  per- 
formers, male  and  female,  in  festive  Indian  dress,  and  hosts 
of  spectators,  hundreds  of  big  and  little  drums,  hundreds  of 
flutes,  from  the  tiniest  to  the  biggest,  and  perhaps  more 
fifes  yet,  the  instruments  rumbling,  thundering,  rattling, 
screeching,  howling  and  screaming,  without  any  regard  to 
rhythm  or  harmony,  hundreds  of  ugly  voices  singing 
monotonous  melodies ;  now  and  then,  here  and  there,  a  yell 
or  a  whoop ;  all  the  performers  more  or  less  intoxicated  and 
drinking  harder  and  harder  towards  nightfall— the  scene  is 
indeed  very  picturesque,  very  strange  and  brilliant  in  hues ; 
but  at  the  same  time  the  din  and  uproar  is  so  deafening,  so 
utterly  devoid  of  the  slightest  redeeming  feature,  that  it 
forms  one  of  the  weirdest  and,  at  the  same  time,  most  sick- 
ening displays  imaginable.*  ^^  Once  started,  this  moving 
crowd,  ever  changing  like  a  kaleidoscope,  keeps  on  the  dis- 
tressing roar,  night  and  day  without  intermission,  for  never 
less  than  two  days  and  two  nights,  sometimes  as  long  as  a 
whole  week!  We  had  the  excruciating  ''pleasure"  of  en- 
during three  of  these  festivals  at  Copacavana,  the  first  of 
which  lasted  three  days  and  as  many  nights,  only  inter- 
rupted by  hard  showers.  The  second  and  third  were  con- 
tinued for  three  days,  but  the  nights  were  less  noisy.  At 
Tiahuanaco,  however,  the  festival  lasted  five  days  and  four 
nights,  the  din  never  ceasing  during  that  time. 

The  Aymara  dances  which  we  have  seen  lack,  as  stated, 
the  decorum  of  pueblo  dances.  Hence,  much  of  their  origi- 
nal symbolic  character  appears  to  be  lost.*^^  They  all 
degenerate  into  an  orgy,  drunkenness  prevailing  among 
both  sexes  after  the  first  afternoon.  Once  at  this  stage,  the 
naturally  quarrelsome  character  of  the  Aymara  crops  out 
and  most  Indian  festivals  in  Bolivia  end  in  bloodshed.  It 
may  even  be  said,  that  no  Indian  festivity  is  satisfactory 
without  one  or  more  homicides.  Feuds  between  neighbor- 
ing haciendas  are  often  fought  out  on  such  occasions,  for 
the  Indian  often  carries,  besides  his  sling  (for  which  the 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     115 

women  provide  round  pebbles  in  their  skirts)  a  dangerous 
weapon  in  the  shape  of  a  whip  terminating  at  the  upper  end 
of  the  handle  in  a  small  tomahawk  of  steel.  Whenever 
such  fights  take  place  it  is  not  rare  to  see  men  swallowing 
the  brains  oozing  out  of  the  fractured  skulls  of  the  wounded, 
and  women  dipping  chunu  in  the  pools  of  blood,  and  eating 
it,  when  well  soaked,  with  loathsome  ferocity. 

Two  peculiar  performances  took  place  on  the  second  of 
February  at  Copacavana.  One  began  before  sundown, 
causing  the  uproar  to  subside  somewhat  for  about  an  hour. 
Two  processions  marched  into  the  square  from  opposite 
sides.  Each  was  headed  by  a  litter  of  wood  borne  on  the 
shoulders  of  four  or  six  Indians. 

On  each  litter,  and  on  an  old  carved  chair  decorated  with 
boughs  and  other  cheap  ornaments,  sat  an  ''Inca,"  that  is, 
a  young  Indian  in  the  toggery  of  the  ' '  Inca-sicuri, "  and 
armed  with  a  sling.  When  the  two  files  met,  both  * '  Incas ' ' 
rose  in  their  litters  and  a  dialogue  began,  treating  of  the 
historic  strife  between  Huascar  and  Atahuallpa  and 
abounding  in  challenges  and  insults;  one  of  the  *' Incas" 
personifying  Huascar,  the  other  Atahuallpa.  From  words 
they  came  to  throws  with  slings,  pelting  each  other  with 
roots  instead  of  '^'tones.  The  action  was  quite  lively  and 
lasted  until  one  of  the  ''Incas"  gave  up,  considerably 
bruised  and  bleeding.  After  the  combat,  both  stepped  down 
from  their  litters  and  mingled  with  the  crowd,  dancing  side 
by  side.  This  performance  is,  of  course,  post-Columbian. 
It  is  one  of  the  many  semi-theatrical  performances  invented 
as  a  substitute  for  the  idolatrous  and  often  obscene  primi- 
tive ceremonials. 

The  other  took  place  after  nightfall  and  in  the  darkest 
comer  of  the  square,  where  not  even  the  numberless  fire- 
crackers, rockets,  and  other  luminous  displays  shed  a  spark 
of  light.  It  was  the  ' '  Mimula, ' '  an  ancient  round  dance  in 
which  both  sexes  take  part,  and  which  is  now  only  per- 
formed at  night.    Hence  we  could  not  discern  any  partic- 


116  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

ulars,  beyond  a  number  of  figures  moving  about  on  a  small 
space  and  to  some  indifferent  tune  that  did  not  even  seem 
to  be  primitive.^^^ 

None  of  the  groups  of  dancers  heretofore  enumerated  have, 
like  the  New-Mexican  pueblos  and  the  Yaquis  of  Sonora, 
their  particular  jesters  or  clowns.  But  clumsy  mimicries 
were  executed,  during  the  day,  by  mestizos  wearing  masks. 
There  is  a  special  group  of  clowns  that  appears  on  the  scene 
everywhere  and  at  every  festival,  even  in  public  processions 
at  La  Paz.  These  are  the  ''morenos";  not  Indians,  but 
mestizos,  "cholos,"  young  men  who  are  not  unfrequently 
paid  for  their  performances.  We  saw  them  first  at  La  Paz, 
afterwards  at  Tiahuanaco,  and  lastly  at  Copacavana.  The 
dress  of  the  morenos  is  usually  very  costly,  being  the  cos- 
tume of  the  eighteenth  century,  bright-colored  frocks  of 
velvet  or  silk,  richly  embroidered  with  gold  and  silver,  vests 
to  fit,  knee-breeches,  hats,  and  low  shoes  and  masks,  hideous 
rather  than  comical.  With  them  go  small  boys  wearing 
ugly  masks  of  devils,  and  frequently  a  condor,  that  is,  a 
performer  arrayed  in  the  plumage  of  that  bird  and  with 
a  mask  imitating  its  head.  If  the  morenos  were  less  ad- 
dicted to  hard  drinking,  their  pranks  and  jests  might  be 
more  palatable.  At  Copacavana,  however,  they  performed 
in  a  rather  dignified  way.  Their  costumes  were  plainer,  and 
each  played  a  small  flute  or  fife.  They  evidently  have  noth- 
ing in  common  with  the  primitive  dances  of  the  Indians.^ ^'^ 

At  Tiahuanaco,  the  Indian  dancers  belonged  to  the  plain 
*'Sicuri,"  distinguished  from  the  others  by  a  towering 
head-dress  of  gray  plumes  of  the  American  ostrich,^^^  and 
to  the  Kenacho,  with  some  Chacanani.  The  Kenacho  had  in 
their  company  women  who  wore  the  peculiar  hats  repre- 
sented by  Mr.  Squier.^^^  At  Copacavana  female  perform- 
ers wore  simply  their  "nice"  clothes,  and  each  had  the 
characteristic  bundle  slung  around  the  neck.  We  have  not, 
as  yet,  been  able  to  obtain  a  satisfactory  explanation  of  this 
custom,  which  seems  to  be  ancient. 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     117 

On  the  Island  of  Titacaca,  the  25th  of  July,  feast  of  the 
patron  saint  of  Challa,  could  be  only  partially  celebrated. 
But  we  coaxed  the  Indians  into  dancing  during  the  after- 
noon. Before  noon  a  group  resembling  the  Chirihuanos  in 
costume,  but  called  "Pusipiani,"^^^  came  to  the  chapel  to 
dance  and  play  their  fifes  and  drums  before  the  building. 
The  Chayllpa  followed,  and  later  on,  besides  these  two 
clusters,  the  Kenacho  and  the  Chacanani  presented  them- 
selves. Within  a  very  short  time  the  courtyard  of  the 
hacienda  was  filled  with  dancers,  with  or  without  official 
costume,  and  with  the  same  din  and  uproar,  though  propor- 
tionately less,  than  at  other  places  and  larger  gatherings. 
The  wonted  disregard  for  symmetry  and  harmony  prevailed, 
showing  that  discordant  noise  and  irregular  motions  are 
inherent  to  most  aboriginal  dances  of  Bolivia ;  those  of  Peru 
we  have  not  yet  witnessed. 

The  existence  of  numerous  groups  of  dancers,  groups  that 
are  permanent  associations  and  represented  over  a  wide 
range  of  territory  in  villages,  communities,  and  on  estates, 
leads  to  the  inference  that  there  might  exist,  among  these 
Indians,  a  special  organization  controlling  these  associations 
and  upholding  them  in  the  midst  of  slowly  encroaching 
civilization.  But  to  obtain  an  insight  into  this  organization 
is  as  difficult  as  it  was  among  the  Indians  of  New  Mexico, 
until  the  classical  researches  of  Mr.  Gushing  removed  the 
veil  with  which  the  aborigine  shrouded  his  primitive  re- 
ligious customs.  The  study  of  these  features  is  an  enormous 
virgin  field,  that  claims  the  attention  of  students.  We  found 
the  Aymara  as  reticent  on  such  topics  as  any  other  Indian 
tribes  and  even  more  difficult  of  approach.  Proficiency  in 
their  language  is,  of  course,  the  first  condition,  and  this  we 
had  not  yet  been  able  to  acquire.  Besides,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  a  few  communities,  who  still  live  according  to  ancient 
customs,  long  residence  and  familiarization  with  the  Indians 
in  Bolivia  may  not  be  even  as  profitable  as  in  the  North. 
Adoption  in  an  Aymara  tribe  is  out  of  the  question  for 


118  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

several  reasons:  First,  there  is  among  the  Indians,  bitter 
hatred  against  all  that  are  not  of  their  stock.  An  ethno- 
logical observer  would  be  at  once  liable  to  suspicion  as  a 
spy;  for  the  Aymara  has  many  things  to  conceal  from  the 
white  man.  The  local  authorities  and  the  landowners  them- 
selves are  likely  to  take  umbrage  at  investigations,  the  pur- 
pose of  which  many  would  fail  to  understand,  and  hence 
misconstrue.  Furthermore  the  Indian  himself  has  changed 
many  of  his  customs,  and  it  is  a  question  how  far  a  life  of 
sacrifice  and  privations  could  be  rewarded,  except  in  places 
where  the  Aymara  preserved  most  of  his  primitive  habits 
through  rigid  seclusion.  There  are  a  few  communities 
where  a  discreet  and  practical  student  might  do  important 
ethnologic  work. 

Beside  the  dances  mentioned,  we  have  heard  of  a  number 
of  others  which  it  did  not  fall  to  our  lot  to  witness.  At 
Llujo  on  Hallow-eve,  the  Indians,  unbeknown  to  us,  danced 
the  ' '  Auqui-auqui ' '  at  their  chapel.  It  was  accompanied  by 
prayers  and  offerings  to  the  deceased.  The  people  were 
pining  for  rain,  and  they  believe  that,  when  the  bones  of  the 
ancient  inhabitants  are  disturbed,  drouth  follows. ^^^  We 
had  begun  our  excavations,  and  the  Indians  were  mortally 
afraid  of  the  consequences.  On  the  night,  however,  of  the 
day  mentioned  it  began  to  rain  and  thereafter  rained  abun- 
dantly. The  Indians  thus  became  reconciled  to  our  doings, 
and  we  never  had  better  laborers  and  more  willing  ones 
than  at  Llujo.^^^  Whether  the  auqui-auqui  had  anything  to 
do  with  their  intercessions  we  could  not  ascertain.  That  the 
chacu-ayllu  is  a  rain-dance  was  at  least  not  denied  by  our 
old  wizard  on  Titicaca  Island. 

The  first  indication  of  an  organization,  are  the  ofiicers 
called  ''Irpa,"  in  Spanish  maestros  de  hayles  (literally, 
teachers  of  the  dances).  These  officers,  according  to  what 
was  stated  to  us  at  Tiahuanaco,  are  appointed  for  life,  but 
on  Titicaca  we  were  assured,  by  the  Indians  themselves,  that 
the  irpas  are  selected  for  each  dance  (by  whom  they  did  not 


>         r\ 


o 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OP  TITICACA     119 

say),  and  that  every  band  of  dancers  is  divided  into  two 
groups,  each  with  its  director  j^^^  one  group  representing 
Aran-saya  and  the  other  Ma-saya.  At  Tiahuanaco  it  was 
asserted  that  each  of  these  clusters  danced  on  its  own  side 
of  the  square,  the  Aran-sayas  on  the  north,  the  Ma-sayas 
on  the  south,  and  that  if  one  section  trespassed  upon  the 
ground  of  the  other,  bloody  conflicts  would  ensue.  We 
noticed  such  a  division  in  church,  but  at  the  dances  the  con- 
fusion became  so  great,  at  Tiahuanaco  as  well  as  at  Copa- 
cavana,  that  it  was  impossible  to  ascertain  anything.  The 
Indians  of  Titicaca  belonging  to  the  cluster  of  Aran-saya 
of  the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana,  there  could  be  no  division 
on  the  Island.  The  irpas  are  not  remunerated  for  their 
work.  It  is  an  honorary  office,  as  well  as  that  of  ' '  alf erez ' ' 
banner-bearer,  or  godfather  to  the  festival,  an  introduction 
from  colonial  times. 

The  dances  of  the  Aymara  being  a  part  of  their  primitive 
religious  ceremonies,  and  but  superficially  connected  with 
the  church,^^^  any  association  directing  and  conducting 
them  must  be  a  part  of  their  primitive  religious  organiza- 
tion. I  need  not  allude  here  to  church-officials  among  the 
Indians,  like  the  fiscales,  but  there  is  one  office,  at  least,  con- 
nected with  the  church,  and  little  noticed,  that  possibly 
recalls  certain  functionaries  among  northern  Indians  who 
are  more  particularly  keepers  of  ancient  beliefs  and  rituals. 
We  first  heard  of  this  office  on  Titicaca.  It  is  called 
Preste,^*^  and  its  incumbent  was  an  old  man,  acknowledged 
to  be  a  potent  wizard.  It  was  whispered  that  he  was  a 
lineal  descendant  of  the  ancient  ''gentiles,"  or  "Chullpas." 
This  preste  is  appointed,  by  the  Ilacata  and  the  old  men,  or 
mayores,  for  five  years.  His  duties  consist  ostensibly  in 
caring  for  the  church,  and  overseeing  preparations  for 
feasts  and  the  like ;  hence  our  aged  friend  Mariano  Muchu, 
the  preste  of  Challa,  wandered  to  Copacavana  as  frequently 
as  it  was  indispensable  on  account  of  these  duties,  but  not 
oftener,  and  not  out  of  devotion.    We  were  assured  by  one 


120  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

of  the  other  shamans  that  this  preste  had  also  the 
obligation  of  doing  penance  for  his  people!  I  give  these 
statements  as  we  received  them,  and  do  not  guarantee  their 
veracity,  although  the  same  office  was  mentioned  to  us  at 
other  places. 

The  existence  of  wizards,  sorcerers,  and  medicine-men 
among  the  Aymara  Indians,  has  been  frequently  mentioned 
in  the  preceding  pages.  It  was  natural  that,  once  informed 
of  their  existence,  we  should  endeavor  to  obtain  as  much 
information  as  possible  in  regard  to  them;  and  it  is  easy  to 
believe  that  this  was  a  very  delicate  and  difficult  task.  On 
general  principles,  and  from  what  I  had  seen  among  the 
Peruvian  Indians,  we  were  prepared  to  find  the  shamans  in 
Bolivia  also,  and  the  first  somewhat  detailed  statements  in 
regard  to  them  were  obtained  at  Tiahuanaco,  though  not 
from  Indians.  There,  the  term  hrujo  (sorcerer)  appeared 
to  be  a  household  word  applied  to  all  Indian  medicine-men. 
There  also  we  were  told  of  the  belief  among  the  Indians 
that  bones  of  dead  *' gentiles"  could  be  introduced  into  the 
bodies  of  persons  through  evil  witchcraft  and  taken  out  by 
some  hrujo  through  sucking!  Later  on,  in  the  course  of 
conversation  with  people  of  the  country  who  spoke  Aymara 
and  appeared  well  versed  in  the  customs  of  the  Indians,  we 
were  informed  that  the  titles  of  those  who  officiated  as  di- 
viners were  "Lay-ka"  and  *'Yatiri."^^^  Some  become 
"Yatiri"  because  they  have  been  struck  by  lightning  and 
survived,  therefore  looked  upon  as  endowed  with  supernat- 
ural gifts ;  a  belief  mentioned  by  older  chroniclers  and  pre- 
vailing all  over  the  mountainous  districts  of  Peru.^^^  We 
were  assured  that  the  layka  consulted  the  coca,  throwing  its 
leaves  like  cards  or  dice  when  they  wanted  to  discover 
hidden,  lost,  or  stolen  property,  and  that  they  also  used 
playing  cards.  One  of  their  performances  was  described  to 
us  as  follows :  The  layka  gather  at  night  in  some  house  and 
begin  to  drink.  At  midnight  the  light  is  put  out,  after  pre- 
viously consulting  the  cards,  and  then  the  owl  ('' jur-cu,"  or 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     121 

"urcu")  is  called.  The  bird  answers  at  once,  and  its  cry  is 
interpreted  by  the  wizards  as  confirming  the  conclusion  at 
which  they  arrived  by  means  of  the  cards. ^^'^ 

On  the  Island  of  Titicaca,  compelled  to  live  for  months 
with  the  Indians,  we  obtained  more  precise  data.  The  in- 
cantation to  which  we  consented  in  order  to  obtain  an  idea 
of  such  ceremonies,  led  us  to  know  that  Manuel  Mamani, 
warden  of  the  hacienda  buildings  (unya-siri),  was  one  of 
the  chief  layka  on  the  Island.  Toward  the  end  of  our  last 
stay  at  Challa  he  acknowledged  it.  But  direct  questioning 
in  regard  to  his  art  and  rank  among  the  wizards  proved  use- 
less. It  made  him  offish  and  caused  him  to  avoid,  for  a  time, 
the  familiar  evening  talks  at  our  room.  Neither  gifts  of 
coca  nor  of  money  could  prevail  upon  him  to  speak.  With 
other  Indians  the  result  was  still  worse.  The  preste, 
who  had  been  pointed  out  to  us,  and  by  Manuel  Mamani 
himself,  as  a  very  powerful  shaman,  shunned  us  from  the 
moment  he  suspected  we  might  interrogate  him.  Hence  it 
was  only  through  very  indirect  methods,  and  by  comparing 
indications  thus  secured  with  statements  freely  made  by 
whites  and  mestizos,  that  we  were  finally  able  to  learn  some- 
thing. We  found  out  that  there  were  at  least  three  principal 
wizards  on  Titicaca,  and  that  (this  from  their  own  confes- 
sion) they  were  subordinate  to  medicine-men  of  higher  au- 
thority residing  at  Sampaya  on  the  Peninsula  of  Copaca- 
vana.  But  it  was  also  stated,  and  by  Indians,  that  at 
Huaicho  there  resided  some  powerful  magicians  whom  they 
obeyed.  This  would  indicate  that  the  religious  organization 
of  the  Aymara  of  that  region  is  independent  of  the  two  par- 
tialities of  Aran-saya  and  Ma-saya.  Among  some  of  the 
whites  and  mestizos,  a  certain  Indian  family  [and  particu- 
larly one  man] ,  residing  at  Tiquina,  was  in  very  bad  repute, 
as  mighty  sorcerers  dreaded  on  the  Peninsula,  the  Islands, 
and  on  Peruvian  territory  adjacent  to  Copacavana.  But 
we  found  out,  through  the  Indians  themselves,  that  although 
that  personage  was  indeed  a  noted  shaman  who  frequently 


122  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

abused  the  credulity  of  mestizos  and  even  of  whites,  his 
influence  was  not  so  great  with  the  Indians.  Casual  obser- 
vations, hints  caught  here  and  there,  the  testimony  of  resi- 
dents at  Copacavana  and  Puno  satisfied  us  that  the  influ- 
ence of  the  shamans  is  as  great  among  the  Aymara  as 
among  northern  Indians,  and  that  it  amounts  to  nearly 
absolute  control  of  their  actions  and  thoughts.  We  became 
convinced  that  among  these  wizards  there  is  a  proper 
organization,  that  there  are  degrees  of  rank,  that  some 
limit  their  performances  to  a  certain  sphere,  others  to  an- 
other. On  the  evening  of  our  last  day  at  Challa  we  obtained, 
at  last,  some  positive  information.  The  Indians  had  been 
celebrating,  and  at  our  expense,  which  we  readily  allowed 
for  obvious  reasons.  On  the  day  before,  two  of  the  highest 
medicine-men  from  Sampaya,  as  it  was  afterward  acknow- 
ledged to  us,  came  to  Challa  under  pretext  of  a  friendly 
visit,  and  in  the  forenoon  (while  the  aborigines  were  still 
undecided  whether  they  would  rejoice  or  do  mischief)  the 
Indians  gathered  around  these  wizards  to  see  them  consult 
the  coca.  We  were  not  allowed  to  look  on.  The  response 
must  have  been  favorable,  for  our  offers  to  defray  the  ex- 
pense of  the  celebration  were  accepted,  and  the  dances  took 
place  in  the  afternoon.  At  night  the  house-warden,  being 
moderately  intoxicated,  called  at  our  room  to  receive  his 
gift  of  coca,  and  we  found  him  inclined  to  intimate  talk. 
We  approached  him  first  on  the  subject  of  the  dances  and 
elicited  the  following  information,  which  I  consider  mostly 
reliable;  but  while  it  is  probably  true  in  regard  to  the 
Island  and  Copacavana,  there  may  exist  variations  else- 
where. 

Manuel  Mamani  of  Challa,  our  informant,  stated  that 
among  the  inhabitants  of  Titicaca  the  following  dances  and 
groups  of  dancers  exist :  The  Mimula,  which  is  seldom  per- 
formed ;  the  Pusipiani,  the  Chacanani,  the  Chayllpa. 

These  four  groups  he  distinctly  and  emphatically  de- 
clared to  be  ancient  and  primitive.    The  Mimula  and  Pusi- 


w 


'.''??yi'      -. 


lJMjg*« 


Uad  been 


CS 

a 

.23 

f-i 

(— 1 

3 

1— 1 

> 

l>d 

o 

rS 

X 

q-l 

m 

&H 

S 

-< 

J 

■^ 

P^ 

Ph 

tS 

a 

9 

^ 

u 

THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     123 

piani,  he  further  asserted,  were  branches  of  the  highest  of 
all,— the  Chirihuanos,— which  were  not  on  the  Island,  but 
had  their  headquarters  at  Sampaya,  their  leaders  and  high- 
est shamans  being  layka  from  the  Mamani  family. 

Besides  these  five  ancient  groups,  there  were  the  following 
more  modern  ones :  The  Kenacho,  or  Kena-kena ;  the  Sicuri, 
the  Inca-sicuri.  The  latter  three  clusters  he  represented  as 
being  less  important.  His  statement  as  to  the  Chirihuanos 
being  the  oldest  and  the  last  three  named  the  most  recent 
and  least  important,  was  repeated  to  us,  spontaneously,  by 
Dr.  del  Carpio,  the  owner  of  Koati,  who  has  good  oppor- 
tunity of  securing  information,  since  the  headquarters  of 
the  Chirihuanos  are  in  the  near  neighborhood  of  his  prop- 
erty.1^8 

We  could  not  elicit  from  our  Indian  other  information  in 
regard  to  the  "Chirihuanos,  Mimula  and  Pusipiani.  As  he 
himself  belonged  to  the  last-named,  hence  to  a  branch  of  the 
Chirihuanos,  it  is  evident  that  he  did  not  wish  to  talk  ' '  out 
of  school."  But  in  regard  to  others  he  was  more  commu- 
nicative, as  the  Indian  always  is  about  matters  that  do  not 
directly  concern  him. 

He  told  us  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  Chacanani  *'to 
fight, ' '  and  that  the  Kenacho,  or  Kena-kena,  have  the  same 
office,  but  as  a  recent  and  ''younger"  branch  of  the  Cha- 
canani. The  Chayllpa  he  represented  as  being  hunters, 
hence  they  dance  the  chacu-ayllu.  But  he  also  stated  that 
the  Chayllpa  are  charged  with  the  duty  of  "making,"  or 
procuring,  rain,  by  using  frogs  and  toads  as  intercessors, 
and  by  collecting  little  stones  on  the  rocky  summit  of  the 
Calvario  and  throwing  them  into  the  Lake.  In  addition  to 
these  duties,  the  Chayllpa  are  expected  to  "make  peace 
when  the  Chacanani  and  Kenacho  begin  to  fight. ' ' 

Assuming  the  above  statements  to  be  true  (and  from  our 
present  knowledge  I  must  regard  them  as  true  in  the  main, 
at  least  so  far  as  concerns  the  Island),  these  different 
groups  of  dancers  form  as  many  esoteric  societies.    Upon 


124  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

being  closely  interrogated  on  their  origin,  our  informant 
gave  evasive  answers,  repeating,  however,  that  the  layka 
of  Sampaya  were  the  heads  of  the  Chirihuanos;  that  he 
himself,  as  Pusipiani,  was  the  leader  of  the  latter  on  the 
Island  (there  may  have  been  some  exaggeration  in  this) ; 
and  that  initiation  in  any  of  the  clusters  depended  upon  the 
pleasure  of  the  ''old  men"  exclusively.  We  asked  several 
times  whether  the  parents  of  a  child  might,  through  some 
vow,  or  pledge,  destine  that  child  to  become  a  member  of 
any  society  of  dancers.  He  either  did  not  understand  the 
query,  or  was  wary  enough  to  suspect  the  true  import  of  it : 
at  all  events  he  emphatically  asserted,  that  neither  the  par- 
ents nor  the  party  himself  could  decide  or  choose."^  But 
he  also  made  the  somewhat  strange  statement  that  the  ' '  old 
men"  had  power  to  transfer  from  one  group  to  another! 

There  is  much  in  this  that  recalls  the  esoteric  societies 
discovered  by  Mr.  Gushing  among  the  pueblo  Indians  of 
New  Mexico,  which  certainly  existed  among  the  ancient 
Mexicans  and  other  tribes.  Thus  the  Chacanani  and  Ke- 
nacho  appear  to  be  the  warriors,  the  Chayllpa  the  hunters. 
I  mention  such  analogies  only  as  hints,  and  as  problems  for 
further  careful  investigation. 

At  all  events,  the  existence  of  these  groups,  their  organi- 
zation and  duties,  are  kept  very  secret.  That  their 
functions  are  connected  with  beliefs  and  rites  antedating 
Spanish  times,  appears  manifest.  Not  only  the  perfor- 
mances of  the  Chayllpa  as  procurers  of  rain,  but  other 
features  indicate  this.  While  the  manufacture  of  costumes 
and  toggery  is  partly  carried  on  in  broad  daylight,  the  days 
and  nights  preceding  a  big  dance  are  marked  by  doings  to 
which  outsiders  are  not  admitted;  the  layka  are,  at  such 
times,  often  absent  from  their  homes  or  at  least  are  not 
accessible  to  strangers.  The  dance  itself  seems  to  be  but 
the  display,  not  the  object,  of  the  performance.  Its  con- 
nection with  festivals  of  the  Catholic  church  is  a  veil  under 
cover  of  which  the  Indian  performs  ancient  ceremonies.^ ^"^ 


A 

1 

_ 

•^-^ 

^~ 

fe] 

<: 

s 

? 

s 

S' 

r^ 

c; 

^ 

^ 

> 

'T3 


-    s 


<n 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     125 

These  embody  ethnologic  features  of  great  antiquity  and 
considerable  interest.  I  can  only  urge  the  necessity  of 
studying  the  aborigines  of  this  part  of  South  America  ac- 
cording to  the  methods  so  successfully  employed  within  the 
last  twenty-five  years  among  northern  Indians. 

The  great  variety  of  shamans  scattered  over  Bolivia 
among  the  Indians  of  all  tribes  and  stocks,  as  well  as  among 
all  Indians  of  Peru,  renders  their  classification  difficult.  On 
the  Island,  there  was  a  shaman  over  whom  a  cloud  seemed 
to  hover.  He  was  mentioned  as  being  ' '  chama-kani, "  and 
regarded  with  mistrust  because  he  had  ''dealings  with  the 
Q^l  >n5i  ^g  tried  to  ascertain  whether  the  medicine-men, 
the  healers  and  curers  proper,  or  doctors,  so-called,  were 
distinct  from  the  diviners  or  prophets.  It  struck  us  that 
our  medicine  chest  and  the  household  remedies  of  my  wife 
were  so  frequently  put  in  requisition,  and  that  even  the 
layka  Manuel  Mamani  preferred  to  ask  for  our  medicaments 
rather  than,  at  least  openly,  use  remedies  of  his  own.  It 
seemed  as  if  he  had  no  knowledge  of  aboriginal  medicine. 
Still  this  same  man,  who  usually  accompanied  us  and  par- 
ticularly assisted  Mrs.  Bandelier  in  her  gathering  of 
medicinal  plants,  displayed  on  such  occasions  a  very  inti- 
mate acquaintance  with  herbs  and  their  application  in 
sundry  cases.  His  knowledge  was  indicated  by  ivhat  he 
refused  to  tell  or  avoided  to  acknowledge,  as  well  as  by  what 
he  freely  told.  Thus  we  learned,  from  other  sources,  of 
plants  which  we  saw  and  of  which  he  refused  to  give  even 
the  names.  On  the  other  hand  he  revealed  to  us,  uncon- 
sciously, many  strange  beliefs  and  customs,  relating  to 
medicine.  Whenever  one  of  us  accidentally  hurt  himself 
by  falling  against  a  stone,  he  would  enjoin  us  to  take  a  small 
piece  of  the  rock,  reduce  it  to  powder,  dilute  it  with  water, 
and  drink  it,  lest  the  same  rock  might  hurt  us  again.  He  it 
was  who  told  us  about  the  ailment  called  "larpata,"  a 
child's  disease,  caused  by  the  sight  of  a  corpse.  In  the  list 
of  medicinal  plants  sent  in  by  my  wife,  a  number  of  species 


126  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

used  in  witchcraft  are  noted.  Whatever  remains  of  the 
aboriginal  practice  of  medicine  among  the  Aymara  is  kept 
secret,  and  this  is  doubly  strange,  since  the  more  suspicious 
'*art'*  of  foretelling  by  means  of  the  coca  is  practised  by 
Indian  sorcerers,  not  for  Indians,  alone,  but  frequently  for 
the  benefit  of  mestizos  as  well  as  of  whites.  Singular 
coincidences  of  prophecy  with  fact  have  been  related  to  us. 
These  oracles  and  the  manner  in  which  they  are  obtained 
further  illustrate  belief  in  the  *  *  Achachilas, ' '  so  often  men- 
tioned here.  The  conjurer  takes  certain  coca  leaves,  perfect 
in  form,  which,  when  thrown,  fall  with  the  lustrous  side 
upward.  Such  leaves  are  to  represent  the  '*  Achachilas, " 
of  the  localities  where  the  object  or  subject  of  the  consulta- 
tion is  at  the  time,  or  where  a  certain  action  takes  place 
directly  connected  with  the  matter  at  issue.  We  know  of 
an  instance  where  the  object  of  the  performance  was  to 
obtain  information  in  regard  to  military  movements  con- 
nected with  political  disturbances  in  Peru  and  Bolivia.  The 
consultation  of  the  coca  took  place  at  Copacavana,  and  the 
shaman  was  an  Indian  of  that  Peninsula.  He  selected 
three  coca  leaves  as  representing,  respectively.  La  Paz, 
Arequipa  and  Puno,  the  first  through  the  "Achachila"  of 
Illimani,^^^  the  second  that  of  the  Misti,^^^  and  the  third  of 
some  height  near  Puno.  That  most  of  the  diviners  or  layka 
are  impostors  cannot  be  affirmed.  They  to  a  great  extent 
are  sincere,  but  at  the  same  time  there  are  some  who  abuse 
credulity,  especially  of  those  who  are  not  Indians.  Upon 
the  Indian  mind  these  predictions,  or  oracles,  exercise  an 
astounding  influence,  much  greater  than  a  wonderful  cure. 
Hence  the  diviners,  among  the  Aymara,  assume  a  position 
superior  to  that  of  the  medicine-men.  Our  later  investiga- 
tions have  fully  established  that  the  shamans  are,  among 
the  Aymara,  organized  into  several  main  esoteric  clusters. 
But  it  is  not  the  place  to  enter  into  details  of  researches 
carried  on  after  our  work  on  the  Islands,  in  other  sections 
of  Bolivia. 


THE  INDIANS  OP  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     127 

That  the  Indian  punishes  evil  sorcery  as  cruelly  as  he 
bows  slavishly  to  what  he  considers  legitimate  magic  art, 
applies  in  full  force  to  the  Aymara.  When  the  Indians  of 
Yunguyu  broke  out  on  the  Peruvian  frontier,  they  sacked 
the  house  of  the  Governor,  a  white  man.  On  that  occasion 
they  discovered  two  innocent  dolls,  but  they  had  been  hidden 
beneath  the  floor.  It  satisfied  the  natives  that  they  were 
objects  of  black  sorcery  and  raised  their  fury  to  such  a 
pitch,  that  the  house  was  actually  torn  to  shreds.  "We  saw 
the  wreck  soon  after,  and  I  never  saw  such  complete  anni- 
hilation through  the  hand  of  man.  In  1893  an  Indian  on  the 
Island,  well  known  to  us,  took  it  into  his  head  that  a  certain 
woman  was  a  dangerous  witch.  He  seized  the  unfortunate 
on  a  favorable  opportunity,  thrust  her  into  a  burning  brush 
pile  until  she  was  completely  roasted  and  then— a^e  her  up! 
Acts  of  cannibalism,  by  the  way,  are  not  uncommon  among 
the  Aymara  of  Bolivia,  and  many  of  them  are  well  known  to 
the  authorities  who,  however,  either  deny  or  confess  they 
are  impotent  against  such  customs.  Where  an  Indian  stock 
has  preserved  so  many  of  its  ancient  customs  and  beliefs, 
it  is  natural  to  suppose  that  authentic  traditions,  mythical 
and  historical  lore,  are  still  to  be  gathered.  Since  the 
Aymara  possess  an  esoteric  organization  like  that  found 
among  the  aborigines  of  the  North  American  southwest,  it 
is  chiefly  among  their  esoteric  clusters  that  we  must  look 
for  ancient  historical  lore. 


NOTES 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA 


PART  m 


*  The  earliest  printed  notice  of 
Titicaca  Island  thus  far  known  is 
from  the  year  1534.  Still  it  is  possi- 
ble that  rumors  about  the  Island  and 
its  sacred  site  had  gone  beyond  the 
limits  of  actual  Peru.  The  report 
made  by  Juan  de  Samano,  Secretary 
of  Charles  V,  to  the  Emperor  (1526) 
on  the  explorations  along  the  South 
American  west  coast  as  far  as  Ta- 
camez,  in  1525,  mentions  a  story  told 
the  Spaniards,  by  people  from  fur- 
ther south,  about  the  country  inland 
and  a  certain  island  near  the  coast 
with  the  effigy  of  a  woman  (Relacion 
de  los  primeros  descubrimientos  de 
Francisco  Pizarro  y  Diego  de  Almagro, 
from  Codex  CXX  of  the  Imperial  Li- 
brary of  Vienna,  in  Coleccion  de 
Documentos  ineditos  para  la  Historia 
de  Espaiia,  Vol.  V,  p.  200):  "Hay 
una  isla  en  la  mar  junto  d  los  pueblos 
donde  tienen  una  casa  de  oracion 
hecha  a  manera  de  tienda  de  campo, 
toldada  de  muy  ricas  mantas  labra- 
das,  4donde  tienen  una  imajen  de  una 
muger  con  un  niiio  en  los  brazos  que 
tiene  por  nombre  Maria  Meseia: 
cuando  alguno  tiene  alguna  enfer- 
medad  en  alguno  miembro,  hacele  un 
miembro  de  plata  6  de  oro,  y  ofre- 
cesela,  y  le  sacrifican  delante  de  la 
imagen  ciertas  ovejas  en  ciertos 
tiempos. "  The  "sheep"  here  men- 
tioned were  the  llama,  and  the  offer- 


ings of  these  animals  took  place  in  the 
Sierra,  not  on  the  coast,  where  the 
llama  cannot  live  for  any  length  of 
time.  The  offering  of  parts  of  the 
human  body  imitated  in  gold  recalls 
the  little  gold  and  silver  fetishes  so 
numerously  found  in  the  soil  of  the 
Island.  The  Spaniards  could  hardly 
be  expected  to  have  understood  the 
natives  at  that  time.  Even  an  Indian 
interpreter  could  not  impart  to  Euro- 
peans then  already  a  correct  idea  of 
what  he  was  told  in  his  own  language. 
No  Indian  had  had  time  to  become 
sufficiently  familiar  with  Spanish,  at 
least  on  the  coast  of  South  America. 
Hence  the  confusion  in  description 
and  location.  The  notice  printed  in 
1534  is,  geographically,  more  definite, 
though  still  muddled,  and  the  de- 
scriptive part  bristles  with  exaggera- 
tions, by  means  of  which  the  Indians 
sometimes  hoped  to  get  rid  of  the 
strangers  by  sending  them  on  an  ad- 
venturous journey  far  away.  The 
document  is  the  (exceedingly  rare) 
folio.  La  Conquista  del  Peru,  llamada 
la  nueua  Castilla,  Sevilla,  1534  (with- 
out paging).  The  author  is  not 
known,  but  he  must  have  been  a 
companion  of  Pizarro.  He  says,  on 
the  last  page:  "Se  q  dixo  el  Cacique 
q  ay  otros  muchos  indios  de  aquella 
tierra  de  CaoUo  [Collao]  y  q  ay  vn 
rio  muy  grande  en  el  ql  ay  vna  ysla 


130 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


dode  ay  ciertas  casas:  y  que  entre 
ellas  esta  vna  muy  grande  toda  cu- 
bierta  de  oro  y  las  pajas  hechas  de 
oro:  porq  los  indios  nos  truxeron  vn 
manojo  dellas  y  q  las  vigas  y  cuanto 
en  la  casa  ay  todo  es  oro :  y  q  tiene  el 
suelo  empedrado  eon  granos  de  oro 
per  fundir:  y  q  tiene  dentro  de  ella 
mucho  oro  per  fundir.  Y  esto  oy  dezir 
al  cacique  y  a  sus  indios  q  son  de  aquella 
tierra  estado  presente  el  gouernador. 
Dixo  mas  el  cacique  q  el  oro  q  saca 
de  aql  rio  no  lo  coge  en  bateas:  antes 
lo  cogen  en  vnas  acequias  q  hacen 
salir  de  aql  rio  que  laua  la  tierra  q 
tienen  cauada:  y  assi  mesmo  quitan 
el  agua  de  aqUa  acequia  como  esta 
lauada  y  cogen  el  oro  y  los  granos  q 
hallan  q  son  nauchos:  y  esto  yo  lo  oy 
muchas  vezes:  porq  a  todos  los  indios 
de  la  tierra  de  CoUao  q  lo  pregun- 
tauan  dezia  que  esto  era  assi  ver- 
dad. ' '  This  information  was  obtained 
previous  to  September,  1533,  as  the 
cacique  mentioned  was  Atauhuallpa. 
The  river  vnth  which  Lake  Titicaca  is 
confounded  was  probably  the  Cara- 
baya,  southeast  of  Cuzco,  in  Peru. 
The  gold-bearing  district  of  that 
name  was  known,  and  the  Spaniards 
began  to  work  its  * '  placers ' '  before 
1544.  Cieza:  Tercer  Libro  de  las 
guerras  civiles  del  Peru,  MSS.  at 
Lenox  Library,  Cap.  cxl,  fol.  199:  *'y 
en  el  inter  que  fue  aquel  viaje  Diego 
Centeno  despacho  cartas  al  rico  y 
muy  nombrado  rio  de  Caravia  para 
que  los  Espanoles  que  en  sus  riveras 
sacaban  metal  de  oro  dexasen  por 
entonces  aquel  oficio  y  viniesen  a  ser- 
vir  al  Eey  usando  el  militar. " 

Oviedo  who  wrote  from  hearsay  of 
conquerors  returned  to  Spain,  is  more 
sober  and  positive  than  the  two  an- 
terior ones  (Eistoria  general  y 
natural  de  Indios,  Vol.  IV,  Lib.  XLVii, 
Cap.  11,  p.  261).  "Aquella  tierra  de 
CoUao  tiene  buena  dispusicion  e  sitio: 
hay  en  ella  una  laguna  que  tiene  qua- 
renta  leguas  de  cireunferen^ia,  y  es 
dul^ie  e  fondable  e  de  mucho  pescado: 
y  en  una  isleta  que  dentro  se  hage, 


tiene  aquella  gente  la  principal  casa 
de  sus  ydolatrias  y  sacrificios,  y 
es  de  mucha  veneracion  entrellos,  e 
van  alii  como  en  romeria  desde  muy 
lexos  tierra."  I  place  his  testimony 
here,  as  he  obtained  the  information 
previous  to  1540. 

'  The  first  visit  by  Spaniards  to 
the  shores  of  Titicaca  Lake  took 
place,  as  stated,  late  in  December  of 
1533,  but  the  date  of  their  visit  to 
the  Island  is  not  known.  It  must 
have  been  in  the  last  days  of  that 
year  or  early  in  January,  1534.  The 
information  concerning  this  recon- 
noissance  of  the  Lake,  its  shores,  and 
the  Islands  is  official,  and  embodied 
in  the  report  which  the  secretary  of 
Pizarro,  Pedro  Sancho,  wrote  at 
Jauja  July  15,  1534,  addressing  it,  in 
the  name  of  Pizarro  and  the  royal 
functionaries  with  him,  to  the  Em- 
peror. The  original  of  this  invalu- 
able document  may  be  lost,  but  an 
Italian  translation  of  it  was  pub- 
lished by  Eamusio  (Terzo  volume 
Belle.  Navigationi  et  Viaggi),  was 
printed  in  1556,  and  incorporated 
verhatim,  in  the  second  and  third  edi- 
tions of  1565  and  1606.  The  trans- 
lation was  made  directly  from 
the  original — "Questa  translatione  e 
cauata  dall 'originale "  (fol.  414). 
It  states  (fol.  413):  "Nel  paese  di 
CoUao  non  si  ha  notitia  del  mare. — & 
e  paese  piano,  per  quel  che  s'e  conos- 
ciuto,  &  grande,  &  molto  fredde,  &  vi 
sono  molti  fiume,  de  quali  se  caua 
oro.  Dicono  gl'Indiani  esser  in  esso 
vn  lagune  grande  d'acqua  dolce  in 
mezzo  della  quale  sono  due  Isole,  per 
saper  1 'esser  di  questo  paese,  &  al 
gouerno  suo,  mando  il  Gouernatore 
duo  Christian!  accio  gli  rapportas- 
seron  d'esso  lunga  informatione,  che 
si  partiron  da  lui  nel  principio  di 
Decembre. ' '  The  brief  notice  in 
Oviedo  seems  to  be  taken  from  this 
text.  A  retranslation  from  Italian 
into  Spanish  was  made  by  the  late 
Don  Joaquin  Garcia  Ycazbalceta  and 
printed  in  the  appendix  to  his  Eng- 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     131 


lish  version  of  Prescott's  Conquest  of 
Peru.  Historia  de  la  Conquista  del 
Peru,  escrita  en  Ingles  par  W.  R. 
Prescott.  Traducida  al  Castellano 
por  Joaquin  Garcia  Ycazbalceta, 
Mexico,  1850.  I  owe  the  data  con- 
cerning this  very  rare  work  to  my 
friend  Mr.  Charles  Paul  McKie  of 
Englewood,  to  whom  I  am,  besides, 
indebted  for  other  valuable  informa- 
tion. 

The  title  of  the  report  of  Sancho 
(above  quoted)  is:  Relatione  per  Sua 
Maesta  di  qvel  che  nel  conquisto  Sf 
pacificatio7ie  di  queste  prouincie  della 
nuoua  Castiglia  e  successo,  4"  della 
qualitd  del  paese  dope  che  el  Capitano 
Fernando  Pizarro  si  parti  4"  fitorno 
a  sua  Maesta.  II  rapporto  del  con- 
quistamento  di  Caxamalca  4"  '"  V"^ 
gione  del  Cacique  Atabalipa,  etc. 
(Ramusio,  1565,  III).  The  report  is 
signed:  Francesco  Pizarro,  Aluaro 
Kicchelme  Antonio  Nauarro,  Garzia 
di  Salzedo  and  Pero  Sancho,  and 
bears  date  as  stated,  Xauxa,  July  15, 
1534.  The  part  of  it  translated  in 
the  text  is  on  f ol.  413 :  "I  duo 
Christiani  che  furono  mandati  a 
vedere  la  prouincia  di  Collao  tarda- 
rono  40  giorni  nel  lor  viaggio,  doppo 
ritornati  alia  eitta  del  Cusco,  doue 
staua  il  Gouernatore,  gli  dierono 
nuoua  &  relationa  di  tutto  quel  che 
haueuan  inteso  &  veduto,  che  e  questa 
che  qui  disotto  si  dichiara.  II  paese 
di  Collao  e  lontano  &  appartato  molto 
dal  mare,  tanto  che  le  genti  natiue 
che  habitano  non  hanno  notitia 
d'esso:  e  paese  molto  alto,  &  medio 
cremente  piano,  &  con  tutto  cio,  e 
fuor  di  modo  freddo. — Non  v'e  in 
esBo  selua  ne  legna  d  'abrucciare,  & 
quella  che  percio  vsa,  han  in  baratto 
di  mercantia  con  quelli  che  habitano 
vicino  al  mare,  chiamati  Ingri,  &  che 
habitano  anco  al  basso  presso  le  fiu- 
mane,  doue  e  paese  caldo  che  questi 
hanno  legna,  et  si  baratta  con  pecore 
&  altro  bestiame,  &  legumi,  perche 
nel  resto  il  paese  e  sterile,  ehe  tutti 
con  radice  d'herbe,  et  herbe,  Maiz,  & 


qualche  poca  carne  si  sostentano, 
non  perche  in  quella  prouincia  di 
Collao  non  sia  buona  quantita  di  pe- 
core, ma  perche  la  gente  e  tanta 
soggetta  al  Signore  a  chi  deue  prestare 
obedienza,  che  senza  sua  licenza,  6  del 
principale,  6  Gouernatore  che  per  suo 
comandamento  sta  nella  terre,  non 
n'vccide,  posto  que  ancora  i  Signori: 
&  Caciqui  non  ardizcano  ammazzare 
ne  mangiare  niuna  se  non  e  con  tal 
licenza. — II  paese  e  ben  popolato, 
perche  non  e  distrutto  daUa  guerra, 
come  sono  I'altre  proulcie,  le  sue 
terre  sono  di  mediocre  grandezza,  & 
le  case  uicciole,  le  mura  di  pietra  & 
terra  insieme,  coperte  di  paglia. — 
L'herba  che  nasce  in  queste  paese,  6 
rara  &  corta.  Vi  sono  alcuni  fiumi 
pero  piccioU:  nel  mezzo  della  pro- 
uincia e  m  gran  lago  di  grandezza  di 
presso  cento  leghe,  &  all '  intorno  di 
queste  lago  e  il  piu  popolato  paese, 
in  mezzo  d'esso  sono  due  picciolel 
Isolette,  nell'vna  delle  quali  e  vna 
moschea  &  casa  del  Sole,  laquale  6 
tenuta  in  gran  veneratione,  &  in  essa 
vanno  a  fare  le  loro  offerte  &  sacrifi- 
cij  in  vna  gran  pietra  che  e  nell  'Isola 
che  la  chiamano  Thichicasa,  doue  6 
perche  il  Diauolo  vi  si  nasconde,  &  gli 
parla  6  per  costume  antico,  como 
glie,  6  per  altro  che  non  s'e  mai 
chiarito,  la  tengono  tutti  quelli  della 
prouincia  in  grande  stime,  &  gli  offe- 
riscono  ore  &  argento,  &  altre  cose. 
Vi  sono  meglio  di  secento  Indian!  al 
seruitio  di  questo  luogo,  &  piu  di 
mille  donne,  che  fanno  Chicca  per 
gettarla  sopra  queUa  pietra. ' ' 

•  See  note  10. 

*  Primera  Parte  de  la  Cronica  del 
Peru,  Vedia,  II.  Cap.  cm,  p.  445. 

'  Fray  Alonzo  Ramos  Gavilan :  His- 
toria de  Copacahana,  edited  by 
Father  Rafael  Sans;  the  original,  to 
which  I  shall  refer  with  greater  detail 
in  the  last  part  of  this  monograph, 
is  from  1621.  Part  I,  Cap.  xv,  p.  21 : 
"A  lo  dicho  ya  sobre  el  de  Titicaca 
anadiremoB  que  era  el  mas  visitado 
del  reino  y  de  tamanas  riquezas,  las 


132 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


que  es  fama  comun  echaron  los  indios 
a  la  laguna  cuando  entraron  a  la  isla 
los  primeros  espanolea  con  el  capitan 
Illescas. ' ' 

'  From  the  above  it  seems  that 
niescas  had  with  him  more  than  one 
soldier,  whereas  the  first  visit  was  by 
only  two  men.  About  the  supposed 
visit  of  Illescas  to  Copacavana  in  1536 
see  note  8. 

^  The  source  here  mentioned  is  a 
doubtful  one  in  so  far  as  the  author, 
an  expelled  monk  by  the  name  of 
J.  Vizcarra  F.,  from  La  Paz,  Bolivia, 
pretends  to  give  a  synopsis  of  a  work 
written  and  published  in  1628  by 
Fray  Baltasar  de  Salas  (an  Augus- 
tine), under  the  following  title: 
Excertas  Aymdru — Aymdra  sobre  de 
los  Origenes  de  las  Gentes  deste  Nuev- 
Orve  Me  Mrl.  dirixido  a  la  C:  M :  de 
Don  Felipe  Qvarto,  N:  Portntsmo 
Bey  de  las  Espanas,  y  Monarcha 
ynvictissimo  deste  Nuevo  Orve:  par 
su  hvmilde  siervo  Bon  Fray  Baltasar 
de  Solas,  fixo  augustiniano :  Quien  fiso 
empremir  esta  parte  desde  los  folios 
141  fasta  los  255  conlas  liceneias  mvy 
eon  formes  a  Decreto  del  13  de  Marzo 
de  1625,  Expetito  en  Eoma  por 
N:S:S:P:  VEBANO  OCT  A  VO, 
etc.  The  remainder  of  the  so-called 
facsimile  is  manifestly  from  the  pen 
of  Vizcarra.  At  the  bottom  of  this  title- 
page  stands:  Antverpiae  Exofficina 
Plantiniana,  ApudBalthasarem  et  lodn- 
nem  Moretos.—M.  DC.  XX.  VIII.  The 
title  given  by  Vizcarra  to  his  produc- 
tion is:  W :  T :  Copacabana  de  los 
Incas  Docuvientos  Auto-linguisticos  e 
isografiados  del  Aymdru-Aymdra  Pro- 
togonos  de  los  Pre-americanos,  La 
Paz,  1901. 

The  whole  is  such  an  incongruous 
mass  of  more  or  less  disjointed  ab- 
stracts from  Salas,  pretended  fac- 
similes, ridiculous  and  badly  executed 
wood-cuts,  and  notes  and  discussions 
by  Vizcarra  which  create  the  impres- 
sion of  being  the  work  of  an  utterly 
disordered  brain,  that  at  first  sight 
one  throws  away  the  book  in  disgust. 


Still  there  can  hardly  be  any  doubt 
of  the  existence  of  the  work  of  Salaa 
or  at  least  of  a  fragment,  in  the 
hands  of  Vizcarra.  The  latter  is  be- 
lieved (at  La  Paz)  to  have  obtained 
(how  is  not  definitely  known)  a  num- 
ber of  ancient  documents  touching 
Copacavana,  which  he  carefully  con- 
ceals. The  book  of  Salas  had  to  be 
shown  to  the  vicarial  chapter  of  La 
Paz,  and  in  consequence  of  it  that 
ecclesiastic  authority  issued  the  fol- 
lowing : 

Permiso. 
'  *  Obtuvimos  para  copiar  y  reimprimir 
el  Memorial  historico-linguistico  del 
Padre  Salas,  impreso  en  110  fojas  el 
ano  mil,  seicientos  y  veintiocho.  Dicho 
fascicule  se  lee  de  pag.  141  a  255,  in- 
clusive; y,  el  mismo  que,  adjunto  a 
cuatro  legajos  manuscritos,  y  es- 
tampados  con  el  presente  en  conjunto, 
han  merecido  el  siguiente  auto.  .  .  . 
"Vicaria  Capitular  de  la  diocesis  de 

La   Paz,   a  veintiseis   de   Enero   de 

mil  novecientos  y  uno. 

"No  conteniendo  nada  opuesto  k  la 
doctrina  Catolica,  segun  la  precedente 
censura  de  S:S:  el  Canonigo  Doc- 
toral, el  libro  'Copacabana  de  los 
Incas'  PARTE  PRIMER — Que  se  pro- 
pone reimprimir  el  Presbitero  occur- 
rente,  concedeae  la  licencia  que  para 
el  efecto  se  solicita. 

' '  Machicado. 

' '  Larrea-Secretario. ' ' 

Hence  the  work  of  Salas  exists,  al- 
though probably  not  intact.  If  the 
abstracts  that  Vizcarra  claims  to  give 
are  genuine,  then  Salas  must  have 
been  as  insane  as  his  modern  editor. 
But  no  reliance  can  be  placed  upon 
quotations  even.  I  limit  myself  to 
referring  to  pages  iv-vii,  where  he 
states  that  Bartolome  Las  Casas  came 
to  Peru  in  1525(!),  six  years  before 
Pisarro,  and  that  he  held  a  long  par- 
ley—m  Spanish— with  an  Indian  girl 
in  the  vicinity  of  Cuzco!  For  other 
evidences  of  an  utterly  deranged 
mind,  the  book  bristles  with  them, 
and,  what  is  worst,  it  is  next  to  im- 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OP  TITICACA     133 


possible  to  discriminate  between  what 
is  from  Salas  and  what  from  the 
other.  Nevertheless  I  cannot  discard 
absolutely  some  of  the  material  pub- 
lished by  Vizcarra  and  shall  have  to 
refer  to  it  occasionally,  always  with 
due  reserve.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
he  has  incorporated  in  the  hopelessly 
confused  text  of  his  work  some  state- 
ments based  upon  documentary  evi- 
dence, but  manipulated  and  altered 
them  in  such  a  manner  as  to  throw 
a  cloud  on  their  authenticity.  How- 
ever, the  core  may,  in  some  cases,  be 
separated  from  the  rubbish  under 
which  Vizcarra  (and,  perhaps,  Salas 
himself?)  has  buried  it.  One  of  these 
cases  is  the  following:  On  pages  324 
and  525  he  cites  a  document  attrib- 
uted to  Fray  Francisco  de  Gamboa, 
Augustine,  dated  Copacavana,  July, 
1620,  in  which  that  ecclesiastic  is 
made  to  state:  "Doy  ffe  Yo  Fray 
Francisco  de  Gamboa,  religioso  Er- 
mitano  de  S:  Augustin,  que  hube 
recogido  cuarentidos  Expedientes  en- 
tre  procesados  absueltos,  y  entre  cur- 
santes,  de  las  *  Fundaciones  de  En- 
comiendas '  para  Doctrinas  de  Indios 
Cullawas. ' '  Thus  far  probably  Gam- 
boa. What  follows  recalls  Vizcarra, 
although  there  may  be  some  original 
passages.  ' '  Entre  los  mas  antiguos 
y  principales  de  ellos,  existen  varios 
de  mucha  importancia  para  los 
ANALES  de  CCOPAKAWANA — cuyos  tra- 
sumptos  los  ffice  escrebir  segun  el 
presente— iNVEXTARio  de  encomien- 
DAS. — "eK.)  Comarcas  del.Inca  Ccopa- 
kawa,  eran  siete  el  ano  mill  y  qui- 
nientos  y  treinta  y  seis.  En  el  cual 
ano  1536,  fueron  reducidas  a  una  sola 
Doetrina  de  las  Sacras  Cruces,  por 
Cedula  firmada  y  sellada  de  mano 
propia  de  Don  Pedro  Anzurez  y  Hen- 
riquez  de  Campo-redondo ;  Don  Diego 
Illescas,  con  sesenta  arcabuceros;  Don 
Sebastian  Belalcazar,  eon  sesenta  arca- 
buceros. Con  los  Padres  del  Orden  de 
S:  Francisco  tres  Sacerdotes,  y  dos 
Laicos,  es  de  saber:  Fray  Francisco 
de  los  Angeles  Morales,  y  Fr.  Fran- 


cisco de  la  Cruz  Alcozer,  y  Fray 
Franco,  de  STa  Ana  La  Koca,  y  Fr. 
Matteo  de  Xumilla,  y  Fr.  Alonso  de 
Alcanices.  Con  otros  cuarenta  vecinoa 
de  Espana,  venidos  en  dos  armadas. 
La  una  de  Quito  por  el  Ccosscco  y  el 
Aricaxa.  La  otra  de  Lima  por  Are- 
kypa  y  el  Lupaka  ..."  There  are 
six  more  of  these  "  Kepartimientos " 
mentioned,  all,  however,  on  the  Peru- 
vian and  Bolivian  mainland.  One  is 
from  the  year  1557,  three  from  1538 
and  two  from  1539.  At  the  end 
stands  the  following:  ^'De  todo  lo 
que  certifico  en  Copacavana  y  Julio 
de  1620:  &&  Fray  Francisco  de  Gam- 
boa. ' '  The  mention  of  the  presence 
of  Franciscans  at  Copacavana  in  1536 
is  somewhat  surprising.  One  of  the 
chroniclers  of  the  Franciscan  order  in 
Peru,  Fray  Diego  de  Mendoza,  in 
Chronica  de  la  Provincia  de  S.  Anto- 
nio de  los  Charcas  del  Orden  de  NBo 
seraphico  P.  S.  Francisco,  en  las  In- 
dius  Occidentales,  Eeyno  del  Peru, 
Madrid,  1664,  Lib.  I,  Cap.  ii,  p.  10, 
states  that  Fray  Marcos  of  Nizza 
came  to  Peru  in  1532  and  was  present 
at  the  affair  of  Caxamarca  with  his 
six  companions  of  the  order:  "Vino 
con  seis  Eeligiosos  nuestros  por  su 
Comissario  al  Peru,  ano,  de  mil  y 
quinientos  y  treinta  y  dos,  y  se  hallo 
con  sus  companeros,  y  los  Eeligiosos 
de  Nuestro  Padre  S:  Domingo  en  la 
prision,  y  muerte  de  Athahualpa,  6 
Atabalipa  Eey  Inga,  segun  el  mesmo 
da  testimonio,  y  lo  refiere  el  Obispo 
de  Chiapa. ' '  This  reference  is  to  the 
notorious  book  of  Las  Casas:  Breuis- 
sima  relacion  dela  destruycion  delas 
¥ndias.  I  quote  from  the  Italian 
and  Spanish  version  published  in 
1643,  at  Venice,  by  Giacomo  Castel- 
lani  under  the  title  of  Istoria  6 
Breuissima  Belatione  della  Distrut- 
tione  dell '  Indie  Occidentali,  p.  114: 
"Yo  fray  Marcos  de  Nica  de  la  orden 
de  Sant  Francisco,  comissario  sobre 
meros  Christianos  entraron  en  las 
prouincias  del  Peru,  que  fue  de  los 
primeros  religiosos,   que  con  los  pri- 


134 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


meros  Christianos  entraron  en  las 
dichas  prouincias,  digo  dando  testimo- 
nio  verdadero  de  algunas  cosas,  que  yo 
con  mis  ojos  vi  en  aqlla  tierra.  ..." 
Among  the  occurrences  Fray  Marcos 
saw,  no  mention  is  made  by  him  of 
the  Caxamarca  episode,  -but  (p.  115) 
he  claims  (par.  14):  "Item  soy  tes- 
tigo,  &  doy  testimonio,  que  sin  dar 
causa,  ni  occasion  aquellos  Yndios 
alos  Espanoles,  luego,  que  entraron 
en  sus  tierras,  despues  de  auer  dado 
el  mayor  Cacique  Atabalipa,  que  era 
Senor  de  toda  la  tierra  mas  de  dos 
millones  de  oro  alos  Espanoles,  y 
auiendoles  dado  toda  la  tierra  en  su 
poder  sin  resistencia,  luego  quemaron 
al  dicho  Atabalipa.  ..."  The  as- 
sumption that  Fray  Marcos  was  in 
Peru  with  his  six  companions  already 
in  1532  is  therefore  gratuitous.  It  is 
also  very  doubtful  if  any  Franciscan 
monks  could  have  been  in  Bolivia  in 
1536.  The  coast  was  then  blockaded 
by  the  Indians,  and  there  was  no 
communication  with  the  interior. 
Fray  Francisco  de  la  Cruz  was  at 
Lima  in  1535,  according  to  Father 
Bernabe  Cobo,  S.J. :  Historia  de  la 
Fundacion  de  Lima,  from  1639,  Lima, 
1882.  "El  principio  que  tuvo  en  esta 
cuidad  la  orden  del  serafico  padre  San 
Francisco  paso  de  esta  manera:  al 
mismo  tiempo  que  se  fundo  la  ciudad, 
en  el  repartimiento  de  solares  que  el 
Marques  Pizarro  hizo  entre  los  pobla- 
dores,  senalo  sitio  para  convento  de 
San  Francisco  en  la  cuadra  en  que 
ahora  esta  fundado  el  de  Santo  Do- 
mingo, .  .  .  Y  como  entonces  se 
hallase  presente  un  fraile  Francisco 
de  la  Cruz,  levanto  en  el  una  pequena 
capilla  6  ramada,  y  en  ella  dijo  misa 
y  predico  algunas  veces  al  pueblo; 
ausentose  este  Eeligioso  dentro  de 
breve  tiempo,  y  no  quedando  otro  de 
su  orden  dejo  yermo  y  desamparado 
aquel  lugar  6  solar.  ..."  Further 
on  it  is  stated:  "Tom6  [Francisco 
Pizarro]  posesion  de  este  sitio  y  dio 
principio  al  edificio  del  Monasterio  el 
ano  de  mil  quinientos  cuarenta  y  seis 


[should  be  1536],  y  fue  su  primer 
Guardian  el  padre  fray  Francisco  de 
Santa  Ana,  el  cual  hubo  de  sacar  este 
sitio  de  poder  de  ciertos  vecinos 
poderosos  que  se  habian  entrado  en 
el  y  edificado  casas  y  huertas,  y  los 
primeros  que  en  el  edificaron  fueron 
Cristobal  Burgos,  Francisco  de  Godoy 
y  Antonio  Picado  secretario  del 
Marques  Pizarro."  Two  of  the 
Franciscans  mentioned  in  the  book  of 
Vizcarra  could,  therefore,  hardly 
have  been  at  Copacavana  in  the  year 
1536.  (I  do  not  reject  the  possibility 
of  their  having  been  there  a  few 
years  later.)  It  is  not  to  be  over- 
looked, also,  that  the  first  missionary 
on  the  Lake-shore  was  the  Dominican 
Fray  Tomas  de  San  Martin,  accord- 
ing to  Melendez.  (See  note  relative  to 
it  in  Part  I.)  While  there  is,  proba- 
bly, considerable  truth  in  the  state- 
ments of  Father  Francisco  de  Gam- 
boa,  it  is  evident,  as  I  shall  show 
further  on,  that  the  dates  are  not 
reliable  or  have  been  tampered  with 
by  Vizcarra,  either  from  incompe- 
tency or  intentionally.  Whatever 
may  be  the  date  of  the  "Enco- 
mienda"  of  Copacavana,  it  estab- 
lishes the  fact  that  there  were,  proba- 
bly about  1538  or  1539,  seven  ayllos 
at  Copacavana  and  on  the  Islands. 
According  to  Diego  Garcia  de  Villalon 
(Soire  restitucion  de  indios,  in  Docu- 
mentos  ineditos  sohre  la  Historia  de 
Chile,  Vol  XII,  p.  204),  Francisco  de 
la  Camara  was,  if  not  the  first,  at 
least  one  of  the  fiLrst ' '  Encomenderos '  * 
of  Copacavana. 

•Vizcarra:  Copacavana  de  los  In- 
cas,  p.  324:— Inventario  de  Encomien- 
das:  "En  el  cual  ano  1536,  fueron 
reducidas  a  una  sola  Doctrina  de 
las  Sacras  Cruces,  por  Cedula 
firmada  y  sellada  de  mano  propia  de 
Don  Pedro  Anzures  y  Henriquez  de 
Campo-redondo ;  Don  Diego  lUescas, 
con  sesenta  arcabueeros;  Don  Sebas- 
tian de  Belalcazar,  con  sesenta  arca- 
bueeros. Con  los  Padres  [see  ut 
supra].     Con  otros  cuarenta  vecinos 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     135 


de  Espaiia,  venidos  en  dos  armadas. 
La  una  de  Quito  por  el  Ccossco  y  el 
Aricaxa.  La  otra  de  Lima  por  Are- 
kypa  y  el  Lupaka.  ..."  On  p.  59 
he  gives  an  abstract  (?)  from  a  docu- 
ment dated  Koati,  June,  1618,  and 
signed  by  Fray  Baltasar  de  Salas  and 
others,  in  which  it  is  asserted  that  in 
1536  the  Franciscans  aforementioned 
planted  seventy-five  crosses  along  the 
Lake-shore  from  Copacavana  to  Po- 
mata.  The  crosses  were  of  wood 
brought  from  Aricaxa  (now  Lare- 
caja).  This  is  accompanied  by  a 
note:  "Kenovamos  las  Cruces  de  cin- 
cuenta  anos  atras. "  If  the  quota- 
tion is  from  an  authentic  text  it 
throws  an  unfavorable  light  upon  the 
reliability  of  Father  Salas 's  state- 
ments. 

Had  there  been  one  hundred  and 
sixty  Spaniards  at  Copacavana  in 
1536,  they  would  have  been  compelled 
by  duty  and  honor  to  go  to  the  reUef 
of  Cuzco,  where  Hernando  and  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro  were  then  in  the  worst 
of  plights. 

The  proof  that  neither  Anzures 
nor  Belalcazar  were  anywhere  near 
Peru  in  1536  is  easily  furnishedl 
About  Belalcazar  no  documentary  evi- 
dence need  be  quoted,  for  it  is  well 
established  and  known  that  he  was 
north  of  Peru,  in  Ecuador,  at  the 
time.  As  to  A.nzures,  he  returned  to 
Peru  in  15'' j!  (Exposicion  de  Eer- 
nanjimen  acerca  de  las  desavenencias 
de  Pizarro  y  Almagro,  in  Documentos 
ineditos  para  2a  Historia  de  Chile, 
Vol.  VII,  p.  256.)  He  had  been  sent 
to  Spain  by  Pizarro,  whence  he  re- 
turned early  in  the  above  year  (Anto- 
nio de  Herrera:  Historia  general  de 
las  Eechos  de  los  Castellanos,  etc., 
edition  of  1729,  Decada  vi,  p.  61). 
Hence  he  could  not  be  at  Copacavana 
with  an  armed  force  in  1536. 

•  The  only  place  whence  a  Spanish 
troop  could  have  reached  the  Lake  in 
1536  would  have  been  Arequipa,  but 
the  date  of  the  foundation  of  the 
first    Spanish    establishment    in    that 


valley  is  yet  in  doubt,  1535  and  1537 
being  variously  mentioned.  The 
Spanish  town  was  officiaUy  founded 
in  1540. 

^"Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  Vol. 
IV,  p.  59:  "Sea  lo  uno  6  lo  otro,  la 
estatua  fue  llevada  a  la  ciudad  del 
Cuzco  por  el  Marques  D:  Francisco 
Pizarro,  que  envio  a  tres  espanoles  por 
ella. "  I  find,  as  yet,  no  confirma- 
tion of  this  statement. 

^Historia  de  Copacabana,  edition 
Sans,  1860,  Cap.  xv,  p.  21.  (See  note 
5.) 

"  Copacavana  de  los  Incas,  33 :  "  Y 
cuando  llegaron  a  la  Peninsula  los 
Capitanes  Alzures  y  los  Illescas,  con 
los  Padres  franciscanos,  aunque  in- 
tentaron  en  1536,  no  pudieron  llegar 
a  esta,  por  falta  de  tiempo,  y  porque 
la  creyeron  como  a  la  del  Sol  estar 
yerma  y  desierta. "  He  gives  no  au- 
thorities for  this  statement,  and  it  is 
probably  one  of  his  usual  surmises. 

"  Manuel  de  Espinall :  Relacion 
hecha  al  Emperador  de  lo  sucedido 
entre  Pizarro  y  Almagro,  in  Boc.  de 
Indias,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  192,  June  15, 1539 : 
"En  este  medio  tiempo,  vino  a  la 
dicha  ciudad  del  Cuzco  el  goberna- 
dor  D:  Francisco  Pizarro.  ..." 
He  further  states:  "En  este  medio 
tiempo,  vino  a  la  ciudad  del  Cuzco 
el  dicho  Obispo."  The  Bishop  men- 
tioned was  Fray  Vicente  de  Val- 
verde.  In  his  letter  to  the  Emperor, 
dated  March  20,  1539,  Valverde  says: 
"Yo  Uegue  a  esta  ciudad  Del  Cuzco 
un  lunes,  28  de  Noviembre  1538, 
donde  halle  al  gobernador  D:  Fran- 
cisco Pizarro.  ..."  It  is  not  un- 
likely, therefore,  that  it  was  in  1538 
Pizarro  sent  the  three  men  alluded  to 
by  Cobo  (see  note  10)  to  get  a  statue, 
half  silver,  half  gold,  from  the  Island 
of  Koati. 

"  Relacion  hecha  al  Emperador,  p. 
192.     (See  note  preceding.) 

"Almagro  the  Younger:  Acusacion 
contra  Bon  Francisco  Pizarro  a  S  :M :, 
in  Boc.  de  Indias,  Vol.  XX,  p.  330: 
"Queriendo  entrar  en  la  dicha  laguna 


136 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


de  Titica  ahogo  ciertos  espafioles  por 
los  hacer  entrar  en  la  dicha  laguna" 
(p.  455).  Declaration  hy  Joan  Eodri- 
gues  Barragan:  "Lo  otro,  quel  dicho 
Hernando  Pizarro  por  ir  a  robar  el 
oro  y  plata  questaba  en  la  laguna  de 
Titiaca,  se  aogaron  en  la  dicha  laguna 
diez  ombres  de  los  que  llebo  consigo  a 
buscar  la  dicha  plata  per  su  culpa  e 
causa  por  el  dicho  robo,  e  por  les  man- 
dar  acometer  a  cosas  peligrosas  en  la 
dicha  agua. "  Cobo:  Eistoria  del 
Nuevo  Mundo,  IV,  p.  64.  (See  note 
following.) 

"  That  the  principal  sacred  objects 
were  secreted  before  the  time  the 
Spaniards  appeared  in  any  number 
at  Copacavana,  is  variously  stated, 
from  hearsay.  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega 
{Comentarios  reales,  1609,  Vol.  I,  Lib. 
Ill,  Cap.  XXV,  fol.  80),  however, 
quotes  F.  Bias  Valera:  "y  q  luego 
que  los  Yndios  supieron  la  entrada  de 
los  Espanoles  en  aquella  tierra,  y  q 
yuan  tomando  para  si  quanta  riqueza 
hallauan;  la  echaron  toda  en  aquel 
gran  lago. ' '  On  what  authority 
Father  Valera  (born  in  Peru,  1551, 
according  to  Saldamando)  made  this 
statement,  is  not  said.  Cobo,  His- 
toria  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV,  p.  64: 
"Porque,  estando  un  dia  en  gran 
fiesta  y  regocijo,  cuentan  que  oyeron 
unas  tristas  voces,  y  de  ahi  a  un  rato 
se  metio  por  entre  ellos  un  ciervo  a 
todo  correr,  de  lo  cual  los  agoreros 
pronosticaron  la  noticia  que  los  es- 
panoles tenian  de  su  santuario  y 
tesoros  que  en  el  habia  y  la  breve 
venida  que  habian  de  hacer  a  el,  como 
en  efecto  paso;  se  dieron  tan  buena 
mano  en  esconderlos,  que  nunca  han 
parecido. — Presumese  que  los  trasla- 
daron  a  otras  islas;  aunque  otros 
dicen  que  los  ministros  que  a  la  sazon 
aqui  estaban,  6  los  enterraron  6  echa- 
ron a  la  laguna,  porque  no  les  goza- 
sen  los  espanoles. ' '  Also  Eamos : 
Eistoria  de  Copacabana,  edition  of 
1860,  p.  21.  I  do  not  quote  Calancha, 
since  he  copies  mostly  from  Kamos. 

"  Primera  Parte  de  la  Cronica  del 


Peru,  Vedia,  II,  p.  443,  Cap.  C: 
"Antes  que  los  Ingas  reinasen, 
cuentan  muchos  indios  destos  collas 
que  hubo  en  su  provincia  dos  grandea 
senores  el  uno  tenia  por  nombre 
Zapana  y  el  otro  Cari,  y  que  estos 
conquistaron  muchos  pucares,  que  son 
sus  fortalezas;  y  que  el  uno  entro  en 
la  laguna  de  Titicaca,  y  que  hallo  en 
la  isla  mayor  que  tiene  aquel  palude 
gentea  blancas  y  que  tenian  barbas, 
con  los  cuales  peleo  de  tal  manera,  que 
los  pudo  matar  a  todos, "  In  Se- 
gunda  Parte  de  la  Cronica,  also  called 
Del  Seiiorio  de  los  Incas,  Madrid, 
1880,  Cap.  IV,  p.  4,  he  not  only  con- 
firms his  previous  statement  but  gives 
the  source  whence  it  was  obtained  by 
him.  ' '  Chirihuana,  gobernador  de 
aquellos  pueblos  que  son  del  Empera- 
dor,  me  conto  lo  que  tengo  escripto. 
..."  Hence  the  tale  might  be  un- 
contaminated  Indian  lore. 

"  Eistoria  de  las  guerras  civiles  del 
Peru,  Vol.  Ill,  Cap.  xlix,  p.  421,  et 
seq.  Analogous  tales  are  contained 
in  the  anonymous  Conquista  y  Pobla- 
cion  del  Peru,  in  Documentos  ineditos 
de  Chile,  to  which  I  shall  also  refer 
in  detail  in  the  last  chapter  of  this 
monograph. 

"  The  approximate  date  of  the  oc- 
cupation of  Titicaca  by  the  Cuzco  peo- 
ple is  about  1475.  (See  the  two  chap- 
ters following.) 

^^  This  is  concurrently  stated  by  the 
Augustine  monks  who  wrote  on  Titi- 
caca in  the  first  half  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  Ramos,  Eistoria,  etc., 
p.  5,  speaking  of  Tupac  Yupanqui,  to 
whom  the  occupation  of  the  Island 
is  attributed :  ' '  Luego  se  declare  so- 
berano  absoluto  de  la  isla,  y  mando 
salir  de  ella  a  sus  habitantes  natu- 
rales,  y  sin  darles  audiencia  los  tras- 
lado  al  pueblo  de  Yunguyo,  pues  no 
eran  los  mas  morales  ni  los  mas  apa- 
rentes  a  sus  intentos"  (p.  14).  "El 
haber  saeado  el  Inca  a  los  naturales 
de  la  isla  trasladandolos  a  Yunguyo 
fue  porque  quiso  poner  de  custodies 
del  famoso  adoratorio  del  sol  a  gentes 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     137 


de  su  confianza. "  Fray  Antonio  de 
la  Calancha  (Coronica  Moralisada, 
Vol.  II,  Lib.  I,  Cap.  ii)  merely  copies 
Eamos,  and  so  does  Fray  Andres  de 
San  Nicolas:  Imdgen  de  N.  S.  de  Co- 
pacavana,  etc.,  Madrid,  1663.  The  Je- 
suit Cobo,  who  wrote  at  length  on  the 
Island  (which  he  visited  from  Copaca- 
vana),  also  states:  "La  gente  que 
habitaba  la  isla  de  Titicaca  era  natu- 
ral de  Yunguyo,  a  la  cual  envio  el  Inca 
a  su  pueblo,  reservando  algunos  viejos 
que  diesen  razon  y  enterasen  en  los 
secretos  de  la  isla  a  los  que  de  nuevo 
hizo  la  habitasen.  Porque,  en  lugar 
de  aquella  gente  desposeida,  metio 
otra  traida  del  Cuzco,  de  quien  tenia 
la  satisfaccion  y  credito  que  la 
gravedad  del  caso  requiria. ' '  That 
the  original  inhabitants  of  Titicaca 
were  CoUas,  that  is,  Aymara,  is  as- 
serted by  both  Augustines  and  Je- 
suits. I  merely  refer  to  Eamos,  His- 
toria,  p.  4,  and  to  Cobo,  Hist,  del  N. 
Mundo,  IV,  p.  55.  Father  Ludovico 
Bertonio,  S.J.,  asserts  that  the  Lupa- 
cas  occupied  the  western  Lake-shore 
(Arte  y  Grammatica  mvy  copiosa 
dela  Lengva  Aymara,  1603,  reprint 
by  Platzmann,  1879,  p.  11),  and  the 
same  is  intimated  by  Eamos  (pp.  11 
and  27). 

The  fact  of  the  establishment  of 
women  who  had  to  devote  at  least 
part  of  their  existence  to  ceremonial 
purposes  is  variously  stated.  Eamos: 
Hist.,  p.  5,  et  seq.;  Anello  Oliva,  Eis- 
toria  del  Perv,  etc.,  1631,  published 
at  Lima,  without  date,  about  1893. 

"  If  the  statements  of  Calancha  are 
reliable,  the  islands  were  inhabited  in 
1589.  Coronica  Moralizada,  Vol.  II, 
Cap.  XIV,  fol.  78:  "A  otros  Eeligiosos 
cometieron  el  entrar  a  dotrinar  en  las 
islas,  de  que  tanto  dejamos  dicho,  que 
estan  en  la  gran  laguna  Titicaca, 
donde  avia  gran  multitud  de  Indios; 
algunos  con  titulo  de  sus  labrancjas,  6 
comercios,  muchos  por  huir  de  la  doc- 
trina,  i  de  el  trabajo,  otros  por 
asistir  en  sus  guacas,  i  adoratorios 
acopanando   a  sus   idolos,   i   todos,   6 


los  mas,  tenian  de  cristianos  sola- 
mente  ser  bautizados. "  The  Augus- 
tines took  possession  of  the  mission 
of  Copacavana  in  1589,  and  the  above 
passage  relates  to  their  actions  imme- 
diately after  they  had  established 
themselves  there.  See  also  Lopez  de 
Velazco :  Geografia  y  Descripcion 
universal  de  las  Indias  (written  in 
the  years  1571  to  1574,  published  by 
Justo  Zaragoza,  Madrid,  1894). 

In  regard  to  the  decree  of  the 
Conde  de  la  Gomera,  reference  to  it 
is  found  in  Eamos:  Historia,  p.  20: 
"Siendo  Gobernador  de  Chucuito  el 
Conde  de  la  Gomera  hizo  sacar  todos 
los  indios  incultos  de  las  islas.  ..." 
The  province  of  Chucuito  did  not  em- 
brace Copacavana,  nor  the  Islands  of 
Titicaca  and  Koati,  which  pertained 
to  Omasuyos;  it  is  therefore  unlikely 
that  the  decree  of  the  Corregidor  of 
Chucuito  should  have  affected  the  In- 
dians of  that  district. 

^Origen  de  los  Indios  de  el  Nuevo 
Mundo,  edition  of  1729,  p.  75:  The 
lagune  of  Titicaca  "tiene  Islas,  que 
antiguamente  se  habitaron,  i  labraron, 
aora  estan  desiertas. ' '  This  passage 
is  also  in  the  first  edition,  published 
in  1607,  so  that  the  information  is 
from  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  or  the 
beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

^  Coronica  Moralisada,  Vol.  II,  fol. 
31:  "En  las  Yslas  q  contiene  su 
archipelago,  i  como  mayor  en  la  de 
Titicaca,  ay  gran  cantidad  de  Yndios, 
6  fugitivos  de  la  dotrina,  6  agravia- 
dos  de  los  Corregidores,  i  Caziques,  6 
Pescadores  para  grangerias,  i  no  avra 
pocos  para  asistir  a  la  supersticion  de 
sus  idolatrias. ' '  The  second  volume 
of  Calancha 's  work  was  published  in 
16.53. 

-*  There  is  to-day  on  the  shores  of 
the  Copacavana  Peninsula  a  site  bear- 
ing the  name  Chachapoyas.  That 
some  Indians  from  that  remote  north- 
ern part  of  Peru  may  have  been  car- 
ried along  with  the  Inca  war-parties 
to  the  Lake-basin  is  not  impossible. 
Eamos :  Historia,  p.  9 :  "  Pero,  a  pesar 


138 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


de  esa  orden  imperial,  las  mas  estan 
perdidas  que  ni  los  apellidos  se  hallan, 
aunque  existen  todavia  las  estanciaa 
de  los  Chaehapoyas,  Canares,  Canas  y 
alguna  otra. ' '  He  asserts  that  the 
Indians  from  Chaehapoyas  were 
among  Tupac  Yupanqui's  followers. 

'^  Tomo  Primero  de  las  Ordenansas 
del  Peru,  1752;  Ordenansas  de  To- 
ledo, November  6,  1573,  Lib.  II,  Tit. 
IX,  Ord.  VIII,  fol.  145:  "Iten,  mando, 
que  ningun  Indio,  ni  India  apriete  laa 
cabezas  de  las  criaturas  recien  nacidas, 
como  lo  suelen  hazar  para  hazerlas 
mas  largas,  porque  de  averlo  hecho  se 
les  a  recrecido,  y  recrece  dano,  y 
vienen  a  morir  dello  ..."  Thirteen 
years  later,  the  Corregidor  of  the 
province  of  CoUaguas  (Department  of 
Arequipa,  Peru),  Joan  de  UUoa  Mo- 
gollon,  in  his  report  dated  January 
20,  1586:  Belacion  de  la  Provincia  de 
los  CoUaguas,  etc.,  in  Eelaciones  geo- 
grdficas  de  Indias,  Vol.  II,  p.  40: 
"Estos  CoUaguas,  antes  de  la  visita 
general  que  se  hizo  por  mandamiento 
del  excelentisimo  virey  don  Francisco 
de  Toledo,  traian  en  la  cabeza  unos 
que  llamaban  en  su  lengua  Chucos,  a 
manera  de  sombreros  muy  altos  sin 
falda  ninguna,  y  para  que  se  pudiesen 
tener  en  la  cabeza,  se  la  apretaban  a 
los  ninos  recien  nacidos  tan  recia- 
mente,  que  se  la  ahusaban  y  adelgaza- 
ban  alta  y  prolongada  lo  mas  que 
podian,  para  memoria  que  habian  las 
cabezas  de  tener  la  forma  alta  del 
volcan  de  donde  salieron.  Esto  les 
est4  ya  prohebido  por  ordenanza. ' ' 
Of  the  Indians  of  '  *  Cavana ' '  he  says : 
"Estos  son  muy  diferentes  en  la 
cabeza  a  los  CoUaguas,  porque,  recien 
nacidos  los  ninos  e  ninas,  se  la  atan  y 
la  haeen  chata  y  aneha,  muy  fea  y 
desproporcionada ;  la  cual  se  atan  con 
Unas  cuerdas  blancas  k  manera  de 
mechas,  y  dando  muchas  vueltas  alre- 
dedor,  quedan  las  cabezas  ensancha- 
das.  Estales  prohibido  ya  esto  por 
ordenanza.  Conocense  bien  en  la 
hechura  de  las  cabezas  el  ques  natural 
de  Cavana  y  el  ques   CoUagua,   que, 


como  esta  dicho,  los  CoUaguas  se 
ahusan  la  cabeza  larga  y  estos  Cava- 
nas  ancha  y  chata."  The  Indians  of 
Cavana  are  Quiehuas,  those  of  CoUa- 
gua spoke  the  Aymara  language 
(p.  43).  The  Indian  Salcamayhua,  in 
his  Belacion  de  Antigiiedades  deste 
Beyno  del  Piru,  written  probably 
about  1613,  but  published  in  the  orig- 
inal text  at  Madrid  in  1879,  in  Tres 
Belaciones  de  Antigiiedades  peruanas, 
attributes  the  custom  to  the  commands 
of  the  Inca  war-chief  Lloque  Yupan- 
qui  (p.  253).  This  is  purely  an  imag- 
inary statement  and  explanation  of 
the  origin.  Says  Cobo  {Historia  del 
Nuevo  Mundo,  IV,  176):  "Unas  na- 
ciones  las  hacian  anchas  de  frente, 
apretandolas,  para  darles  esta  forma, 
con  Unas  tablUlas  fuertemente  liadas. 
Los  CoUas  formaban  la  cabeza  larga 
y  puntiaguda  .  .  .  y  para  dar  esta 
figura  k  las  cabezas  de  los  ninos,  las 
liaban  y  apretaban  con  vendas,  y  las 
traian  asi  hasta  edad  de  cuatro  6 
cinco  anos,  que  ya  quedaban  endure- 
cidas  y  amoldadas  a  su  tocado,  largas, 
ahusadas  y  sin  colodrillo. "  He  af- 
firms to  have  yet  seen  some  old  men 
with  deformed  skulls. 

'''That  the  sandal  ("ayanque"  on 
the  coast  of  Peru,  and  "ojota"  in 
Aymara  of  Bolivia)  was  the  primitive 
foot-gear  of  the  Indians  needs  no 
references  to  early  information.  It  is 
well  known  and  established. 

"  Pulmonary  affections  were  also 
noticed  by  us.  We  know  of  two  cases, 
one  of  which  a  boy  about  sixteen  years 
old,  the  other  a  young  married  woman. 

'*  The  disease  is  looked  upon  as 
venereal  by  the  Indians,  but  our  cure 
does  not  support  the  belief.  Of  vene- 
real affections  we  saw  some  traces, 
although  the  Indian  conceals  such  ail- 
ments as  much  as  possible.  They 
certainly  exist  among  them,  but  I  be- 
lieve them  to  be  less  frequent  and  less 
violent  in  the  Sierra  than  on  the 
coast. 

'*  It  may  not  be  devoid  of  interest 
to  note  what  Father  Cobo,  from  the 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     139 


standpoint  of  knowledge  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  says  about  the  physical 
properties  of  the  Indian  (Historia  del 
Nuevo  Mundo,  III,  p,  23  et  seq.) : 
"Son  todos  naturalmente  flematicos 
de  complexion;  y  como  la  flema  natu- 
ral hace  blanda  y  humeda  la  sustancia 
de  los  miembros  del  cuerpo,  tienen 
muy  blandas  y  delicadas  carnes,  y  asi, 
se  cansan  presto  y  no  son  para  tanto 
trabajo  como  los  hombres  de  Europa; 
hace  mas  labor  en  el  campo  un  hombre 
en  Espana  que  euatro  indios  aca  .  .  . 
Junto  eon  ser  flematicos  son  en  ex- 
treme grado  sanguinos  de  donde  les 
nace  ser  excesivamente  calidos,  como 
se  prueba  en  que  en  el  tiempo  de 
mayores  frios  y  hielos,  si  se  les  toca 
la  mano,  se  les  hallara  siempre  calor 
notable;  y  en  la  poea  ropa  que  visten, 
que  no  les  sirve  de  ningun  abrigo, 
mas  que  de  cubrir  sus  cuerpos. 
Cuando  van  camino,  duermen,  aunque 
sea  en  muy  frios  paramos,  donde  les 
toma  la  noche,  al  cielo  deseubierto; 
y  acontece  caer  sobre  ellos  un  palmo 
de  nieve  y  dormir  entre  ella  con  tanto 
reposo  como  si  estuvieran  en  blandas 
y  regaladas  camas.  Echase  tambien 
de  ver  su  excesivo  calor,  en  que  tienen 
unos  estomagos  mas  recios  que  de 
Avestruz,  segun  la  cantidad  y  calidad 
de  los  manjares  que  gastan.  Porque, 
dejado  aparte  que  son  muy  groseros  y 
recios  sus  mantenimientos,  los  comen 
ordiuariamente  casi  crudos  y  sin  sazon, 
y  con  todo  eso  los  digieren  muy 
presto:  y  si  bien  cuando  comen  a  su 
costa  son  muy  parcos  en  la  comida, 
con  todo  eso,  comiendo  a  costa  ajena, 
son  unos  lobos. ' ' 

Concerning  the  diseases  most  com- 
mon among  the  Indians  of  the  Bolivian 
table-land,  the  Belacion  de  la  Pro- 
vincia  de  los  Pacajes,  in  Eel.  geo- 
grdficas  de  Indias,  Vol.  II,  p.  59, 
from  about  1586,  has  the  following: 
"Las  enfermedades  que  tenian  anti- 
guamente  eran  viruelas,  sarampion,  ca- 
maras  de  sangre,  y  que  al  presente 
tienen  las  mismas  y  tienen  mas  otras 
enfermedades,    que    son    bubas,    que 


llaman  Guanti,  y  mal  de  corazon,  y 
algunas  tercianas  y  cuartanas  que  les 
procede  de  entrar  en  los  Yungas  por 
Coca,  ques  tierra  caliente.  Y  para  el 
remedio  destas  enfermedades  no  tenian 
medicos,  solo  usaban  de  la  sangria  con 
un  pedernal  y  de  una  yerba  que  hay  en 
esta  provincia  que  se  dice  Arato,  a 
manera  de  yerba-buena,  la  cual  comian 
verde,  y  molida  la  bebian;  y  de  otra 
yerba  que  se  dice  Chuquicaylla  quea 
a  manera  de  aulagas,  con  que  se  sahu- 
maban  para  las  calenturas;  y  despuea 
que  entraron  los  espanoles  tuvieron 
conocimiento  de  una  resina  que  se  dice 
Yareta,  a  manera  de  trementina,  ques 
para  sacar  frios  y  dolores. ' ' 

'"  This  is  already  recorded  in  the 
report  of  July,  1534:  Relatione  per 
Sva  Maesta,  etc.  Bamusio,  III,  fol. 
413:  "Le  sue  terre  sono  di  mediocre 
grandezza,  &  le  case  picciole,  le  mura 
di  pietra  &  terra  insieme,  coperte  di 
paglia. ' '  Cieza :  Primera  Parte  de 
la  Cronica,  etc..  Cap.  XCLX,  p.  442: 
"Los  pueblos  tienen  los  naturales  jun- 
tos, pegadas  las  casas  unas  con  otras, 
no  muy  grandes,  todas  hechas  de  piedra, 
y  por  cobertura  paja,  de  la  que  todos 
en  lugar  de  teja  suelen  usar. "  Cobo: 
Hist,  del  N.  Mundo,  IV,  p.  166:  "En 
la  Sierra  hacen  las  casas  de  piedra  y 
barro  y  las  eubren  de  paja.  La  piedra 
es  tosca  y  puesta  sin  orden  y  concierto, 
mas  que  la  van  asentando  y  juntando 
con  pelladas  de  barro. ' '  These  de- 
scriptions, from  1534,  1550,  and  1653, 
respectively,  agree  fairly  well  with 
the  present  appearance  of  Indian 
dwellings,  less  the  few  modern  im- 
provements mentioned  in  my  text. 

'^^Archaeological  Beconnoissance  into 
Mexico,  second  edition,  p.  129. 

'^  Cobo,  in  Historia,  etc.,  IV,  p.  163, 
describes  the  villages  of  the  Sierras 
very  well,  also  on  pp.  166  and  167,  but 
does  not  mention  store-houses. 

**  Cobo :  Historia,  etc.,  IV,  p.  171 : 
' '  La  cama  que  usan  los  de  la  sierra  y 
tierra  fria,  es  una  manta  gruesa  de 
lana,  llamada  Chusi,  tendida  en  el 
suelo;  la  mitad  les  sirre  de  colchon  y 


140 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


otra  mitad,  que  doblan  por  los  pies, 
de  cobertor  6  frezada,  y  suelen  dormir 
metidos  en  un  Chusi  todos  los  de  una 
casa,  padres  e  hijos,  aunque  los  que 
van  entrando  en  policia,  por  la  honesti- 
dad,  apartan  ya  camas  .  .  .  En  todas 
partes  duermen  con  el  mismo  vestido 
que  traen  de  dia,  excepto  que  los 
varones  se  quitan  la  Yacolla  y  las 
mujeres  la  LlicUa. "  This  custom  of 
sleeping  together  on  one  Poncho,  so 
to  say,  is  already  mentioned  in  the 
sixteenth  century.  The  Licenciado 
Joan  de  Matienzo,  one  of  the  most 
distinguished,  and  at  the  same  time 
most  studious  in  matters  of  the  In- 
dian, of  the  members  of  the  royal 
Audiencia  of  La  Plata  (now  Sucre, 
Bolivia),  vpho  came  to  Peru  in  1559, 
states  in  Gobierno  del  Peru  con  todas 
las  cosas  pertenecientes  a  el  y  a  su 
historia,  MSS.  at  Lenox  Branch  of 
N.  Y.  Pub.  Library,  fol.  40:  "Y 
porque  de  dormir  en  el  suelo  les  uienen 
enfermedades  que  se  mande  que  ten- 
gan  barbacoas  en  que  duerman  y 
porque  el  Padre  y  la  Madre  y  hijos  y 
hijas  estan  en  vn  boijo  todos  juntos 
y  duermen  juntos  que  ae  haga  en  cada 
casa  o  boijo  un  apartamTO  en  que 
esten  las  hijas  y  no  como  bestias. " 
Like  many  salutary  measures  of  the 
Spanish  government,  this  one  re- 
mained a  dead  letter  in  the  inte- 
rior. We  saw  many  families  on  the 
Islands  living  and  sleeping  together 
in  one  room  and  partly  on  the  floor, 
so  to  say,  "  in  a  heap. ' ' 

"The  guinea-pig  ("cuy"  in  Peru, 
"conejo"— the  Spanish  for  rabbit- 
in  Bolivia)  is  indigenous;  the  hog  is 
imported  from  Europe.  Occasionally 
a  cross  of  the  domestic  pig  with  the 
javali  of  the  forest  is  met  with.  There 
was  such  a  specimen  on  the  Island. 
It  recalled  the  European  wild  boar  in 
appearance  and  its  meat  was  far  supe- 
rior to  that  of  the  common  hog. 

**  Compare  Final  Beport  of  Investi- 
gations among  the  Indians  of  the 
Southwestern  United  States,  Vol.  I, 
p.  269,  and  Archaeological  Beconnois- 


sance,  p.  142,  "We  saw,  at  Challa,  on 
the  Island,  in  the  dwelling  of  the 
Alcalde  Mariano  Mamani,  a  four- 
legged  stool  of  stone,  well  made.  It 
was  imbedded  in  the  wall  and  said 
to  have  been  found  in  the  Inca  ruins 
of  Kasapata.  Pedro  Pizarro  describes 
as  follows  the  seat  used  by  Atahuallpa 
(Belacion  del  Bescuhrimiento  y  Con- 
quista  de  los  Beinos  del  Peru,  etc.,  in 
Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Es- 
pana.  Vol.  V,  p.  249):  "  Estaba  sen- 
tado  este  senor  en  un  duo  de  madera 
de  altor  de  poco  mas  de  un  palmo: 
este  duo  era  de  madera  colorada  muy 
linda,  y  tenianle  siempre  tapado  con 
una  manta  muy  delgada,  aunque  estu- 
viese  el  sentado  en  el. ' '  Francisco  de 
Xerez:  Verdadera  Belacion  de  la  Con- 
quista  del  Perv  y  Provincia  del  Cusco, 
1534,  reprint  of  1891,  Madrid,  p.  82: 
"  Y  el  tirano  estaba  a  la  puerta  de  su 
aposento  sentado  en  un  asiento  bajo. " 
Cobo:  Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV, 
p.  272:  "No  tenian  en  sus  casas  sillas 
escanos  ni  genero  de  asientos,  porque 
todos,  hombres  y  mujeres,  se  sentaban 
en  el  suelo,  sacando  los  Caciques  y 
grandes  senores,  que  por  merced  y 
privilegio  del  Inea  usaban  de  asiento 
dentro  y  fuera  de  sus  casas,  al  cual 
llamaban  Duho,  y  era  un  banquillo 
de  madera  labrado  de  una  pieza,  largo 
dos  palmas  y  alto  uno,  seme j  ante  en 
la  hechura  a  un  animal  que  tuviese  las 
piernas  cortas,  la  cabeza  baja  y  la 
cola  alta,  porque  eomunmente  le  daban 
figura  de  animal.  Tenia  la  superficie 
alta  concava,  para  que  ajustase  con 
la  parte  por  donde  se  asienta  el 
hombre. "  With  the  exception  of  the 
statement  that  the  right  to  use  such 
stools  was  vested  in  the  "Inca"  and 
delegated  by  him  to  minor  chiefs, 
the  statement  by  Cobo  is  valuable. 
The  words  "duho"  or  "duo"  are 
neither  Aymara  nor  Quichua. 

In  the  private  collection  of  Mr. 
George  G.  Heye  at  New  York  City  is 
a  good  specimen  of  a  wooden  seat 
from  Puerto  Eico,  and  there  are  two 
specimens   at  the  American   Museum 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     141 


of  Natural  History,  both  from  Turks 
Island.  It  seems  therefore  that  these 
stools,  or  low  chairs,  were  in  use 
among  a  number  of  tribes,  both  in 
North  and  South  America.  Among 
many  other  sections  I  only  mention 
here  Nicaragua.  Oviedo:  Eistoria 
general  y  natural,  edition  of  1855, 
Vol.  IV,  pp.  109  and  111,  et  seq. 

^'We  were  assured,  at  Tiahuanaco, 
that  the  Aymara  would  not  tolerate 
images  of  saints  in  their  houses,  from 
fear  of  the  "Santo  Ayre"  or  ill-wind 
from  the  saints,  a  species  of  disease. 

"Although,  in  appearance,  the 
Indian  trusts  his  home  and  chattels  by 
not  locking  the  door  of  the  former, 
this  is  not  the  result  of  confidence 
in  his  own  people.  In  the  first  place, 
there  are  hardly  locks  to  be  seen  in 
the  villages  of  the  aborigines,  and, 
besides,  he  trusts  to  the  magic  power 
of  primitive  ceremonials  that  accom- 
panied the  construction  of  the  build- 
ings, and  to  the  "Achachila"  or 
"Paccarina"  (see  later,  text  and 
notes).  Burglary,  therefore,  is  as 
good  as  unknown.  What  he  owns 
outside  of  the  home  and  is  not  in 
care  of  special  fetishes  he  guards 
carefully  against  robbery,  from  his 
own  people  even  more  than  from 
whites  or  mestizos. 

'»Cobo:  Eistoria,  etc.,  IV,  p.  170: 
"En  todas  las  casas,  por  pequeiias 
que  scan,  hay  su  fogon  detras  de  la 
puerta,  el  cual  ea  de  hechura  de  un 
hornillo  pequeno,  no  mas  alto  que  un 
palmo,  cerrado  por  todas  partes,  con 
pequena  boca  por  donde  atizan  el 
fuego,  y  por  la  parte  alta,  dos  6  tres 
agujeros  redondos,  donde  asientan  las 
ollas. "  This  is  the  kere  of  to-day, 
which  is  usually  built  by  the  women, 
and  done  quite  rapidly,  too.  Whether 
the  kere,  in  its  present  form,  is  still 
of  the  primitive  type,  is  another  ques- 
tion. 

'*  Taquia  is  llama  dung,  the  chief 
combustible  in  those  timberless  ex- 
panses. 

*«Cobo:  Eistoria,  etc.,  IV,  p.  170: 


'  *  Las  piezas  que  usan  en  este  menester 
son  no  mas  que  de  dos  6  tres  maneras ; 
ollas  de  barro  sin  vidriar,  en  que  an- 
tiguamente  pintaban  diversas  figuras, 
como  tambien  en  los  c4ntaros  y  demas 
vasijas;  platos  de  calabazas  secas,  del 
tamano  de  pequenas  poreelanas,  barro 
y  de  madera ;  los  de  palo  se  dicen 
Meca,  y  los  de  barro  Pucu;  y  cazuelas 
medianas  de  barro  que  Uaman 
Chuas.  "  The  chua  is  a  bowl  or  a 
saucer. 

^  Final  Report,  I,  p.  269;  Archae- 
ological Beconnoissance,  p.  138. 

"  Cobo,  Eist.  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV, 
p.  168 :  ' '  Los  mantenimientos  que  en- 
cierran  son  Maiz,  Chuno  y  Quinua,  que 
todas  estas  tres  cosas  les  sirven  de 
pan,  aunque  no  todas  siempre  a  todos. 
Suelen  las  guardar,  6  dentro  de  sus 
casas  en  tinajas  grandes,  6  en  algun 
apartadijo  que  para  esto  hacen,  6 
fuera  dellas  en  unas  pequenas  trojes 
que  hacen,  bien  def  endidas  del  agua. ' ' 
Formerly  they  kept  their  better  cloth- 
ing also  in  vessels  of  clay.  (P.  171.) 
"Todo  esto  guardaban  en  tinajas,  que 
no  tuvieron  otras  areas,  baules  ni  es- 
caparates. "  Hence  clothing  found  in 
large  clay  vessels  is  not  always  an  in- 
dication of  ceremonial  usage. 

*"  Eistoria  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV, 
p.  170. 

**  Ibid. :  ' '  Para  moler  cosas  pe- 
quenas tienen  otra  piedra  al  modo  de 
mortero,  algo  concava,  y  muelen  en 
ella  con  otra  pequena  y  larguilla  de  la 
suerte  que  los  pintores  muelen  los 
colores. ' '  Specimens  of  these  imple- 
ments are  contained  in  the  collections 
sent  by  us  from  the  Islands  and  other 
parts  of  Bolivia.    See  plates,  etc. 

^Cobo,  IV,  p.  168:  "No  tuvieron 
curiosidad  en  haeer  portadas  grandes 
y  labradas:  todas  eran  puertas  pe- 
quenas y  lianas,  y  las  mas  tan  bajas  y 
estrechas,  que  parescen  bocas  de 
homos.  Por  donde,  cuando  vamos  a 
eonfessar  sus  enfermos,  no  podemos 
entrar  sino  doblando  el  cuerpo  y  a  casi 
gatas. ' ' 

**  Cieza,  Primera  Parte,   etc..   Cap. 


142 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


xcx,  p.  442:  "Los  dias  y  noehes  son 
casi  iguales,  y  en  esta  comarca  hace 
mas  frio  que  en  ninguna  otra  de  las 
del  Peru. ' ' 

"Cobo,  IV,  p.  167:  "Lo  tercero, 
que  ni  casas  de  nobles  ni  de  plebeyos 
tenian  puertas  fijas  y  asentadas  para 
abrir  y  cerrar:  solo  usaban  de  unos 
canizos  6  zarzos  con  que  tapa- 
ban  la  puerta  cuando  cerraban;  y  si 
iban  fuera  y  no  quedaba  nadie,  arri- 
maban  al  canizo  algunas  piedras,  y  no 
usaban  de  mas  cerraduras,  Have  ni  de- 
fensa. "  This  (aside  from  other  tes- 
timony) shows  that  the  door  is  a 
European  introduction. 

*»  Eistoria,  IV,  p.  171. 

**  The  word  ' '  chueo ' '  is  Quichua. 
Fray  Torres  Eubio:  Arte  y  Vocabula- 
rio  de  la  Lengua  Quichua,  edition  of 
1754,  fol.  155— "Chhuccu,  Birrete,  6 
Capacete  de  Indios. ' '  Cieza :  Pri- 
mera  Parte,  Cap.  iii.  Cobo:  Eistoria, 
IV,  p.  176.  Pedro  Pizarro:  Belacio7i, 
p.  261.  Ulloa  Mogollon:  Relacion  de 
la  Provincia  de  los  Collaguas,  p.  40. 

^"Eistoria  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV, 
p.  159  et  seq.  YacoUa  and  chuspa  are 
both  Quichua  words.  Torres  Eubio: 
Arte  y  Vocahulario,  fol.  106,  Part  I, 
for  YacoUa,  p.  85  for  Huaras,  and 
p.  82  for  Chuspa  or  Chhuspa. 

"  The  lliclla,  or  llicUe,  is  also  called 
' '  aguayo ' '  and  is,  at  the  present  time, 
a  small  piece  of  handsomely  woven 
cloth,  like  a  handkerchief,  or  what 
in  French  is  named  foulard.  The 
cumbi  or  pampacona  is  yet  seen  in 
Bolivia  on  the  heads  of  women  from 
south  of  La  Paz  and  elsewhere.  The 
vincha,  or  uincha,  is  worn  as  a  head- 
band by  the  women  around  Charas- 
sani;  it  is  from  one  to  two  inches  wide 
and  beautiful  in  color  and  design. 
Finger-rings  are  not  unfrequently 
found  in  ruins;  compare  the  speci- 
mens from  the  Island  figured  in  this 
monograph.  The  latter  are  of  copper 
and  of  bronze.  A  handsome  ring,  of 
enameled  bronze,  was  found  by  us  on 
the  upper  slopes  of  lUimani  in  a 
ruined  village. 


"  The  ancient  needle  of  copper  or 
bronze  is  called  "yauri."  It  is  not 
in  use  at  present.  The  large  pins— 
topo,  or  tumi— are  now  mostly  made 
in  the  shape  of  spoons,  and  are  some- 
times of  silver  or  gold.  The  mestizo 
women  ("cholas")  of  Bolivia  wear 
ear-rings,  sometimes  very  long  and 
costly  ones. 

*"  The  word  calzon  is,  as  well  known, 
Spanish. 

^*Cobo,  Eistoria,  IV,  p.  163:  "Para 
obrar  estos  vestidos  y  ropas,  y  aun 
para  remendarlas,  no  tienen  necesidad 
de  mas  instrumentos  que  de  una 
aguja,  que  ellos  Uaman  ciracuna, 
hecha  de  una  espina  larga  medio  jeme, 
gruesa  como  las  nuestras  colchoneras, 
horadada  al  eabo  y  muy  puntiaguda; 
porque  con  ella  y  hilo  de  lo  mismo  que 
son  los  vestidos,  las  cosen  y  remiendan, 
porque  no  usan  para  remendar  anadir 
parte  de  su  pano  sobre  la  rotura,  como 
nosotros,  sino  que  van  zarciendo  con 
un  hilo  de  la  misma  lana  lo  que  de  la 
urdiembre  se  ha  gastado. ' '  A  num- 
ber of  such  needles  made  of  thorns  or 
spines  were  sent  by  us  to  the  Ameri- 
can Museum  of  Natural  History  at 
this  city. 

"*  Yauri  is  also  the  Aymara  name 
for  copper.  Bertonio,  Vocahulario,  I, 
p.  124. 

"Cobo  (Eistoria,  IV,  p.  190)  does 
not  mention  agricultural  implements 
of  stone,  but  our  numerous  finds  of 
stone  hoes  and  clod-breakers,  on  the 
Islands,  in  the  Cordillera,  etc.,  prove 
their  existence  and  use.  He  speaks 
only  of  copper  and  wooden  tools. 
"Los  instrumentos  de  sus  labranzas 
eran  pocos,  y  esos  de  palo  6  cobre  y  de 
ningun  artificio.  El  arado  6  azadon 
era  un  instrumento  Uamado  TacUa,  de 
un  palo  tan  grueso  como  la  muneca  y 
largo  poco  mas  de  dos  codos,  &  manera 
de  zanco.  Por  donde  lo  asian  estaba 
toreido  como  cayado,  y  en  la  punta 
ataban  otro  palo  de  cuatro  dedos  de 
ancho  y  uno  de  canto  de  otra  madera 
mas  recia;  y  como  un  palmo  antes  del 
remate  della  tenian  asido  un  gancho 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     143 


del  larger  de  un  jeme,  donde  hacian 
Fuerza  con  el  pie  izquierdo.  Fuera 
desta  suerte  de  arados  tenian  otro  in- 
strumento  de  un  palo  corvo,  que  hacia 
forma  de  hazuela  de  carpintero  6  de 
almocafre,  con  que  quebrantavan  los 
terrones,  escardaban  y  mulian  la 
tierra;  j  estos  dos  instrumentos  eran 
los  principales  con  que  labraban  los 
campos.  Para  eseardar  los  sembrados 
y  hacer  los  hoyos  en  que  enterraban 
el  Maiz  al  sembrarlo,  usaban  de  Lam- 
pas,  que  los  Mexicanos  llaman  Coas,  y 
es  un  instrumento  como  azada,  salvo 
que  el  hierro  era  de  cobre,  sino  llano 
como  pala  corta  de  homo." 

"Cobo,  Historia,  IV,  p.  208:  "El 
techo  y  cubierta  de  todos  estos  edifi- 
cios  era  de  vigas  grandes  sin  elavazon, 
mas  que  atadas  con  sogas,  y  por  tejas 
HiCHO  largo  muy  bien  asentado. " 

"*  We  found  much  ancient  rope, 
made  of  ichhu-grass,  in  ruined  houses 
of  the  Puna.  Thongs  of  Llama-hide 
and  woolen  ropes  were  also  used.  To- 
day they  still  use  rawhide  in  prefer- 
ence to  hemp.  What  I  say  of  the 
Islands  concerning  modern  tools  we 
subsequently  noticed  on  the  mainland 
also. 

**  The  complaint  over  the  uncleanli- 
ness  of  the  Aymara  is  general  in  early 
sources.     No  quotations  are  required. 

«°  See  note  33. 

"'  The  pougo  (from  puncu:  door,  or 
doorway,  since  the  ancient  houses  had 
no  doors)  is  in  reality  not  so  much  a 
doorkeeper  (except  at  night)  as  a  gen- 
eral drudge.  There  are  two  kinds  of 
* '  pongos  ' '  in  most  houses  of  whites 
or  mestizos:  the  "sala-pongo, "  who 
is  doorkeeper  and  waiter,  and  the 
"cocina-pongo, "  who  carries  water, 
cleans  up,  washes  dishes  and  helps  the 
cook.  The  "mit'-ani"  is  usually  a 
female  cook,  also  a  maid  of  all  work. 

*-  Simon  Bolivar,  Decreto,  Cuzco, 
July  4,  1825,  in  Coleccion  oficial  de 
Leyes,  Decretos,  Eesoluciones,  4'CC;  ^^ 
la  Eepublica  Boliviano,  Vol.  I,  p.  34: 
"Que  la  Constitucion  de  la  Eepublica 
no  eonoce  desigualdad  entre  los  ciu- 


dadanos. "  This  is  an  indirect  recog- 
nition of  the  citizenship  of  the  In- 
dians, confirmed  in  the  second  decree, 
of  same  date.  On  December  22d 
of  the  same  year  Bolivar  decreed  (p. 
101):  "Que  proclamadas  por  la 
Asamblea  de  estas  provincias  su  abso- 
luta  independencia,  libertad,  e  igual- 
dad  civil,  dejaron  de  ecsistir  las  clases 
privilegiadas. ' '  President  Andres 
Santa  Cruz  of  Bolivia  (Decreto,  Vol. 
II,  p.  22),  speaking  of  the  Indians, 
calls  them  * '  Siendo  estos  ciudadanos 
empleados  en  el  cultivo  de  las  tierras, ' ' 
etc. 

"•■'  Changes  in  policy  in  regard  to 
Indian  lands  have  been  frequent,  and 
I  withhold  from  quoting  authorities. 

"*  The  terracing  of  slopes  for  pur- 
poses of  tillage,  and  especially  the 
rotation  in  cultivated  patches  for  the 
sake  of  letting  the  land  recuperate, 
are  customs  that  were  common  to  the 
land-tilling  tribes  of  Peru  and  Bolivia 
long  previous  to  the  conquest.  Says 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  in  Comentarios 
reales,  I,  fol.  100:  "Y  porq  eran  tan 
esteriles  por  falta  de  riego,  no  las 
sebrauan  mas  de  vn  ano  o  dos,  y  luego 
repartia  otras,  porque  descansassen  las 
primeras. "  Like  Cieza,  he  attrib- 
utes every  kind  of  improvement,  also 
in  agriculture,  to  the  Inca.  This  is 
not  the  case.  The  custom  of  rotation 
antedates  the  time  of  Inca  raids,  as 
well  as  the  construction  of  terraces  on 
slopes.  The  latter  needs  no  further 
proof  than  the  existence  of  such  an- 
denes  in  sections  whither  the  Incas 
never  penetrated,  where  they  are  as 
abundant  as  elsewhere,  and  the  exist- 
ence, on  the  Islands,  of  terraces  at- 
tributed to  the  ' '  Chullpa ' '  or  Aymara, 
and  positively  stated  to  be  from  times 
long  anterior  to  the  first  visit  of  Incas 
to  Titicaca.  Inca  terraces  on  the 
Islands  can  be  easily  recognized  from 
their  superior  workmanship.  In  re- 
gard to  periodical  redistribution  of 
lands,  the  Licenciado  Falcon,  in  his 
Bepresentacion  hecha  en  Concilio 
Provincial,  sobre  los  daiios  y  molestias 


144 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


que  se  hacen  a  los  Indios,  Doc.  de 
Indias,  VII,  p.  465,  says:  "Tambien 
es  necesario  advertir  que  se  enganan 
Jos  que  dicen  que  el  Inga  daba,  y  qui- 
taba  las  tierras  a  quien  queria,  y  aun 
los  caciques,  lo  cual  no  pasa  asi,  sino 
fue  en  la  entrada  y  conquista  .  .  .  y 
no  hace  al  caso  que  en  algunas  tierras 
hasta  hoy  se  reparian  las  tierras  por 
el  curaca  a  los  indios,  porque  esto  es 
por  costumbre  que  habia  en  aquellas 
provincias  de  antes  del  tiempo  del 
Inga  y  dexolos  el  Inga  en  ella. ' '  This 
alludes  to  rotation  and  redistribution 
as  a  custom  anterior  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  Inea  sway.  The  well- 
known  Licenciado  Polo  de  Ondogardo, 
in  Eelacion  de  los  fundamentos  acerca 
del  notable  dano  que  resulta  de  no 
guardar  a  los  Indios  sus  fueros,  Doc. 
de  Indias,  XVII,  p.  32,  June  25,  1571, 
states:  "Y  estas  tierras  dividian  en 
cada  vn  ano  e  dividen  hoy  dia  en  la 
mayor  parte  del  rreyno,  e  yo  me  e  ha- 
Uado  presente  a  la  diuision  en  munch  os 
e  principalmente  en  la  provincia  del 
CoUao  y  en  la  del  Chucuyto,  y  en  este 
quinto  presupuesto  pudo  entrar  por 
regla  general  ynfalible  que  nynguno 
poseyo  por  merced  del  inga,  la  qual 
como  esta  dicho,  tampoco  diuidian  los 
herederos  ny  podian  disponer  della  en 
nynguna  manera. ' ' 

"'  The  principal  pasturages  on  the 
Island  are  the  low  grounds  at  Pucara 
(m.)  and  the  grassy  swellings  of  Ciri- 
apata.  The  cattle  of  the  Indians  run 
loose  all  over  the  Island. 

'*  The  same  system  prevails  nearly 
all  over  Bolivia,  as  I  shall  have  occa- 
sion to  show  in  my  other  work  on  the 
country. 

"  What  to-day  is  designated  by  the 
Spanish  name  of  "  comunidades " 
and  "estancias"  are  tribes,  each  com- 
posed of  a  number  of  ayllu.  The  word 
ayllu  is  both  Aymara  and  Quichua. 

**  This  division,  about  which  I  hope 
to  give  more  data  in  a  subsequent 
work,  is  so  frequently  mentioned  in 
the  early  sources  that  no  doubt  can 
remain    concerning    its    existence    at 


Cuzco.  At  the  present  time  it  exists 
in  Bolivia  under  the  respective  names 
of  Aran-saya  and  Ma-saya.  Although 
it  is  stated  the  Incas  introduced  it 
among  the  Aymara,  it  is  far  from 
certain.  A  singular  statement  is  found 
in  Ramos'  Eistoria  de  Copacabana, 
1860,  p.  55,  in  connection  with  the 
finding  of  the  cross  of  Carabuco  (see 
my  paper  in  the  American  Anthro- 
pologist, Vol.  VI,  No.  5)  :  "  Entre  los 
Urinsayas,  que  son  los  naturales  de 
un  lugar,  solia  mandar  el  Inca  indios 
de  su  confianza  para  amalgamarlos 
mejor  en  las  costumbres  del  imperio 
y  para  velar  sobre  la  fidelidad  de  los 
nuevo^  conquistados;  a  estos  foraste- 
ros  les  llamaban  Anansayas:  dos  par- 
cialidades  que  se  mifaban  con  recelo  y 
muchas  veces  venian  a  las  manos,  como 
judios  y  samaritanos.  .  .  .  Los  Urin- 
sayas dijeron  a  los  Anansayas,  que 
eran  unos  pobres  advenedizos  sin  tierra 
ni  patria  propia, ' '  etc.  This  would 
indicate  that  the  division  antedated 
the  appearance  of  the  Inca  on  the 
eastern  shores  of  Titicaca. 

""Also:  Libro  de  Cassados  que  Per- 
tenece  a  este  Pueblo  de  Tiaguanaco, 
1694  to  1728,  MSS.  . 

™  Ibidem.  An  '  *  Inca-ayllu ' '  is 
mentioned,  as  from  several  distinct 
localities.  Even  among  the  Inca  at 
Cuzco  there  was  at  least  one  ayllu 
with  the  name  of  a  locality,  the 
"Ayllu  Tome-Bamba"  (from  Tumi- 
pampa,  in  Ecuador),  and  said  to  have 
descended  from  Huayna  Capae  (Diego 
Fernandez:  Primera  y  Segunda  Parte 
de  la  Eistoria  del  Peru,  1571,  reprint 
of  1876,  at  Lima,  p.  358).  Garcilasso 
de  la  Vega,  in  Comentarios,  I,  fol.  263, 
confirms.  In  the  Descripcion  de  la 
tierra  del  Eepartimiento  de  los  Buca- 
nas  Anvamarcas,  of  1586  {Hel.  geo- 
grdficas,  etc.,  II,  p.  198),  it  is  stated: 
' '  Primeramente,  se  responde  al  primer 
capitulo,  que  esta  provincia  6  reparti- 
miento  tiene  por  nombre  Eucanas 
Antamarcas,  de  un  pueblo  llamado 
asi,  a  donde  estaban  poblados  en 
tiempo    de   su   gentilidad   un   ayllo    6 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     145 


pareialidad  que  ahora  se  dice  asimismo 
Antamarcas,  y  estan  reducidos  en  otro 
pueblo  que  se  dice  La  Vera  Cruz 
de  Cauana;  y  Puesto  que  en  este 
nombre  de  Antamarcas  Eucanas  se 
comprehenden  todos  los  indios  deste 
repartimiento  y  provincia,  hay  en  ella 
cuatro  ayllos  6  parcialidades,  que  se 
nombran  asi :  Antamarca,  Apcara, 
Omapacha,  Huchucayllo.  Antamarca 
quiere  decir  pueblo  de  cobre,  y  no 
tienen  los  indios  noticia  por  que  se 
haya  llamado  asi;  Rucana  quiere  decir 
dedo;  Apcara  quiere  decir  fortaleza,  y 
por  ser  el  pueblo  cercado  de  pared 
y  f  oso  se  quedo  con  este  nombre  .  .  .  ; 
Omapacha,  que  es  otra  pareialidad, 
quiere  decir,  en  lengua  antigua  de  los 
propios  indios  particular,  tierra  de 
aguas, ' '  etc.  We  have  in  this  in- 
stance indications  of  three  changes 
among  the  ayllus  of  the  district  of  the 
Antamarcas— change  in  locality  since 
the  conquest;  change  of  name,  from 
the  original  Aymara  to  the  Quichua, 
probably  in  three  cases.  Omapacha  is 
half  Aymara,  half  Quichua.  The  in- 
terpretation by  Espada  in  note  (a) 
has  no  basis;  hence  a  combination  of 
two  languages  in  one  and  the  same 
word. 

At  some  future  day  I  hope  to  be 
able  to  present  more  concrete  data 
relative  to  the  ayllu  in  Peru  and  Bo- 
livia. SuflSce  it  to  say  here,  that  the 
ayllu  is  'the  clan,  modified  in  its  fea- 
tures by  time  and  contact  vrith  Euro- 
pean elements.  But  I  cannot  refrain 
from  quoting,  on  the  subject  of  origin, 
a  high  authority.  Father  Pablo  Joseph 
Arriaga,  S.J. :  Extirpacion  de  la 
Ydolatria  del  Pirv,  Lima,  1621,  Cap. 
VII,  p.  40 :  "  No  saben,  que  procedemos 
todos  de  nuestros  primeros  padres,  y 
assi  estan  persuadidos  no  solo  que  los 
Espanoles  proceden  de  vn  principio,  y 
los  negros  de  otro,  sino  que  cada  Ayllo, 
y  pareialidad  de  los  Yndios  tiene  su 
principio,  y  Pacarina,  que  ellos  llaman 
particular,  y  la  nombran,  y  la  adoran, 
y  ofrecen  sacrificios;  llamandola  Ca- 
mac,  que  es  criador,  y  cada  vno  dize 


que  tiene  su  Criador,  vnos  dizen,  que 
tal  Cerro,  otros  que  tal  fuente,  otros 
quentan  de  sus  Pacarinas  muchas 
f abulas,  y  patranas. ' '  The  Quichua 
Pacarina  is,  in  substance,  the  same  as 
the  Maehula;  and  the  Achachila  of 
the  Aymara.  (Cap.  ii,  p.  12.)  "Alas 
Pacarinas,  que  es  de  donde  ellos  dicen 
que  descienden,  reverencian  tambien. 
Que  como  no  tienen  fe,  ni  conoci- 
miento  de  su  primer  origen  de  nues- 
tros primeros  padres  Adan  y  Eva, 
tienen  en  este  punto  muchos  errores, 
y  todos  especialmente  las  cabezas  de 
Ayllos  saben,  y  nombran  sus  Paca- 
rinas. "  At  an  early  day  this  belief 
in  descent  of  the  clans  from  localities 
is  mentioned.  I  quote,  for  example, 
Juan  de  Betanzos:  Suma  y  Narracion 
de  los  Incas,  1551,  Madrid,  1880,  p.  5 : 
Cristobal  de  Molina  (translation  by 
Markham  in  Haclcluyt  Society  Publi- 
cations, original  at  Lima)  :  An  account 
of  the  Fables  and  Eites  of  the  Incas, 
pp.  4  to  9.  While  descent  or  origin 
of  the  Ayllu  is  placed  at  specific  locali- 
ties, it  is  clear  that  it  is  attributed 
to  certain  objects,  animate  or  inani- 
mate, situated  at  the  places  men- 
tioned. 

'^  The  election  of  alcaldes  about  the 
first  of  January  was  instituted  in  the 
vice-royalty  of  Peru  by  Don  Fran- 
cisco de  Toledo  in  1575.  Ordenansas 
del  Peru,  Vol.  I,  Lib.  ii,  fol.  125: 
' '  Que  el  dia  de  ano  nuevo  se  junten 
para  la  eleccion. ' ' 

'-  Properly  ' '  hilacata. ' '  The  word 
alcalde  is,  of  course,  Spanish.  The 
office  is  not,  as  represented  in  some 
sources,  an  ' '  Inca ' '  institution. 

'^  Carta  de  los  principales  de  Sica- 
sica  a  la  Comunidad  de  Callapa,  May, 
1781,  Archivo  boliviano,  Bocumentos, 
p.  205;  also  Informe  of  Fray  Matias 
Borda,  p.  220. 

'*  The  alcalde  is  not  a  survival  of 
the  ' '  cacique. ' '  The  latter  office  was 
abolished  by  decree  of  Bolivar,  July  4, 
1825.  In  early  times,  when  the  office 
of  alcalde  was  first  established  among 
the  Indians,  he  was  in  fact  the  chief 


146 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


police  commissioner  of  the  pueblo. 
Ordenansas  para  los  Indios,  by  the 
viceroy  Toledo  (Ordenanzas  del  Peru, 
Lib.  II,  Tit.  I  and  ii,  fol.  125  to  134). 
This  implies  the  military  command  in 
case  of  war,  among  the  Indians,  so 
that  the  alcalde  is  in  reality  the  war- 
chief  of  his  tribe. 

"  It  is  hardly  the  place  to  enter 
into  a  discussion  of  the  customs  of 
succession  and  inheritance  which  are 
so  decisive  in  regard  to  the  question 
of  endogamous  and  exogamous  mar- 
riage. Evidences  in  favor  of  exogamy 
are  numerous  among  older  sources. 
Even  the  Cuzco  Indians  (the  Inca) 
seem,  as  I  shall  establish  elsewhere, 
to  have  had  descent  in  the  female 
line.  I  limit  myself  to  quoting  from 
the  Ordinances  of  Toledo  (Ordenansas 
del  Peru,  Lib.  ll.  Tit.  ix,  fol.  144)  : 
"  Primeramente,  porq  entre  los  indios 
se  acostumbra  que  cuando  la  India  de 
vn  Ayllo,  6  repartimiento  se  casa  con 
Indio  de  otro  repartimiento,  6  Ayllo, 
y  el  marido  se  muere  dexando  hijos  6 
hijas,  los  Caciques  Principales  cuya 
era  la  India  antes  que  se  casase  la 
compelen  a  bolver  al  repartimiento, 
y  Ayllo  adonde  era  antes,  y  llevar 
consigo  los  hijos  que  huvo  del  marido. 
Ordeno,  y  mando,  que  a  India  de  vn 
repartimiento,  parcialidad,  y  Ayllo 
que  se  casare  con  Indio  de  otro,  dexen 
los  hijos  que  en  ella  huviere  havido  su 
marido  en  el  repartimiento,  parciali- 
dad, y  Ayllo  donde  su  padre  era  tribu- 
tario,  porque  alii  le  han  de  ser  ellos, 
y  ella  se  passe  a  su  repartimiento,  6 
Ayllo,  si  sus  Caziques,  6  Principales 
la  pidieren  dexandola  estar  algun 
tiempo  con  sus  hijos  hasta  que  el 
menor  dellos  sea  de  edad  de  ocho 
aiios  para  arriba,  porque  no  les  haga 
falta  su  ausencia  al  tiempo  antes." 
The  title  of  this  section  is  still  more 
conclusive:  "Que  los  hijos  sigan  y 
reeonozcan  el  Ayllo,  y  Parcialidad  de 
su  Padre  y  no  el  de  la  Madre. "  It 
proves  that  marriage  was  exogamous, 
and  also,  that  succession  in  the  male 
line    was    a    change    introduced    by 


Spanish  legislation  at  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Whenever  a  con- 
quering people,  by  laws  or  decrees, 
explicitly  either  sanctions  or  abro- 
gates customs  of  the  conquered,  such 
sanction  or  abrogation  is  the  best  evi- 
dence of  the  existence  of  such  customs, 
at  the  time  when  the  change  was  or- 
dained. 

"  At  an  early  day  the  Aymara  were 
accused  of  unnatural  vices.  Cristoval 
Vaca  de  Castro:  Carta  al  Emperador, 
November  24,  1542  (Cartas  de  Indias, 
p.  491):  "En  la  prouincia  que  he 
dicho  .  .  .  que  se  llama  del  Collao  .  .  . 
sauido  como  ay  yndies  que  tienen  por 
costunbre  de  vsar  el  pecado  abomina- 
ble entrellos,  y  andan  vestidos  de 
abito  de  yndias:  tengo  aqui  presos 
muchos;  hazerse  ha  justicia  e  ponerse 
ha  remedio  en  esto.  Algunos  dizen, 
en  sus  dichos,  questan  diputados  para 
este  abominable  pecado,  para  los  pasa- 
jeros  yndios  que  van  por  aquella  pro- 
uincia, porque  no  entiendan  con  las 
yndias. ' '  There  are  several  confirma- 
tions of  this  statement.  Even  Cieza, 
who  is  so  decidedly  partial  to  the  In- 
dians (especially  the  Inca)  says 
(Primera  Parte  de  la  Cronica,  Cap.  ci, 
p.  442):  "Destos  se  tiene  que  abor- 
recian  el  pecado  nefando,  puesto  que 
dicen  que  algunos  de  los  rusticos  que 
andaban  guardando  ganado  lo  usaban 
secretamente,  y  los  que  ponian  en  los 
temples  por  inducimiento  del  demonio, 
como  ya  tengo  contado. "  The  latter 
refers  to  the  coast  people  (Cap.  LXiv, 
p.  416).  Pizarro:  Eelacion  del  Descu- 
hrimiento,  p,  280:  "Estos  indios 
destas  provincias  del  Collao  es  gente 
sucia,  tocan  en  muchos  pecados  abo- 
minables,  andaban  muchos  varones  en 
habitos  de  mugeres  y  en  muchas  idola- 
trias. '  My  inquiries  on  this  point 
were  always  answered  in  the  negative, 
and  I  never  observed  anything  that 
led  me  to  suspect  that  such  a  habit 
might  exist  at  the  present  time.  It 
certainly  existed,  thirteen  years  ago, 
among  the  New  Mexican  pueblos  and 
was     openly     practised,     in     isolated 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     147 


cases,  in  the  sixteenth  century.  Com- 
pare Gaspar  Perez  de  Villagran:  His- 
ioria  de  la  Nueva  Mexico,  1610. 

To-day  there  exists  among  the 
AjTnara  the  custom  of  what  might  be 
named  a  "trial  year"  before  mar- 
riage. That  this  is  an  ancient  habit 
is  proven  by  it  being  mentioned  ante- 
rior to  its  prohibition  by  Spanish  de- 
crees. Pedro  Pizarro,  who  wrote 
about  1570,  asserts  that,  previous  to 
marriage,  indiscriminate  intercourse 
was  permitted  with  the  girls  (Eela- 
cion,  pp.  347  and  379).  The  decree 
promulgated  by  Toledo  is  conclusive 
{Ordenanzas  del  Peru,  fol.  128,  et 
seq.)  :  * '  Iten,  por  quanto  ay  costumbre 
entre  los  Indios  casi  generalmente,  no 
casarse  sin  primero  averse  conocido, 
tratado,  6  conversado  algun  tiempo,  y 
hecho  vida  maridable  entre  si,  como 
si  verdaderamente  lo  fuessen,  y  les 
parece,  que  si  el  marido  no  conoce 
primero  a  la  muger,  y  por  el  contrario, 
que  despues  de  casados  no  pueden 
tener  pas,  contento  y  amistad  entresi. ' ' 
It  might  be,  that  this  trial-year 
is  preceded  by  some  provisional 
ceremony,  but  the  marriage  after 
primitive  custom  takes  place  at  the 
expiration  of  the  twelve  months. 
That  the  trial  year  is  what  I  have 
called  it,  remains  proven  by  the  fact 
that,  at  its  close,  the  parties  may  yet 
separate  and  the  fact  of  temporary 
union  is  not  binding  upon  either  party. 
If  they  continue,  however,  to  live  to- 
gether as  man  and  wife,  without  hav- 
ing their  primitive  and  the  church 
ceremonials  performed,  they  are  looked 
upon  as  transgressors.  The  Constitu- 
ciones  synodales  del  Ar^obispado  de 
los  Reyes,  en  el  Perv,  1613,  reprint  of 
1722,  p.  79,  Lib.  IIII,  Cap.  vi,  fol.  79, 
ordain :  ' '  Porque  el  Demonio  ha  intro- 
ducido  entre  los  Yndios,  q  quando 
tratan  de  casarse  con  alguna  India  se 
amanceban  primero  con  ella,  viviendo 
en  ofensa,  .  •  .  ;  Mandamos:  que  los 
Curas,  muy  de  ordinario  en  sus  ser- 
mones,  les  exorten  y  amonesten  ser 
abuso  y  grave  pecado  lo  que  hazen  y 


que  averiguen  quienes  son  culpados  en 
ello,  y  la  tal  averiguacion  la  remitan 
al  Uicario  para  que  los  castigue. ' ' 
Arriaga:  Extirpacion  de  la  Ydolatria, 
etc.,  p.  34 :  "  Otro  abuso  es  muy  comun 
entre  todos  los  Yndios  oy  en  dia,  que 
antes  de  casarse,  se  an  de  conocer 
primero,  y  juntarse  algunas  vezes,  y 
assi  es  caso  muy  raro,  el  casarse,  sino 
es,  primero,  Tincunacuspa,  como  ellos 
dizen,  y  estar  tan  assentados  en  este 
engano,  que  pidiendome  en  vn  pueblo, 
por  donde  passava,  vn  Yndio,  que  le 
casase  con  vna  Yndia  con  quien  estava 
concertado  de  casarse,  vn  hermano  de 
ella  lo  contradecia  grandemente,  y  no 
dava  otra  causa,  sino  que  nunca  se 
auian  conocido,  ni  juntadose,  y  de 
otro  Yndio  se  yo  que  aviendose  casado 
no  podia  ver  a  su  muger,  y  le  dava 
mala  vida,  por  que  dixo  que  era  de 
mala  condieion,  pues  nadie  la  avia 
querido  ni  conocido  antes  que  se 
casase. " 

"  Arriaga :  Extirpacion,  Cap.  vi, 
p.  32. 

"  The  description  of  mortuary  cus- 
toms by  Cieza  (Primera  Parte,  Cap. 
c,  p.  443)  presents  a  distorted  picture, 
from  insufficient  observation,  the 
writer  merely  passing  through  the 
Collao,  in  1549.  The  Eelacion  de  los 
Pacajes,  1586,  {Eel.  geogrdf.  II,  p. 
61)  :  "Y  al  difunto  le  enterraban  con 
los  mejores  vestidos  y  ofrecian  mucha 
comida  y  AzuA  ..."  Arriaga,  Ex- 
tirpacion, Cap.  VT,  p.  34:  "Hechanles 
muy  disimuladamente  chicha  en  la 
sepultura,  porque  bevan,  y  muy  al 
descubierto  cuando  les  hazen  las  hon- 
ras,  comidas  cocidas,  y  assadas  sobre 
la  sepultura,  para  que  coman.  ..." 
The  Licenciado  Fernando  de  Santillan 
{Eelacion  del  Origen,  Descendencia, 
Politica  y  Gobierno  de  los  Incas,  date 
about  1565,  Madrid,  1879,  in  Tres  Ee- 
laciones  de  Antigiiedades  peruanas, 
p.  35)  affirms  it  to  have  been  a  gen- 
eral custom :  ' '  Tenian  y  ereian  tam- 
bien  que  los  muertos  han  de  resucitar 
con  sus  euerpos  y  volver  a  poseer  lo 
que  dejaron,  y  por  esc  lo  mandaban 


148 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


echar  consigo  en  laa  huacas,  y  los 
ponian  a  los  muertos  todo  lo  mejor 
que  tenian, ' '  etc.  The  broom  may  be 
a  modern  substitute  for  a  weapon. 

"  Arriaga,  Extirpacion,  p.  34 :  "  Es- 
parcen  en  algunas  partes  harina  de 
Maiz,  0  de  Quinua  por  la  casa,  para 
ver  como  ellos  dizen  si  buelve  el  di- 
funto,  por  las  pisadas,  que  a  de  dexar 
seiialadas  en  la  harina. ' ' 

»"  Final  Beport,  1,  p.  208  et  seq. 

"  This  is  clearly  shown  in  the  Libro 
de  Cassados,  of  Tiaguanaco  (MSS.). 

^^  Belacion  de  la  Provincia  de  los 
Pacajes,  p.  59:  "Y  el  dia  de  hoy  van 
a  Potosi  y  a  otras  partes,  como  son  las 
Yungas,  donde  se  coge  la  Coca  y  hacen 
otros  muchos  servicios  que  no  hacian 
entonces. "  (P.  61.)  "Las  casas  de 
lot  caciques  y  tambos  usaron  largas  y 
cuadradas,  y  la  madera  traian  de  los 
Yungas. ' '  Description  y  Eelacion  de 
la  Ciudad  de  La  Pas,  1586  (Bel.  geo- 
grdf.  II,  p.  78):  "Entran  en  los 
valles  calientes,  asi  donde  se  da  maiz 
como  coca,  trigo  y  demas  cosas  que 
tengo  referidas,  y  traen  del  ganado 
que  tienen,  que  son  los  carneros  desta 
tierra,  y  lana  dellos  y  vestidos  que 
desta  lana  hacen  y  la  sal  que  hay  en 
8u  tierra,  y  con  esta  compran  haciendo 
trueque  del  maiz  y  la  coca  y  demas 
cosas  que  en  su  tierra  f  altan. ' ' 

"  Vol.  V,  1895,  first  quarter,  p.  120. 

"  We  offered  quite  a  reasonable 
amount  of  money  at  Sampaya  for  the 
privilege  of  seeing  and  copying  one  of 
these  pictographs  drawn  on  sheepskin, 
but  in  vain.  I.  I.  von  Tschudi  {Bei- 
sen  durcJi  Siid-AmeriJca,  1869,  Vol.  V, 
p.  314)  gives  a  facsimile  of  one  of 
these  Catechisms,  which  he  found  at 
Copacavana,  adding  an  explanation, 

^  And  also  sent  two  to  the  Museum. 
For  the  use  of  a  knotted  string  (in  an 
analogous  manner  as  the  New  Mexican 
Indians  used  it  in  1680  in  order  to  in- 
form all  the  pueblos  of  the  date  fixed 
for 'the  uprising  against  the  Spaniards) 
by  the  Aymara  at  Copoeavana  in  1781, 
see  Fray  Matias  Borda:  Informe  (Ar- 
chivo  boliviano,  p.  206).     The  Indian 


messenger  from  Tiquina  carried  a  cord 
or  string  with  a  knot  in  it — "y  el 
citado  nudo,  desatado  que  fuese,  tam- 
bien  significaria  una  especie  de  carta 
6  auto  cerrado,  que  el  solo  tenia  la 
f acultad  de  abrir,  6  desatar  ..."  As 
soon  as  the  knot  was  untied,  the  In- 
dians attacked  the  Sanctuary  (p.  211). 

*'  In  primitive  times  the  two  meals 
were  quite  regular.  Cobo :  Historia 
del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV,  p.  174:  "Co- 
mian  dos  vezes  al  dia,  a  las  ocho  6 
nueve  de  la  manana,  y  4  la  tarde,  con 
una  6  dos  horas  del  sol. ' ' 

*^  The  use  of  coca  as  medium  of 
exchange  is  already  mentioned  in  the 
sixteenth  century.  Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega :  Comentarios,  I,  f  ol.  213 :  * '  Ade- 
lante  diremos  como  la  lleuan  a  Potosi, 
y  tratan  y  contratan  con  ella. ' '  Also 
Belacion  de  los  Pacajes,  p.  63:  "Y 
asi  el  trato  principal  que  hay  en  esta 
provincia  entre  los  indios  y  espanoles, 
es  rescatar  Coca  por  carneros  y  comida 
que  les  llevan. " 

^  Bishop  Vicente  de  Valverde : 
Carta  al  Emperador  sobre  asuntos  de 
su  iglesia  y  otros  de  la  gobernacion 
general  de  aquel  pais,  in  Doc.  de  In- 
dias.  III,  p.  98 :  "  Coca  .  .  .  ,  y  vale  en 
esta  tierra  a  peso  de  oro  y  es  la  prin- 
cipal renta  de  loa  diezmos. "  The 
date  of  this  letter  is,  Cuzeo,  March  20, 
1539.  The  use  of  coca  (mastication 
of  the  leaves,  especially)  was  much 
more  general  in  South  and  Central 
America  than  is  usually  believed.  It 
extended  from  Nicaragua  southward. 
Oviedo :  Eistoria,  Vol.  I,  p.  206 :  "  De 
la  hierva  que  los  indios  de  Nicaragua 
Uaman  yaat,  e  en  la  gobernacion  de 
Venezuela  se  dice  hado,  y  en  el  Peru 
la  Uaman  coca,  e  en  otras  partes  la 
nombran  por  otros  nombres  diversos, 
porque  son  las  lenguas  diferentes. " 
In  Colombia  its  use  was  common 
(Ibidem,  II,  p.  390).  Lucas  Fernan- 
dez de  Piedrahita:  Eistoria  general 
de  las  Conquistas  del  Nvevo  Beyno  de 
Granada,  1688,  p.  20.  "Porque  lo 
mas  de  la  noche  gastaban  en  mascar 
Hayo,  que  es  la  yerva,  que  en  el  Peru 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     149 


llaman  Coca,  y  son  ciertas  hojas  come 
las  del  Zumaque. ' '  Antonio  Julian : 
La  Perla  de  la  America,  Madrid,  1787, 
p.  25  et  seq.  Cieza  (Primera  Parte, 
p.  440),  while  inclining  to  the  belief 
that  the  coca  was  specially  reserved 
for  the  high  chiefs  and  the  worship 
of  the  Inca  tribe  at  Cuzco,  says 
nevertheless:  "En  el  Peru  en  todo  se 
uso  y  usa  traer  esta  coca  en  la  boca,  y 
desde  la  manana  hasta  que  se  van 
&  dormir  la  traen,  sin  la  echar  della. ' ' 
Pedro  Pizarro:  Belacion,  p.  270:  "4 
otros  hacer  coger  coca,  que  era  una 
yerba  quellos  traian  en  la  boca  muy 
preseiada  y  con  que  hacian  todos  sus 
sacrifieios  e  idolatrias  .  .  .  Tenianla  en 
mucho  porque  usaban  della  los  Senores 
y  a  quien  ellos  la  daban,  y  no  comun- 
mente  ..."  This  would  indicate  that 
coca  and  its  use  were  a  privilege  of  a 
certain  class.  Its  character  as  an  ob- 
ject for  sacrifice  and  its  rarity  at 
Cvzco  may  have  given  it  that  appear- 
ance, its  use  (as  the  above  quotations 
show)  was  free  and  general.  Santi- 
Uan:  Belacion,  p.  116:  "En  tiempo 
del  inga  eran  muy  pocas  las  chacaras 
[of  coca]." 

"  I  shaU  refer  to  that  tradition 
further  on. 

'"  In  1781,  the  horrible  massacres 
perpetrated  inside  of  the  churches,  and 
repeated  at  Ayo-ayo  and  Mohoza  in 
1899,  show  how  little,  at  heart,  the 
Aymara  cares  for  the  Christian  re- 
ligion. 

"  Fi7ial  Report,  1,  p.  222. 

'^  The  term  Pachacamae  we  heard 
at  Tiahuanaco.  It  is  a  Quichua  im- 
portation and  rarely  used  by  the 
Aymara. 

"^  These  terms  are  post-conquistorial, 
but  they  show  the  Indian's  ideas  on 
these  points.  Arriaga  (Extirpacion, 
Cap.  VI,  p.  33)  gives  an  illustration  of 
how  they  made  use  of  the  Apostle 
Santiago  to  incorporate  him  in  their 
own  circle  of  spiritual  beings:  "En  el 
nombre  de  Santiago  tienen  tambien 
supersticion  y  suelen  dar  este  nombre 
al  vno  de  los  Chuchus  [twins]  como  S, 


hijos  del  rayo  que  suelen  Uamar  San- 
tiago. No  entiendo  que  sera  por  el 
nombre  Boanerges,  que  les  pusso  al 
Apostol  Santiago,  y  a  su  hermano 
S:Juan  Christo  nuestro  Senor,  llaman- 
doles  Eayos,  que  esto  quiere  dezir  hijos 
del  trueno,  segun  la  frase  Hebrea,  sino 
6  porque  se  avra  estendido  por  aca  la 
frasse,  o  conseja  de  los  muchachos  de 
Espana,  que  quando  truena,  dizen  que 
corre  cavallo  de  Santiago,  6  porque 
veran,  que  en  las  guerras  que  tenian 
los  Espanoles,  quando  querian  disparar 
los  Arcabuzes,  que  los  Yndios  llaman 
YUapa,  o  Eayo,  apellidavan  primero 
Santiago,  Santiago. ' '  A  very  instruc- 
tive incident  is  related  by  the  same 
authority  (Cap.  xiii,  p.  79):  "El 
octavo,  de  la  intercession  de  los  San- 
tos, y  adoracion  de  las  imagenes, 
porque  ellos  dizen  que  son  nuestras 
Huacas,  y  tienen  acerca  de  esto  algu- 
nas  vezes,  como  en  otras  cosas,  muchas 
ignorancias. — Como  sucedio  en  vn 
pueblo,  donde  avia  quatro  imagenes  de 
Santos,  y  muy  buenas  de  la  vocacion 
de  quatro  Cofradias,  y  se  averiguo, 
que  algunos  no  se  encomendavan  a 
aquellos  Santos,  ni  les  hazian  oracion, 
porque  dezian,  que  aquellos  Santos,  ya 
eran  suyos,  y  ellos  los  avian  comprado, 
y  assi  ivan  a  otro  pueblo  a  visitar 
otros  Santos,  por  las  razones  contra- 
rias. ' ' 

'*  The  * '  Pu-tu-tu ' '  is  also  used  dur- 
ing a  lunar  eclipse  and,  in  general,  as 
a  signal  of  warning  in  any  occurrence 
or  phenomenon  that  inspires  awe  or 
fear  to  the  Indian  of  Bolivia.  We 
had  no  almanac  at  Challa  and  none 
could  be  procured  far  or  near,  so  we 
were  not  aware  beforehand  of  the 
lunar  eclipse  of  March  10,  1895,  and 
could  not  witness  the  ceremonials 
which  the  Indians  may  have  per- 
formed, but  the  sound  of  the  pututu 
disturbed  us.  Shouting  and  beating 
of  drums,  conch-sh^Us  and  trumpets 
of  clay  and  copper,  etc.,  took  the 
place  of  the  cow-horn  in  primitive 
times.  So  in  the  case  of  eclipses.  Ar- 
riaga:   Extirpacion,   Cap.   vi,   p.   38: 


150 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


"Lo  que  vsavan  antiguamente  en  los 
Elipses  de  la  Luna,  que  llaman  Qui- 
LLAMHUANUUN  la  Luna  se  muere,  o 
QuiLLA  TuTAYAN,  la  Luna  se  escurece 
vsan  tambien  aora,  a^otando  los  per- 
ros,  tocando  tambores,  y  dando  gritos 
por  todo  el  pueblo,  para  que  resucite 
la  luna  .  .  .  toeauaa  trompetas,  cor- 
Comentarios,  fol.  48:  "Al  eclypse  de 
la  luna  .  .  .  tocauan  trompetas,  cor- 
netas,  caracoles,  atabales,  y  atambores, 
y  quantos  instrumentos  podian  auer 
que  hiziessen  ruydo;  atauan  los  perros 
grandes  y  chicos,  dauanles  muchos 
palos  para  que  aullassen,  y  llamassen 
la  luna." 

Supay  is  a  Quichua  term  for  evil 
spirits  collectively,  but  any  demon  or 
fiend  is  Supay  also.  As  little  as  the 
Indians  had  any  conception  of  a  su- 
preme God,  as  little  did  they  have  a 
notion  of  a  supreme  devil. 

"  I  cannot  find  this  word  in  Ber- 
tonio. 

"  Zuni  Fetiches,  p.  9. 

"  It  would  carry  me  entirely  too 
far,  were  I  to  enter  into  a  discussion 
of  this  question.  That  both  sun  and 
moon  were  looked  upon  as  created  be- 
ings results  from  every  tradition  or 
so-called  creation  myth  as  reported  in 
the  sixteenth  century.  Compare,  for 
instance,  Cieza :  Segunda  Parte  de  la 
Cronica  del  Peru,  Cap.  v,  pp.  a  and  6, 
and  Cap.  xxx,  p.  119;  Betanzos: 
Suma  y  Narracion,  Cap.  i,  pp.  1  and  2; 
Santillan :  Eelacion,  p.  13 ;  Relacion  de 
las  costumbres  antiguas  de  los  Natu- 
rales  del  Piru,  of  about  1615,  and 
anonymous;  Tres  Belaciones  de  An- 
tigiicdades  peruanas,  p.  138;  Garci- 
lasso  de  la  Vega:  Comentarios,  I,  Lib. 
II,  fol.  25.  It  was  not  the  orbs  to 
which  a  certain  worship  was  offered, 
but  to  the  spiritual  beings  that  dwelt 
in  them,  to  the  Achachilas,  Machulas 
or  Pacarinas  believed  to  reside  both 
in  the  sun  and  the  moon.  Sun-wor- 
ship, so-called,  was  by  no  means  gen- 
eral, but  limited  to  the  Inca  of  Cuzco. 
Neither  did  these  look  upon  the  sun 
as  the  supreme  God.     It  was  one  of 


the  fetishes  most  applied  to,  but  not 
for  everything.  In  this  respect  the 
list  of  places  of  worship  or  shrines, 
at  Cuzco  and  surroundings,  given  by 
Cobo  {Historia,  IV,  pp.  7  to  47)  is 
very  instructive.  Arriaga  (Extirpa- 
cion.  Cap.  ii,  p.  11)  states:  "En 
muchas  partes  (especialmente  de  la 
sierra)  adoran  al  Sol,  con  nombre  de 
Punchao,  que  significa  el  dia,  y  tam- 
bien debajo  de  su  propio  nombre 
Ynti.— Y  tabien  a  la  Luna,  que  es 
Quilla  ...  El  adorar  estas  cosas  no 
es  todos  los  dias,  sino  el  tiempo  sefia- 
lado  para  hacerlas  fiestas,  y  cuando  se 
ven  en  alguna  necesidad  6  enfermedad, 
6  han  de  hacer  algun  camiuo,  levantan 
las  manos,  y  se  tiran  las  cejas,  y  las 
soplan  hacia  arriba,  hablando  con  el 
Sol  6  con  Libiac,  llamandole  su  Hace- 
dor,  y  su  criador  y  pidiendo  que  le 
ayude. ' '  Pedro  Pizarro  was  eye-wit- 
ness of  the  ceremonials  at  Cuzco,  and 
states  that  they  were  performed  daily 
in  the  square,  not  only  to  the  sun,  but 
to  the  bodies  of  their  dead  chiefs 
(Eelacion,  p.  264). 

It  may  not  be  inappropriate  to  add 
here  that  Pedro  Gutierrez  de  Santa 
Clara  (Historia  de  las  Guerras  ciuiles 
del  Peru,  III,  Cap.  hvi,  p.  486)  states: 
' '  En  toda  esta  tierra,  tamano  como  es, 
que  los  Ingas  senores  auian,  y  todos 
los  yndios  que  en  ella  habitauan,  ado- 
rauan  dos  dioses,  que  el  vno  se  dezia 
Cons  y  el  otro  Pachacama,  como  a 
dioses  principales;  y  por  acessores 
tenian  al  Sol  y  a  la  Luna  (diciendo) 
que  eran  marido  y  muger  y  que  estos 
eran  multiplicadores  de  toda  la  tierra ; 
bien  es  verdad  que  Cons  y  Pachacama 
hazian  estas  operaciones,  mas  que  no 
los  vian,  y  a  estos  dos  si,  cada  dia  y 
cada  noche. "  This  might  (if  true) 
recall  the  ' '  sun-father ' '  and  '  *  moon- 
mother"  of  the  New  Mexico  pueblos! 

°'  While  both  sun  and  moon  are 
' '  Achachilas, ' '  among  the  Aymara, 
the  fetishes  chiefly  applied  to  were 
(and  are)  the  tall  peaks  of  the  An- 
des. This  was  also  the  case  in  those 
sections    of    Peru    where    the    snowy 


THE  INDIANS  OP  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     151 


mountains  are  of  great  height  and 
striking  appearance.  Also  in  Ecuador. 
Belacion  hecha  por  mi,  Fray  Geronimo 
de  Aguilar,  de  la  Dotrina  y  Pueblo  de 
Caguasqui  y  Quilca,  etc.,  1582,  in  Bel. 
geogrdficas,  III,  p.  126:  "Los  ritos  y 
ceremonias  que  tenian  estos  naturales 
y  los  de  Quilca  en  el  tiempo  de  su 
infidelidad,  adoraban  al  cielo  y  a  los 
cerros  mas  altos  y  nevosos;  hacian 
sacrificio  de  maiz  bianco, ' '  etc.  Fray 
Juan  de  Paz  Maldonado :  Belacion  del 
Pueblo  de  Sant- Andres  Xunxi  (no 
date,  but  from  the  latter  part  of  the 
sixteenth  century).  Ibidem,  p.  151: 
"El  dicho  volcan  del  Chimborazo  esta 
deste  pueblo  una  legua  y  media;  salen 
del  tres  6  cuatro  arroyos  de  agua  que 
Uevan  diferentes  vias.  Y  alrededor 
del,  al  pie  de  la  nieve,  hay  hoy  dia 
algunos  edificios  caidos,  donde  acudia 
toda  la  tierra  alrededor  a  ofrecer  .  .  . 
Dicen  los  indios  que  el  volcan  del 
Chimborazo,  es  el  varon,  y  el  de  Tun- 
guragua  es  la  hembra,  y  que  se  comu- 
nican  yendo  Chimborazo  a  ver  a  su 
muger  y  la  muger  al  marido,  y  que 
tienen  sus  ayuntamientos  .  .  .  En  lo 
que  adoran  es  en  el  Sol  y  en  la  Luna 
y  en  estos  dichos  dos  volcanes. ' '  An- 
tonio Bello  Gayoso :  Belacion  que  enbio 
a  mandar  su  Magestad  se  hiziese  desta 
Ciudad  de  Cuenca  y  de  toda  su  Pro- 
vincia,  1581,  Ibidem,  p.  179:  "Adora- 
ban al  sol  y  la  luna,  y  en  particular 
algunos  adoraban  en  las  lagunas  y  en 
cerros  seiialados. " 

Similar  testimony  could  be  adduced 
from  almost  every  part  of  Peru,  but 
it  would  be  too  voluminous.  The  ques- 
tion is  as  to  the  Inca  of  Cuzco,  and 
in  this  respect  the  writings  of  Cristo- 
val  de  Molina  (Fables  and  Bites  of 
the  Incas)  are  very  interesting.  Like 
Pedro  Pizarro  (note  96),  he  states 
that  the  fetishes  of  the  sun,  of  thunder 
and  lightning,  were  always  worshiped 
together  (pp.  16,  20,  21,  24,  etc.),  at 
least  in  the  public  square.  Cieza 
(Segunda  Parte,  p.  40)  professes  to 
give  the  approximate  text  of  an  invo- 
cation,  in   which   the   head-chief   was 


addressed  as  follows:  "Oh  Inca 
grande  y  poderoso,  el  Sol  y  la  Luna, 
la  Tierra,  los  montes  y  los  arboles,  las 
piedras  y  tus  padres  te  guarden  de 
inf  ortunio  y  hagan  prospero, ' '  etc. 
The  Belacion  de  las  costumbres  an- 
tiguas  de  los  naturales  del  Piru,  pp.  137 
to  140,  although  not  very  reliable, 
should  also  be  considered.  Even  Gar- 
cilasso  de  la  Vega  involuntarily  admits 
that  the  Inca  worshiped  innumerable 
fetishes.  Comentarios  I,  fol.  75: 
' '  Vno  de  los  principales  idolos  q  los 
Reyes  Incas  y  sus  vasallos  tuuieron, 
fue  la  Imperial  ciudad  el  Cozco,  q  la 
adorauan  los  Yndios  como  cosa  sa- 
grada. "  Besides  the  sun  (to  which 
he  of  course  assigns  the  first  place), 
he  mentions  (fol.  76  et  seq.)  the 
fetishes  of  the  moon  and  of  several 
stars,  of  thunder  and  lightning,  and 
of  the  rainbow.  Finally  he  gives  an 
explanation  of  the  term  "huaca"  that 
is  exactly  the  Achachila  cult  as  we 
found  it  among  the  Aymara  (fols.  29 
and  30).  He  says:  "las  muchas,  y 
diuersas  significaciones  que  tiene  este 
nombre  Huaca:  el  qual  .  .  .  quiere 
dezir  ydolo,  como  Jupiter,  Marte, 
Venus."  It  would  be  too  long  to 
quote  the  remainder  of  Chapter  iv, 
Book  II,  in  which  he  enumerates  the 
manifold  objects  to  which  the  name 
was  given.  The  clearest  and  most 
positive  statement,  however,  is  found 
in  Arriaga:  Extirpacion,  Cap.  Ii,  but 
it  is  also  too  lengthy  to  be  incorpo- 
rated here. 

The  fact  that  the  Aymara  of  the 
Bolivian  Puna  and  Lake  basin  re- 
garded as  their  principal  fetishes  the 
summits  (strongly  individualized)  of 
the  Andes,  repeatedly  mentioned  (Des- 
cripcion  y  Belacion  de  la  Ciudad  de 
La  Paz,  p.  71)  :  "Hay  otra  adoracion 
que  se  llama  Hillemanna  [Illimani, 
properly  Hilaumani],  ques  una  sierra 
alta  cubierta  de  nieves  que  perpetua- 
mente  se  hacen, "  etc.  Speaking  of 
the  Indians  of  Pucarani,  a  village 
situated  south  of  the  Lake  and  be- 
tween it  and  La  Paz,  Fray  Antonio 


152 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


de  la  Calancha  (Coronica  Moralizada, 
I,  Lib.  nil,  Cap.  xni,  p.  867)  says: 
' '  Los  Idolos  que  adorauan  estos  Indies 
eran  los  fronterizos  cerros  nevados, 
dando  mas  adoracion  al  que  tenia  mas 
alteza.  En  los  que  gastavan  mas  sa- 
crificios,  i  estremavan  el  culto  era  en  el 
cerro  Illimani  Cullcachata,  i  en  el  mas 
frontero  del  pueblo  llamado  Cacaaca, 
este  por  ser  muy  eminente  i  estar 
siempre  nevado,  fue  muy  venerado  de 
todos  los  desta  provincia  de  Omasuyo, 
en  estos  cerros  les  dava  respuestas  el 
Demonio,  i  eran  continuos  sus  oracu- 
los. "  Omasuyos  is  the  district  to 
which  Copacavana  pertained  and  per- 
tains to-day,  hence  the  statements  of 
Calancha  apply  directly  to  the  Indians 
of  the  Islands.  I  would  also  observe 
that  on  the  Island  we  heard  the  name 
Illimani  applied  to  the  peaks  of  So- 
rata!  They  are  certainly  the  most 
prominent  points  of  the  Cordillera  as 
seen  from  Titicaca  and  especially  from 
Koati,  whereas  Illimani  is  only  visible 
at  a  few  points  and  at  a  great  dis- 
tance. The  Karka-Jaque  (Ka-Ka- 
a-Ka,  or  Huayna  Potosi)  is  quite 
prominent  also,  though  not  as  much  as 
the  Hanko-Uma  (Illampu)  and 
Hilampi  (Hanko-Kunu),  the  twin 
peaks  of  the  Sorata  chain.  From 
statements  by  Miguel  Cabello  de  Bal- 
boa (Misceldnea  anthartica,  1586, 
MSS.,  at  the  Lenox  Branch,  New  York 
Public  Library)  and  F.  Eamos  Gavilan 
(Historia  del  celehre  y  milagroso  San- 
tuario  de  la  Ynsigne  Ymagen  de  Nfii 
Sfii  de  Copacavana,  Lima,  1621,  Cap. 
II),  it  might  be  inferred  that  the 
adoption,  by  the  Inca,  of  the  sun- 
father  as  a  superior  fetish,  occurred 
about  four  or  five  centuries  previous 
to  the  conquest.  I  hope  to  treat  this 
matter  in  a  special  paper. 

"  Called  ' '  sullu ' '  in  current  speech. 
The  proper  signification  is  the  fetus 
of  an  abortion.  Bertonio:  Voca})ula- 
rio,  II,  p.  327:  "Abortino,  mal  pa- 
rido. ' '  In  Quichua  it  is  clearer  yet. 
Torres  Eubio:  Arte  y  Vocdbulario, 
fol.  100:   "Cosa  abortada."  The  use 


of  the  sullu  of  a  pig  is,  of  course, 
post-conquistorial. 

^"^  Called  ' '  untu. ' '  A  common  offer- 
ing in  primitive  times.  Arriaga:  Ex- 
tirpacion,  Cap.  iv,  p.  26;  "Bira,  que 
es  sebo  de  los  Carneros  de  la  tierra 
es  tambien  of renda. "  "  Bira, ' '  or 
' '  vira, ' '  is  the  Quichua  term. 

^"  They  use  the  term  ' '  ahuilita, ' ' 
from  the  Spanish  "abuelita. "  Also 
sometimes  ' '  ahuichu. ' ' 

^"^  The  translation  of  these  invoca- 
tions is  not  literal. 

"'  Eamos :  Historia,  p.  72,  edition  of 
1860 :  ' '  Era  costumbre  muy  comun 
entre  estas  gentes  el  juntar  a  los  ago- 
reros,  para  que  despues  de  tomar  su 
chicha,  coca  y  otras  necedades,  desig- 
nasen  el  lugar  y  la  figura  de  la  casa 
6  choza  que  pensaban  hacer.  Miraban 
al  aire,  escuchaban  pajaros,  como  arus- 
pices,  invocaban  a  sus  lares  6  al  de- 
monic, con  cantares  tristes,  al  son  de 
tamboriles  destemplados :  y  pronosti- 
cando  el  buen  6  mal  suceso  empezaban 
la  construccion,  poniendo  a  veces  coca 
mascada  en  el  cimiento  y  sus  asperjeos 
de  chicha  .  .  .  Aun  ahora  no  han  aca- 
bado  de  perder  esas  abusiones  al  fabri- 
car  sus  casitas;  pues  siempre  auguran 
a  su  modo,  echan  su  chicha  6  aguar- 
diente por  los  rincones,  festejan  su 
conclusion  con  regular  borrachera  y 
sus  consecuencias. ' '  Arriaga,  Extir- 
pacion,  p.  37:  "En  hazer  sus  Casas 
tienen  como  en  todas  las  demas  cosaa 
muchas  supersticiones,  combidando  de 
ordinario  a  los  de  su  Ayllo,  rocian  con 
chicha  los  cimientos  como  ofreciendola, 
y  sacrifieandola  para  que  no  se  caigan 
las  paredes,  y  despues  de  hecha  la  casa 
tambien  la  asperjan  con  la  misma 
chicha. ' '  See  also :  Villagomez :  Carta 
pastoral  de  Exortacion  e  instruccion 
contra  las  Idolatrias  de  los  indios  del 
Argoiispado  de  Lima,  1641,  fol.  47. 
He  copies  Arriaga  textually. 

^'**  Arriaga,  Extirpacion,  Cap.  ii,  p. 
11:  "A  Mamapacha,  que  es  la  tierra 
tambien  reverencian  especialmente  las 
mujeres,  al  tiempo,  que  han  de  sem- 
brar,  y  hablan  con  ella  diciendo  que 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     153 


lea  d^  buena  cosecha,  y  derraman  por 
eso  chicha,  y  maiz  molido,  6  por  su 
mano,  6  por  medio  de  los  hechizeros. " 
Villagomez:  Exortacion,  p.  39.  Fer- 
nando de  Santillan:  Belacion  del  Ori- 
gen  Descendencia,  etc.,  p.  31:  "El 
eacrificio  que  hacian  a  la  tierra  no  era 
tan  ordinario  ni  en  tanta  eantidad. 
Cuando  caian  malos,  en  aquel  lugar 
decian  que  la  tierra  estaba  enojada,  y 
derramaban  chicha  y  quemaban  ropa 
para  aplaearla.  Tenian  a  la  tierra  por 
especial  abogada  de  las  mujeres  que 
estan  de  parto,  y  cuando  habian  de 
parir,  le  hacian  sacrificios. ' '  Polo  de 
Ondegardo:  Belacion  de  los  funda- 
mentos  acerca  del  notable  dafio  que 
resulta  de  no  guardar  a  los  indios  sus 
fueros,  June  26,  1571  (Doc.  de  Indias, 
XVII,  p.  83)  :  "e  otros  que  la  hiciesen 
al  Pachamama  para  que  justifiease  la 
tierra  al  tiempo  que  se  sembrava. ' ' 

'""Chiefly  the  bear.  The  present 
shape  of  the  fetish  in  Bolivia— a  cow 
or  bull — is,  of  course,  modern. 

'"•  This  squatting  posture  of  the  In- 
dians is  well  described  by  Cobo:  His- 
toria  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV,  p.  174. 

'<"  Quintal  is  of  course  a  Spanish 
word.  The  Indians  use  it,  in  their 
incantations,  to  designate  any  very 
large  quantity,  undetermined. 

108  rpjjg  incantation  took  place  on 
the  night  of  January  27,  1895,  after 
ten  o  'clock. 

In  times  anterior  to  the  arrival  of 
the  Spaniards  it  was  also  the  custom, 
when  the  food  offered  to  the  idols  was 
burned,  for  those  present  to  remain 
motionless,  with  heads  bowed,  so  as 
not  to  see  the  process  believed  to  go 
on— that  of  eating,  by  the  spirits. 
Pedro  Pizarro  {Belacion  del  Descu- 
hrimiento,  p.  265)  describes  as  follows 
the  ceremonial  attending  the  offering 
to  a  fetish  which  he  calls  that  of  the 
sun:  "un  bulto  pequeno  tapado  que 
decian  que  era  et  Sol." — "Al  Sol 
tenian  puesto  en  mitad  de  la  plaza 
un  escano  pequeno,  todo  guarnecido  de 
mantas  de  pluma  muy  pintadas  y 
muy    delicadas,    y    aqui    ponian    este 


bulto,  y  el  un  hachazo  de  una  parte  y 
el  otro  de  la  otra.  Teniendo  las 
hachas  derechas  pues,  daban  de  comer 
a  este  Sol  por  la  orden  que  tengo 
dicha  la  daban  a  los  muertos,  y  de 
beber.  Pues  cuando  quemaban  la 
comida  al  Sol  levantabase  un  indio  y 
daba  una  voz  que  todos  le  oian ;  y  oida 
la  voz  todos  cuantos  habia  en  la  plaza 
y  fuera  de  ella  que  la  oian,  se  senta- 
ban  y  sin  hablar  ni  toser  ni  menearse 
estaban  callados  hasta  que  se  consumia 
la  comida,  que  echaban  en  el  fuego 
que  tenian  hecho,  que  no  tardaba 
mucho  por  ser  la  leiia  muy  seca. ' ' 
This  was  a  daily  function  in  the 
square  of  Cuzco.  Pizarro  witnessed 
it  himself,  and  a  number  of  times. 
It  is  fundamentally  the  same  as  the 
command  given  to  us  by  the  shaman 
to  retire  while  the  Achachilas  were 
' '  eating. ' ' 

'"'The  apachitas  or  apachetas  (also 
written  apachectas)  are  very  common 
in  the  mountains,  especially  on  moun- 
tain passes.  Garcilasso  says  of  them 
{Comentarios,  I,  fol.  29):  "y  assi 
luego  que  auian  subido  la  cuesta,  se 
descargauan,  y  al^ando  los  ojos  al 
eielo,  y  baxandolos  al  suelo,  y  ha- 
ziendo  las  mismas  ostentaciones  de  ado- 
racion,  que  atras  diximos  para  nobrar  al 
Pachacamac,  repetian  dos  tres  vezes 
el  datiuo  Apachecta,  y  en  ofrenda  se 
tirauan  de  las  cejas,  y  que  arancassen 
algun  pelo,  6  no,  lo  soplauan  hazia  el 
cielo,  y  echauan  la  yerua  llamada 
Cuca  que  lleuauan  en  la  boca,  que 
eUos  tanto  prescian,  como  diziendo 
que  le  ofrescian  lo  mas  presciado  que 
lleuauan,  y  a  mas  no  poder,  ni  tener 
otra  cosa  mayor,  ofrescian  algun 
palillo,  6  algunas  pajuelas,  si  las  ha- 
llauan  por  alii  cecca,  y  no  las  ha- 
llando,  ofrescian  algun  guijarro,  y 
donde  no  lo  aula,  echauan  vn  punado 
de  tierra,  y  destas  ofrendas  auia 
grandes  montones  en  las  cumbres  de 
las  cuestas. "  Arriaga:  Extirpacion, 
p.  37:  "Cosa  muy  vsada  era  antigua- 
mente,  y  aora  no  lo  es  menos,  quando 
suben  algunas  cuestas  o  Cerros,  o  se 


154 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


cansan  en  el  camino,  llegando  a  alguna 
piedra  grande,  que  tienen  ya  senalada 
para  este  efecto,  escupir  sobre  ella  (y 
por  esso  llaman  a  esta  piedra,  y  a 
esta  ceremonia  Tocanca)  Coca,  6  maiz 
mascado  otras  vezes  dexan  alii  las 
vjutas,  6  calgado  viejo,  o  la  Huaraca 
6  vnas  soguillas,  o  manoxillos  do 
hicho,  o  paxa,  o  ponen  otras  piedras 
pequenas  encima,  y  con  esto  dizen, 
que  se  les  quita  el  cansancio.  A  estos 
montoncillos  de  piedra  suelen  Uamar, 
corrompiendo  el  vocable,  Apachitas, 
y  dizen  algunos,  que  los  adoran,  y  no 
son  sino  las  piedras  que  an  ido  amon- 
tonando  con  esta  supersticion,  ofre- 
ciendoles  a  quien  les  quita  el  can- 
sancio y  le  ayuda  a  llevar  la  carga 
que  esso  es  Apacheta  .  .  ,"  The 
apachetas,  therefore,  are  accumula- 
tions of  prayer  offerings  made  to  a 
spirit  supposed  to  reside  at  the  place 
where  they  are  raised. 

110  jf  J  frequently  allude  to  such 
analogies,  it  is  without  the  slightest 
idea  of  tracing  relationships.  Similar- 
ity or  even  identity  of  customs  is  not 
sufficient  to  prove  original  connection. 

"'  This  belief,  common  to  the 
Aymara  of  Bolivia,  also  existed,  and 
probably  exists  to-day,  among  the 
Quichua.  Garcilasso:  Comentarios  (I, 
fol.  77):  "Llaman  al  arco  CuYCHU, 
y  con  tenerlo  en  esta  veneracion, 
quando  le  veyan  en  el  ayre,  cerrauan 
la  boca,  y  ponian  la  mano  delante, 
porque  dezian,  que  si  le  descubrian 
los  dientes,  los  gastauan  y  empodre- 
cian."  Cobo:  Eistoria  (IV,  p.  149): 
* '  Tambien  tenian  por  mal  agiiero  y 
que  era  para  morir  6  para  algun  otro 
dano  grave,  cuando  vian  el  Arco  del 
Cielo,  y  a  veces  por  buen  pronostico. 
Eeverenciabanlo  mucho  y  no  le  osaban 
mirar,  6  ya  que  le  miraban,  no  lo 
osaban  apuntar  con  el  dedo,  enten- 
diendo  que  se  moriran;  y  a  aquella 
parte  donde  les  parecia  que  caia  el 
pie  del  arco,  la  tenian  por  lugar  hor- 
rendo  y  temeroso,  entendiendo  que 
habia  alia  alguna  Guaca  6  otra  cosa 
digna  de  temor  y  reverencia. ' ' 


"^  The  Achachilas  are  also  the  ' '  pac- 
carinas"  or  ancestors  of  ayllu  and 
tribes.  In  regard  to  the  New  Mexico 
pueblos,  compare  Final  Report,  I, 
p.  312. 

"^  The  baptismal  name  ' '  Santiago ' ' 
so  common  in  Mexico  and  New 
Mexico,  is  seldom  met  in  Bolivia 
among  Indians,  whereas  Diego  is 
heard  very  frequently.  See  Arriaga: 
Extirpacion,  p.  33;  Idem:  Constitu- 
clones  que  dexa  el  visitador  en  los 
pueblos,  p.  130. 

"*  This  is  a  very  ancient  belief  and 
connected  with  some  of  the  earliest 
myths. 

""  Zuni  Fetiches,  p.  9. 

""Cobo:  Eistoria,  IV,  p.  149: 
' '  Cuando  oian  cantar  Lechuzas,  Buhos 
u  otras  aves  extranas,  le  tenian  por  mal 
agiiero  y  presagio  de  su  muerte  6  de 
la  de  sus  hijos  6  vecinos  y  particular- 
mente  de  la  de  aquel  en  cuya  casa  6 
lugar  cantaban  6  auUaban. "  About 
the  use  made  of  the  owl  to-day  for  cer- 
tain Indian  witchcraft  practices,  in- 
formation will  be  imparted  in  a  subse- 
quent work. 

"'Cobo:  Eistoria,  IV,  p.  149: 
' '  Item,  cuando  oian  cantar  al  Euise- 
iior  6  al  Sirguero,  lo  tenian  por  pro- 
nostico de  que  habian  de  renir  con 
algunos. ' ' 

"*  Sacrifices  of  guinea-pigs  were 
common  in  Peru  before  the  conquest, 
as  is  generally  stated  by  earlier  au- 
thors. Cieza:  Segunda  Parte,  pp. 
116,  119;  Belacion  de  la  Religion  y 
Ritas  del  Feru,  hecha  por  los  prime- 
ros  Religiosos  Agustinos  que  alii 
pasaron  para  la  conversion  de  los 
naturales,  in  Boc.  de  Indias,  III,  pp. 
21,  29,  30,  34,  et  seq.;  Garcilasso: 
Comentarios,  I,  fol.  34,  Arriaga: 
Extirpacion,  Cap.  IV,  p.  24:  "El  Sa- 
crificio  ordinario  es  de  Cuyes,  de  los 
quales  se  sirven  mal,  no  solo  para 
sacrificios,  sino  para  adivinar  por 
ellos,  y  para  curar  eon  ellos  con  mil 
embustes. "  Cap.  in,  p.  19:  "Haca- 
ricuc,  o  Cuyricuc,  es  el  que  mira 
cuyes,  y  abriendoles  con  la  vna  adi- 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     155 


vina  por  ellos,  mirando  de  que  parte 
sale  sangre,  o  que  parte  se  menea  de 
las  entranas. "  I  refrain  from 
further  quotations. 

"°  The  story  of  the  ' '  carbuncle-cat ' ' 
on  the  Island  is  told  by  several  au- 
thors, Augustine  monks,  from  the  be- 
ginning of  the  seventeenth  century. 
Eamos:  Historia  de  Copacabana,  p. 
10:  "Porque  dicen  los  indios  que  en 
tiempos  pasados  se  vio  en  la  pena  un 
gato  con  gran  resplendor,  pasandose 
en  ella  ordinariamente  .  .  .  pudiera 
ser  que  el  tal  gato  fuese  el  animal 
llamado  Carbunco,  que  los  de  Guamico 
dicen  haber  visto  algunos  de  ellos  por 
el  resplendor  que  despiden  de  noche 
con  la  pledra  carbunco  6  Rubi, ' '  etc. 
Calancha  (Cord?itca  Moralizada,  II,  Lib. 
I,  Cap.  II)  copies  textually.  Fr.  Andres 
de  S.  Nicolas  {Imogen  de  N:S:  de 
Copacavana,  fol.  26)  varies  somewhat 
from  Eamos  by  stating:  "  se  boluio  a 
dexar  ver  en  figura  de  gato  motez, 
corriendo  por  el,  y  despidiendo 
f uego. ' '  Whether  a  titi  or  wildcat  of 
western  and  northern  Bolivia,  such  as 
occasionally  infest  the  Peninsula  of 
Copacavana,  could  cross  the  straits 
of  Yamputata  swimming  I  do  not 
attempt  to  discuss.  While  the  idea 
of  a  "  carbuncle ' '  is  certainly  a  Euro- 
pean modification,  the  story  of  a  wild- 
cat appearing  on  the  Sacred  Rock 
appears  to  be  primitive  and  might 
have,  together  with  the  cavities  on  the 
rock  resembling  cats '  heads,  contrib- 
uted to  the  name  of  the  Island. 

*™  This  custom  appears  to  be  an- 
cient. Arriaga:  Extirpacion,  Cap.  Ill, 
p.  196:  "Pacharicuc,  o  Pachacatie, 
0  Pachacuc,  es  otro  adivino  por  los 
pies  de  vnas  aranas,  que  llaman  Pae- 
cha,  y  tambien  Oroso,  y  son  muy 
grandes  y  peludas.  Quando  le  con- 
sultan  para  alguna  cosa,  va  a  buscar 
en  los  agugeros  de  las  paredes,  o  de- 
baxo  de  algunas  piedras,  vna  de  estas 
aranas,  cuya  especie  es  conocida,  y 
poniendola  sobre  una  manta,  o  en  el 
suelo,  la  persigue  con  vn  palillo,  hasta 
que  se  quiebran  los  pies,  y  luego  mira 


que  pies  6  manos  le  faltan,  y  por  alii 
adiuina. "  See  also  Cobo:  Historia, 
IV,  p.  134.  We  saw  no  large  spiders 
on  the  Islands,  but  at  Atauallani, 
close  to  the  upper  base  of  Illimani,  a 
small  Mygale  was,  together  with  cen- 
tipedes, not  unfrequently  taken  out  of 
ancient  graves  by  my  wife. 

'-^  In  regard  to  rain-making  it  is 
evident  that  the  ceremonials  accom- 
panying it  are  primitive,  that  is,  pre- 
Columbian,  with  some  modifications 
brought  about  by  contact  (and  pro- 
hibition also)  since  the  conquest.  The 
tenacity  with  which  the  Indian  clung 
and  clings  to  his  original  rites  and 
ceremonies  induces  him,  when  these 
are  to  be  superseded  by  strange  ones, 
to  adapt  them,  within  limits,  to  the 
latter.  About  original  practices  of 
rain-making  I  find  so  far  hardly  any 
detailed  statements  except  in  Calan- 
cha  {Coronica  Moralizada,  I,  p.  867), 
and  the  directions  contained  in  Ar- 
riaga: Extirpacion,  p.  86,  for  ques- 
tioning sorcerers:  "Decimosexto:  Que 
Huaca  adoran  para  que  el  maiz  crezca 
bien,  y  no  se  coma  de  gusano,  de  que 
lagunas  traen  cantaros  de  agua  para 
rociar  la  chacara,  y  pedir  lluvia,  a 
que  lagunas  tiran  piedras  para  que 
no  se  secan,  y  vengan  lluvias. ' '  Com- 
pare also,  for  the  practices  when 
drouth  had  set  in,  and  any  Indian, 
male  or  female,  was  suspected  of 
having  prevented  rain  by  committing 
some  offense— probably  evil  witch- 
craft, as  among  the  pueblos — San- 
tillan:  EeJacion,  etc.,  p.  36. 

"^And  one  of  their  own,  thus  far 
unstudied.  It  may  prove  to  be  some 
dialect. 

*^  I  treat  more  in  detail  of  the 
Callahuaya  in  a  subsequent  volume  on 
Bolivia. 

^'*  Munecas  is  inhabited,  in  its 
southern  parts,  by  Aymara,  in  the 
north  by  Quichuas.  The  Callahuaya 
live  in  the  village  of  Curva  near  Cha- 
rassani. 

'-*  Tschudi  says  it  is  Felis  pardalis 
(the   ocelot).     Die   Eechua   Sprache, 


156 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


WorteriueJi,  p.  108.  Bertonio  {Voca- 
bulario  1612,  II,  p.  383)  has  "Vtu- 
RUNCCA,  1:  Vturuncco.— Tigre. " 
Hence  the  word  has,  from  the  Quichua 
of  southern  Peru,  penetrated  into  the 
northwestern  Aymara.  Cobo  (Histo- 
ria,  II,  p.  339)  calls  the  tigre 
(jaguar)  uturuncu.  Acosta  (Historia 
natural  y  moral  de  Indias,  edition  of 
1608,  p.  279)  calls  the  ant-eater  "oto- 
ronco. ' '  The  use  of  the  ' '  uturuncu ' ' 
in  aboriginal  medicine  is  ancient. 

128  Villagomez  (Exortacion,  fol.  41) 
says:  "Aunque  son  raros  los  que 
matan  con  hechizos. ' '  But  Arriaga 
{Extirpacion,  p.  21)  describes  a  class 
of  sorcerers  who  killed  by  sucking 
the  blood  of  the  person,  at  night 
(vampires),  and  says  they  were  nu- 
merous at  his  time  and  did  a  great 
deal  of  harm:  "Dize  el  Cura  de  vn 
pueblo  que  pocos  anos  antes  avian 
muerto  dentro  de  quatro  meses,  mas 
de  setenta  muchachos  de  doze  a  diez 
y  echo  anos,  y  de  estos  a  vna  muger 
en  vna  semana  quatro  hijos,  y  q  aora 
que  se  avian  descubierto  estos  male- 
ficios  sospechava,  que  ellos  los  avian 
muerto,  por  que  no  sabia  de  que  en- 
fermedad  morian. "  Cobo  (Historia, 
IV,  p.  151)  describes  an  act  of  mal- 
feasance through  witchcraft  recalling 
to  a  certain  extent  the  one  described 
in  the  text:  "Para  que  viniese  a  mal 
6  muriese  el  que  aborrecian,  vestian 
con  su  ropa  y  vestidos  alguna  estatua 
que  hacian  en  nombre  de  aquella  per- 
sona, y  la  maldecian  colgandola  de 
alto  y  escupiendola ;  y  asimismo  ha- 
cian estatuas  pequenas  de  cera  6  de 
barro  6  de  masa  y  las  ponian  en  el 
fuego,  para  que  alii  se  derritiese  la 
cera,  6  se  endureciese  el  barro  y  masa 
6  hiciese  otros  efeetos  que  ellos  pre- 
tendian,  ereyendo  que  por  este  modo 
quedaban  vengados  y  hacian  mal  a 
sus  enemigos. ' ' 

"^  Compare  sketch  annexed  with  the 
one  given  by  Salcamayhua :  Anti- 
giiedades  deste  Beyno  del  Firu,  p.  257, 
plate. 

^^Intemperance  was,  and  is,  one  of 


the  worst  vices  of  the  Indians  of  the 
Peruvian  and  Bolivian  mountains.  It 
is  almost  superfluous  to  quote  on  the 
subject.  I  limit  myself  to  govern- 
mental and  ecclesiastic  edicts  issued 
against  the  abuse  of  intoxicating 
drinks  (chicha  especially)  by  the  abo- 
rigines. Ordenanzas  del  Peru,  Vice- 
roy Toledo,  1575,  fol.  129,  Lib.  II, 
Tit.  II,  Ord.  xviii.  Cons-tituciones 
synodales  de  Lima,  1613,  p.  85. 
Among  the  cases  which  are  not  to  be 
absolved  in  confession  by  priests  but 
are  reserved  for  the  prelate  is :  "  De 
los  Espanoles  que  vendieren  chicha 
de  sora  sola,  6  mezclada  con  yuca,  6 
guarapo  de  miel  de  purga  del  primer 
barro  6  mosto. ' '  Constituciones  syno- 
dales, 1636,  p.  15,  Cap.  v.  In  primi- 
tive times  every  one  of  the  numerous 
festivals  was  a  protracted  orgie  (as 
it  is  to-day).  Arriaga:  Extirpacion, 
p.  100:  "Pues  quitalles  las  borache- 
ras,  que  son  las  que  crian,  fomentan, 
y  conservan  las  Ydolatrias. "  Idem, 
Constituciones,  etc.,  p.  131. 

"*  The  primitive  dances  were,  so  to 
say,  weeded  out  in  consequence  of  the 
strict  investigation  into  idolatry  in 
Peru,  that  began  at  an  early  day  and 
culminated  in  the  .  methodical  work 
partly  directed  by  Arriaga  in  the 
early  part  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
One  of  the  results  was,  to  eliminate 
from  public  displays  what  seemed  of- 
fensive to  Christian  ideas  and  to  gen- 
eral propriety.  This  reduced  some  of 
these  dances,  at  least,  to  harmless 
diversions  in  appearance.  Whether, 
in  primitive  times,  there  were  dances 
that  were  not  ritualistic,  is  doubtful. 
I  incline  to  the  belief  that  every 
choreographic  performance  was  a 
ceremonial.  Arriaga  (Extirpacion  p. 
45)  is  of  the  same  opinion:  "Quando 
les  avian  hazer  estas  fiestas  todos  en- 
tendian,  que  no  avia  malicia  en  ellas, 
sino  que  eran  sus  regocijos,  y  dangas 
antiguas  y  quando  mucho,  que  era  vna 
vana  supersticion,  en  que  no  avia 
mucho  que  reparar. ' '  That  all  the 
dances  were  accompanied  by  excessive 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     157 


libations,  which  were  also  religious 
acts,  is  stated  (p.  46):  "Pero  en  lo 
que  an  tenido  muchos  mayor  descuido, 
y  remission  es  en  consentir,  y  dissimu- 
lar  sus  boracheras,  y  las  juntas  que 
hazen  para  ellas,  especialmente  en  las 
mingas,  que  Uaman  para  hazer  sus 
chacaras,  o  casas.  Porque  es  cosa  muy 
vsada  hazer  todo  lo  que  hazen  por  via 
de  comunidad.  Y  la  vnion  de  estas 
juntas  es  siempre  el  bever  hasta  caer, 
y  de  tal  madre,  de  mas  de  los  in- 
cestos,  estrupos,  y  otras  muchas  tor- 
pecas,  a  procedido  siempre  la  Ydola- 
tria  en  los  siglos  pasados. ' '  We  have 
not  seen  a  single  dance  that  was  not 
symbolic,  although  probably  only  the 
medicine-men  (who  are  always  pres- 
ent, though  not  noticed  by  the  simple 
spectator,  since  there  are  no  exterior 
tokens  by  which  they  might  be 
kjiown)  know  their  original  signifi- 
cation. 

^^  The  use  of  plumage  in  dances  is 
primitive;  only  the  shape  of  the  head- 
ornaments  has  changed.  The  hat,  for 
instance,  is  modern.  The  color  of  the 
plumage  is  that  of  the  Bolivian  tri- 
color, but  this  is  brought  about  also 
by  the  prevalence  of  the  colors  in  the 
larger  parrot  plumes  in  use. 

"^Cobo  (Historia,  IV,  pp.  228  and 
229)  gives  the  most  detailed  descrip- 
tion of  ancient  musical  instruments  in 
Peru  and  Bolivia :  ' '  Tenian  para  ello 
muchos  instrumentos  musicos,  los 
cuales  nunca  tocaban  sino  en  los 
bailes  y  borracheras,  y  todos  hacian 
el  son  poco  suave,  y  menos  artificioso, 
pues  qualquiera  que  se  pone  4  tocar- 
los,  a  la  primera  leccion  queda  maes- 
tro. El  instrumento  mas  general  es  el 
atambor,  que  ellos  Uaman  Huancar; 
hacianlos,  grandes  y  pequenos,  de  un 
palo  hueco  tapado  por  ambos  cabos 
con  cuero  de  Llama,  como  pergamino 
delgado  y  seco.  Los  mayores  son 
como  nuestras  cajas  de  guerra,  pero 
mas  largos  y  no  tan  bien  hechos;  los 
menores  son  como  una  cajeta  pequena 
de  conserva,  y  las  medianas  como 
nuestros  tamborines. " 


'  *  Tocanlo  con  un  solo  palo,  el  cual 
a  vecas  por  gala  esta  cubierto  de  hilo 
de  lana  de  diferentes  colores  y  tam- 
bien  suelen  pintar  y  engalanar  los 
atambores.  Tocanlo  asl  hombres 
como  mujeres;  y  hay  bailes  al  son  de 
uno  solo  y  otros  en  que  cada  uno  Ueva 
su  atambor  pequeno,  bailando  y  to- 
cando  juntamente.  Tambien  usan 
cierta  suerte  de  adufes,  nombradas 
Huancartinya ;  pifano,  Uamado  Pin- 
collo.  Antara  es  otro  genero  de  flauta 
corta  y  ancha.  Quenaquena  es  una 
cana  sola  como  flauta,  para  cantar 
endechas.  Quepa  es  una  suerte  de 
trompetUla  que  hazen  de  un  calabazo 
largo.  Usan  tambien  en  sus  bailes 
tocar  un  instrumento  compuesto  de 
siete  flautillas,  poco  mas  6  menos, 
puestas  como  caiiones  de  organos, 
juntas  y  desiguales,  que  la  mayor 
sera  larga  de  un  palmo  y  las  demas 
van  descreciendo  por  su  orden:  Ua- 
man a  este  instrumento  Ayarichic,  y 
tocanlo  puesto  sobre  el  labio  el  labio 
bajo  y  soplando  en  las  dichas  flauti- 
llas, con  que  hacen  un  sordo  y  poco 
dulce  sonido.  Tocan  asimismo  cara- 
coles y  otros  instrumentos  de  menos 
cuenta. ' '  He  further  mentions  rat- 
tles, of  beans  ("zacapa"),  of  copper 
and  of  silver  ("chanrara"),  and 
snails  ("churu").  This  list  of  mu- 
sical instruments  is  confirmed  by  the 
archaeological  finds  as  well  as  by 
several  other  earlier  authors. 

"^  The  models  for  these  modern 
"Inca"  costumes  are  indirectly  those 
that  served  to  Herrera:  Historia  ge- 
neral, etc.  (title-page  to  fifth  decade). 
Herrera  copied  them  from  the  four 
aboriginal  paintings  made  by  order 
of  Don  Francisco  de  Toledo  and  sent 
to  the  King  in  1572.  Hence  the  cos- 
tumes were  painted  nearly  forty  years 
after  the  conquest!  Informaciones 
acerca  del  Senorio  y  Gobierno  de  los 
Incas,  published  Madrid,  1882.  This 
interesting  document  contains:  La  Fe 
y  Testimonio  que  va  puesta  en  los 
cuatro  pan  OS ;  de  la  verificacion  que 
se  hiso  con  los  Indios,  de  la  pintura 


158 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


e  historia  Dellos,  p.  250.  "Por  lo 
cual,  todos  y  cada  uno  dellos  dijeron 
que  todo  lo  que  esta  escripto  y  pintado 
en  los  dichos  cuatro  panos,  asi  en  los 
bultos  de  los  Ingas  como  en  las  me- 
dallas  de  sus  mujeres  e  ayllos  e  histo- 
rias  de  las  cenefas,  ecepto  lo  que  no 
se  les  leyo. ' '  The  pictures  of  Inca 
chiefs  are,  of  course,  largely  imagi- 
nary, as  well  as  the  costumes.  But 
they  have  survived  and,  from  the  fact 
that  they  were  made  to  be  verified  by 
the  Indians,  undue  importance  is  often 
attached  to  them.  Silk,  velvet,  gold 
and  silver  lace  were  known  to  the 
Indians  in  1572,  through  what  they 
saw  of  Spanish  dress,  and  it  is  natural 
that  the  natives  should  clothe  the 
supposed  portraits  of  their  ancient 
chieftains  in  the  best  of — European — 
finery.  Hence  it  is  well  to  be  cautious 
and  not  accept  the  pictures  for  more 
than  what  they  can  be.  The  same 
with  the  "insignia."  This  naturally 
applies  to  the  costume  as  seen  in  the 
performance  described  in  the  text. 

"'  Judging  from  the  descriptions  of 
eye-witnesses,  primitive  dances  at  the 
time  of  the  Spaniards'  first  arrival 
must  have  been  more  disgusting  yet. 
Compare,  for  instance,  Betanzos: 
Suvia  y  Narracion,  Cap.  Xll,  pp.  83 
and  84.  Cieza:  Segunda  Parte,  Cap. 
XXX,  p.  122:  "Y  estaban  en  esta  fiesta 
de  Hatun  Kaimi  quince  6  viente  dias, 
en  los  cuales  se  hacian  grandes  taquis 
y  borracheras  y  otras  fiestas  a  su 
usanza;  lo  cual  pasado,  daban  fin  al 
sacrificio,  metiendo  los  bultos  de  los 
idolos  en  los  templos,  y  los  de  los 
Incas  muertos  en  sus  casas. ' '  Pedro 
Pizarro:  Eelacion  del  Descuhrimiento, 
p.  277:  "Pues  dire  de  los  vicios  ques- 
tos  ore  Jones  tenian  y  maldades:  eran 
muy  dados  a  la  lujuria  y  al  beber: 
tenian  acceso  carnal  con  las  hermanas 
y  con  las  mugeres  de  sus  padres,  como 
no  fuesen  sus  mismas  madres,  y  aun 
algunos  habia  que  con  ellas  mismas. 
.  .  .  Emborrachabanse  muy  a  menudo, 
y  estando  borrachos  todo  lo  que  el 
demonio  les  traia  a  la  voluntad  ha- 


cian." Also  p.  347.  All  that  oc- 
curred among  the  Inca.  Of  the  In- 
dians in  the  district  of  La  Paz,  the 
Description,  1586,  p.  72,  states:  "Las 
costumbres  de  la  gente  deste  asiento 
y  provincia  es  casi  como  las  demas 
deste  reino,  porque  todos  de  ordinario 
se  emborrachan  con  una  bebida  que 
hacen  del  maiz  ...  el  cual,  aunque 
parece  simple,  beben  tanta  cantidad, 
que  los  emborracha.  .  .  .  Eedunda 
destas  borracheras  que  cometen 
muchos  estupros  I  incestos  con  madres, 
hijas,  hermanas,  sobrinas  y  cuuadas,  y 
vuelven  a  sus  ritos  y  adoraciones. ' ' 

^^  Compare  note  129. 

""  We  saw  the  Mimula  again  at  La 
Paz,  in  the  street,- but  also  after  dark, 
about  ten  o'clock.  It  was  sung  and 
danced  by  men. 

"'  The  ' '  morenos,  "  as  I  shall  estab- 
lish elsewhere,  are  a  survival  of  theat- 
rical plays  and  outdoor  performances 
introduced  by  the  Church  with  the 
view  of  gradually  substituting  them 
for  objectionable  Indian  dances. 

^^'' Ehea  americana. 

»^»  Peru,  p.  306. 

"•From  "pusi,"  "four"  in  Ay- 
mara,  and  ' '  ppiana, ' '  to  perforate, 
with  the  possessive  aflBxum  "ni. " 
The  flute  in  question  has,  indeed,  four 
holes. 

^*"  The  custom  is  common  all  over 
the  higher  portions  of  Bolivia.  If  the 
Indians  have  too  much  rain,  they  ex- 
pose a  skull  (of  the  Chullpas)  to  the 
air,  and  sometimes  place  between  its 
teeth  a  cigarette. 

"^  But  they  still  were  loath  to  touch 
the  skulls  themselves. 

"^  Further  information  about  the 
"Irpa"  will  be  given  in  a  subsequent 
work. 

"^  A  good  example  of  how  the  In- 
dians used,  and  perhaps  to-day  still 
use,  church  functions  to  shroud  their 
ancient  rites  is  given  by  Arriaga: 
Extirpacion,  Cap.  viii,  p.  45:  "Y  es 
cosa  cierta,  y  averiguada,  que  en 
muchas  partes  con  achaque  de  la  fiesta 
del  Corpus,  hazen  la  fiesta  de  Oncoy- 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     159 


mita  que  diximos  arriba,  que  es  por 
entoces.  Y  en  la  Provincia  de  Chin- 
chacoha,  quando  se  visito,  se  averiguo, 
que  llevavan  en  la  procession  del  Cor- 
pus dos  Corderos  de  la  tierra  vivos 
cada  vno  en  sus  andas,  por  via  de 
fiesta  y  de  dan^a,  y  se  supo,  que  real- 
mente  eran  ofrendas,  y  sacrificios  ofre- 
cidos  a  dos  lagunas,  que  son  Vrcoco- 
cha,  y  Choclocoha,  de  donde  dizen,  que 
salieron,  y  tuvieron  origen  las  Lla- 
mas. ' ' — * '  Como  tambien  se  averiguo 
en  Huarochiri,  por  el  doctor  Fran- 
cisco de  Avila,  que  para  adorar  vn 
Ydolo  en  figura  de  muger  llamado 
Chupixamor,  y  Mamayoc,  hazian  fiesta 
a  vn  imagen  de  nuestra  Sefiora  de  la 
Asuncion,  y  para  adorar  vn  Ydolo 
varon  llamado  Huay-Huay,  hazian 
fiesta  a  vn  Ecce  Homo."  That 
such  primitive  ceremonials  may  be 
connected  with  the  dances  performed 
at  church  festivals  to-day  is  not  un- 
likely. At  any  rate,  there  is  little 
direct  relation  between  the  dances  and 
the  church  ritual  with  which  it  is  made 
to  coincide. 

^**  Also  Prioste :  Sodalitii  oeconomus. 

"°  The  Lay-ka  are  variously  alluded 
to  by  Arriaga:  Extirpacion,  p.  17: 
' '  Estos  que  comunmente  llamamos 
Hechizeros  .  .  .  con  nombre  general 
se  llaman  Vmu,  y  Laicca  ..."  Also 
by  Villagomez:  Exortacion  contra  la 
Idolatria,  fols.  41  and  58:  Belacion 
anoiiirna,  etc.,  p.  171,  calls  them  "lai- 
cas. ' ' 

The  word  "Yatiri"  is  found  in 
Eamos :  Historia  de  Copacabana,  p.  75, 
and  is  said  to  have  been  the  name  of 
an  idol  invented  by  Huayna  Capac 
and  worshiped  by  him  chiefly  on  the 
Island  of  Apinguila,  near  the  north- 
western shores  of  Titicaca  Lake: 
"Llevado  de  cierto  espiritu  innova- 
dor  determine  ofrecer  todos  aquellos 
sacrificios  k  un  solo  idolo,  que  llaman 
Yatiri,  como  si  dijere,  al  que  todo  lo 
sabe,  mandando  que  solo  a  ese  se  le 
invocase  ..." 

'"  This  is  so  frequently  mentioned 
in  older  sources  that  I  refrain  from 


quoting,    the   more   so,    as   it   will   be 
treated  at  greater  length  elsewhere. 

"'  This  has  been  stated  to  us  at 
various  places  in  Bolivia.  It  is  al- 
luded to  by  Cobo:  Historia  del  Nuevo 
Mundo,  IV,  149. 

"'  I  cannot  etymologize  more  than  a 
few  of  the  names  of  the  dances:  The 
word  ' '  Pusipiani ' '  means,  as  already 
stated,  perforated  four  times.  Kena- 
kena  is  the  name  of  the  flute  played 
by  the  dancers  of  that  name.  Sicuri 
comes  from  "Sico, "  the  pan-flute  of 
reeds — Bertonlo:  Vocabulario,  II,  p. 
315:  "Sico — Vnas  flautillas  atadas 
como  ala  de  organo. "  Chirihuanoa 
derives  from  ' '  chiriri, ' '  or  from 
' '  chiri. ' '  The  former,  according  to 
Bertonio,  p.  84,  II,  signifies  a  talker; 
the  latter  is  a  word  used  sometimes  to 
express  darkness.  As  a  personal  name 
— therefore,  possibly,  "Huayna," 
' '  youth  "  ( ? )  —  it  appears  already  in 
Cieza:  Segunda  Parte,  Cap.  iv,  p.  4. 
After  relating  some  ancient  stories 
about  Titicaca  Island,  he  says :  ' '  Chiri- 
huana,  gobernador  de  aquellos  pueblos, 
que  son  del  Emperador,  me  conto  lo 
que  tengo  escripto. ' ' 

""  About  the  manner  of  succession 
to  the  various  "degrees"  (if  such  a 
term  is  permitted)  of  medicine-men, 
the  statements  of  older  Spanish 
writers  vary.  What  we  learned  con- 
cerning it  later  on  will  be  recorded 
elsewhere.  The  Selacion  anonima,  p. 
172,  says:  "Los  ministros  mayores 
siempre  venian  por  via  de  eleccion  y 
suficiencia ;  los  de  la  segunda  y  tercera 
diferencia  alcanzaban  los  oficios  por 
una  de  tres  vias;  6  por  via  de  heren- 
cia,  6  por  via  de  eleccion,  6  por  haber 
nacido  con  alguna  seiial  singular  y 
rara,  no  usada  en  los  demas  hombres. 
como  es  tener  seis  dedos  en  las  manos, 
brazos  mas  largos  de  lo  ordinario,  6 
haber  nacido  en  el  mismo  tiempo  en 
que  cayo  cerca  de  aquel  lugar  algun 
rayo,  6  haber  nacido  de  pies,  6  otros 
senales;  aunque  lo  de  la  herencia 
quitole  la  misma  republica  con  su 
rey. "    Arriaga,  Extirpacion,  Cap.  iii. 


160 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


p.  20:  "De  vna  de  tres  maneras  en- 
tran  en  estos  oficios  de  sacerdotes  de 
Huaeas.  La  primera  es  por  sucesion, 
que  el  hijo  lo  hereda  del  padre,  y  si  el 
heredero  no  (tiene)  vso  de  razon, 
entra  en  su  lugar  el  pariente  mas 
cercano,  hasta  que  el  ligitimo  heredero 
sea  suficiente  para  el  oficio.  La  se- 
gunda  manera  es  por  eleccion,  quando 
falta  el  primer  modo  por  via  de  heren- 
cia,  o  quando  les  parece,  los  otros 
ministros  eligen  el  que  juzgan,  que 
sera  mas  a  proposito,  con  parecer  de 
los  Curacas  y  Caciques.  Y  quando 
acontece,  que  alguno  herido  del  rayo 
quede  vivo,  aunque  q  quede  lastimado 
esta  ya  como  divinamente  elegido  para 
el  ministerio  de  las  Huaeas.  El  ter- 
cero  modo  es,  que  ellos  mismos  se 
toman  el  oficio,  y  se  introducen  en  el, 
specialmente  de  los  oficios  menores  de 
adivinos,  curanderos,  por  sola  su  vo- 
luntad,  y  autoridad,  y  esto  es  ordinario 
en  los  viejos,  y  viejas,  que  por  ganar 
de  comer,  y  comer  ellos  dizen  Vi^qa- 
raycu,  que  es  ventris  causa,  se  hazen 
oficiales  en  estos  ministerios. ' '  Lastly 
I  will  add  the  testimony  of  Cobo: 
Historia,  IV,  p.  130:  "Los  diputados 
para  este  oficio  se  elegian  desta  ma- 
nera; si  nacia  en  el  campo  algun 
varon  en  tiempo  de  tempestad  y  true- 
nos,  tenian  cuenta  con  el,  y  despues 
que  era  ya  vie  jo,  le  mandaban  que 
entendiese  en  esto  .  .  .  Item,  los  que 
nacian  de  mujeres  que  afirmaban 
haber  concebido  y  parido  del  Trueno, 
y  los  que  nacian  dos  6  tres  juntos 
de  un  vientre,  y  finalmente,  aquellos 
en  quienes  la  Naturaleza  ponia  mas 
de  lo  comun,  diciendo  que  acaso  y 
sin  misterio  los  senalaba,  todos  estos 
eran  consagrados  por  sacerdotes 
cuando  viejos;  porque  todos  6  los 
mds  que  tenian  este  oficio,  lo  eran 
y  no  se  admitian  a  el  sino  cuando 
llegaban  4  edad,  que  no  podian  ejer- 
citar  otros  trabajos  .  .  .  Tambien  ha- 
bia  otros  muchos  que  trataban  en 
echar  suertes,  k  los  cuales  andaba  el 
oficio  de  confesores  y  de  curar  super- 
sticiosamente.     Muchas  veces  se  con- 


fundian  estos  oficios  con  el  primer 
linaje  de  sacerdote,  usandolos  todoa 
juntos  Unas  mismas  personas,  y  otros 
andaban  divididos,  atendiendo  cada 
uno  al  suyo;  si  bien  lo  mas  comun  era 
lo  primero,  que  los  sacerdotes  eran 
juntamente  confesores,  medicos  y 
hechieeros"  (p.  132).  "El  oficio  de 
sortilegos  tuvieron  estos  indios  no  solo 
por  licito  y  permitido,  mas  tambien 
por  util  y  necesario  en  la  republiea. 
.  .  .  Todos  cuantos  entendian  en  esto 
eran  gente  inutil,  pobre  y  de  baja 
suerte,  como  los  demas  hechieeros,  a 
los  cuales  elegia  el  Cacique  de  cada 
pueblo,  despues  que  les  faltaban  las 
fuerzas  para  trabajar,  precediendo  a 
esta  eleccion  diversas  ceremonias  y 
ritos,  que  les  mandaban  hacer  los 
dichos  Caciques. ' ' 

The  statement,  that  the  offices  were 
sometimes  hereditary  means,  not  an 
obligatory  succession  from  father  to 
son,  but,  as  among  the  New  Mexico 
pueblos,  adoption  of  a  prospective  suc- 
cessor, who  may  be  the  child  of  the 
incumbent  if  the  latter  sees  in  him 
special  aptitude  for  the  office.  It  is  also 
interesting  to  note,  that  some  of  the 
medicine-men  (shamans)  embodied  in 
their  circle  of  knowledge  that  of  all 
the  other  special  branches,  whereas 
the  majority  were  limited  to  a  lesser 
sphere  of  action.  This  indicates  eso- 
teric societies,  as  the  knowledge  of 
each  group  was,  of  necessity,  kept 
secret,  from  the  people  as  well  as  from 
other  clusters,  the  principal  shamans 
excepted,  who,  as  it  is  said  to-day  in 
Bolivia  of  the  Hacha  Tata,  "know  it 
all. ' ' 

150  Villagomez :  Exortacion,  f  ol.  15 : 
"Si  en  las  fiestas  del  Corpus  Christi, 
6  en  otras  fiestas  de  la  Iglesia  fingi- 
endo  los  Indios  que  hace  fiestas  de  los 
Christianos,  an  adorado,  6  adoran 
ocvltamente,  4  sus  idoles,  6  an  hecho 
6  hacen  otros  ritos. ' '  This  is  one  of 
the  queries  ordered  to  be  made  in  offi- 
cial examinations  of  sorcerers  and 
other  Indians  supposed  to  know  about 
witchcraft  and  primitive  ceremonials. 


THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     161 


"*  Information  about  the  ' '  Chama- 
kani"  (he  who  owns  darkness)  will 
be  given  elsewhere. 

"^  That  lUimani  is  a  powerful 
"Achachila"  has  already  been  stated 
(note  98). 

"'  Misti  and  all  the  volcanoes  in 
general  were  regarded  (and  are  to-day 
in  secret)  as  fetishes  of  high  rank. 
In  regard  to  Misti  it  was  plainly 
shown  during  the  terrible  eruption  of 
the  Ornate,  near  Moquegua  (southern 
Peru),  in  1600.  When  the  eruption 
was  at  its  height,  the  city  of  Are- 
quipa  plunged  in  darkness,  volcanic 
ashes  falling  steadily,  the  earth  shak- 
ing, and  tremendous  thunder  bellow- 
ing, while  a  lurid  light  faintly  illu- 
minated the  southeastern  skies,  the 
Indians,  dressed  in  red,  killed  their 
sheep,  fowl,  and  guinea-pigs,  and  be- 
gan to  dance,  sing,  and  drink  immod- 
erately. Some  of  their  wizards,  after 
sacrificing  llamas  to  the  volcano,  were 
said  to  have  claimed  ' '  that  they  spoke 
to  the  devil,  who  informed  them  of 
the  catastrophes  that  were  to  take 
place,  and  how  the  volcano  of  Ornate 


had  attempted  to  confederate  with 
that  of  Arequipa  to  destroy  the  Span- 
iards, and  that,  as  the  one  of  Are- 
quipa (Misti)  replied  he  could  not 
enter  into  the  agreement  since  he  was 
a  Christian  and  named  Saint  Francis, 
the  volcano  of  Omate  undertook  it 
alone."  Historia  del  Colegio  de  la 
Compania  de  Jesus  de  Arequipa  y 
Eeventazon  del  Volcan  de  Omate, 
MSS.  at  National  Archives  at  Lima, 
1600,  Vol.  XXI,  fol.  24:  "Mataron 
los  carneros  gallinas  y  conejos  de  la 
tierra  que  tenian  y  hizieron  grandes 
vanquetes  vailes  y  vorracheras  vistien- 
dose  para  esto  de  Colorado  y  aun  se 
dijo  que  algunos  hechiceros  sacrifica- 
ron  carneros  al  Volcan  porque  no  los 
hundiese  y  que  hablaron  con  el  de- 
monio  que  les  dezia  las  tempestades 
que  aula  de  auer  y  como  el  volcan  de 
omate  se  aula  querido  concertar  con 
el  de  areqa  para  destruir  4  los  espano- 
les  y  que  como  el  de  areqa  respondiesse 
quel  no  podia  venir  en  ello  por  ser 
xpano  y  Uamarse  S:  Franco  quel  de 
Omate  solo  se  esfor^aua  por  salir  con 
este  yntento. ' ' 


THE  ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND 
OF  TITICACA 


o 
k 

-4-> 

■73 


M 

^ 

h-1 

^ 

M 

"3 

M 

c^ 

-i 


Paet  IV 

THE  ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND 
OF  TITICACA 


THE  Indians  who  inhabit  the  Island  divide  the  ruins 
into  two  classes,  one  of  which  they  call  Chullpa,  and  the 
other  Inca.    They  assign  to  each  class  a  different  origin. 

As  stated  in  the  preceding  chapter,  traditions  preserved 
by  writers  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  men- 
tion two  distinct  stocks  as  occupants  previous  to  advent  of 
the  Spaniards.  Hence  the  classification  by  the  Indians  of 
to-day  is  not  an  imaginary  one. 

Geographical  distribution  of  the  ruins  on  Titicaca  is  best 
understood  by  means  of  the  annexed  map.  The  survey  was 
made  by  me  for  the  purpose  of  illustrating  this  distribution. 
I  do  not  pretend,  however,  to  have  indicated  all  the  ancient 
remains  extant.  There  must  be  more,  especially  of  the 
class  called  Chullpa,  but  their  reduced  size  and  utter  decay 
render  it  difficult  to  trace  them.  Again  the  artificial  ter- 
races, or  andenes  (in  Aymara,  ''pata"),  are  so  extensively 
worked  at  present  that  in  a  great  number  of  cases  it  is  not 
possible  to  tell  which  of  them  are  ancient.  According  to  the 
Indians,  small  and  scattered  houses,  of  one  or  only  a  few 
rooms  and  rude  workmanship,  are  Chullpa ;  the  larger  build- 
ings, with  fairly  constructed  walls,  good-sized  doorways  and 
niches  are,  as  well  as  the  better  built  andenes,  Inca.  A  safer 
criterion  is  the  character  of  the  artefacts  associated  with 
each  class  of  ruins.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  there  are  two 
distinct  types  in  pottery.    One  type  seems  to  be  modeled 

1S5 


166  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

after  the  well-known  earthenware  of  ancient  Cuzco.  It 
shows  chaste  form,  a  good  quality  of  clay,  solid  burning, 
and  especially  a  striking  and  often  beautiful  decoration  in 
paint.  This  is  the  Inca  type,  as  the  Indians  on  Titicaea 
claim.  The  other  corresponds  to  the  ceramics  found  in  all 
the  so-called  Chullpas  of  Bolivia.  It  is  much  ruder  in 
shape  and  design,  the  clay  is  not  as  well  burnt,  and  the 
decoration  more  primitive.  Other  artefacts,  such  as  those 
in  metal  and  stone,  are  no  longer  abundant  enough  to  per- 
mit of  a  strict  classification,  but  the  objects  of  silver  and 
gold  are  regarded  as  belonging  to  the  Inca  type.  We  were 
unable  to  find  textile  fabrics,  but  through  purchase  of  the 
magnificent  "ponchos"  contained  in  the  collection  of  Don 
Miguel  Garces  of  Puno,  the  Museum  has  come  in  possession 
of  five  specimens  that  are  clearly  of  Inca  origin.^ 

Thus  it  seems  that  the  classification  suggested  by  the 
aborigines  of  the  Island  is  borne  out  by :  the  appearance  of 
the  ruins,  the  testimony  of  tradition,  and  the  character  of 
some  of  the  artefacts,  hence  we  may  adopt  it  in  our  de- 
scriptions. 

The  Island  has  many  burial  sites,  and  the  majority  of 
these  belong  to  what  the  Indians  call  Chullpa.  There  are 
also  graves  which  they  declare  to  be  Inca,  and  which  are 
somewhat  different  from  the  former.  I  regret  to  say  that 
we  have  not  been  fortunate  enough  to  secure  skulls  from 
so-called  Inca  graves,  except  at  the  place  called  Kasapata, 
where  we  obtained,  from  seven  stone  cysts,  fragments  of 
children's  bones,  including  broken  skulls.  At  Sicuyu  we 
hoped  to  have  secured  one  skull  of  an  adult  woman,  but  it 
was  only  the  cast,  or  lump  of  earth  left  after  the  skull  had 
decayed.  This  lump  fell  to  powder  as  soon  as  exposed  to 
the  air,  and  we  did  not  even  have  time  to  take  a  mould  of  it. 

In  regard  to  the  distribution  of  the  so-called  Chullpa 
remains  I  may  state  that  artificial  terraces  and  burials  are 
found  nearly  everywhere,  where  the  nature  of  the  ground 
permitted.    But  in  regard  to  the  terraces,  "andenes,"  or 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     167 

"patas,"  it  is  mostly  impossible  to  affirm  that  any  par- 
ticular group  of  them  is  exclusively  Chullpa.  In  such  cases 
I  limit  myself  to  repeat  the  statements  of  the  Indians  with- 
out endorsement.  The  southeastern  extremity  of  the  Island 
—that  part  of  it  belonging  to  the  hacienda  of  Yumani— is 
thickly  striated  with  andenes,  principally  on  the  eastern 
side.  In  and  about  these,  burial  cysts  of  the  type  called 
Chullpa  are  scattered  in  numbers ;  hence,  probably,  the  In- 
dian assumed  that  the  terraces  belonged  to  the  same  class. 
We  found  few  vestiges  of  small  houses,  though  the  cause 
of  this  may  be  their  destruction  in  modern  times  for  pur- 
poses of  cultivation.  The  Indian  is  not  piously  inclined 
toward  the  remains  of  his  forefathers.  The  ruins  of 
clearly  defined  Inca  origin  between  the  landing  at  the  Puncu 
(28)  and  the  foot  of  the  promontory  on  which  stands  the 
hacienda  edifice  of  Yumani  (b),  the  numerous  andenes  ac- 
companying them,  and  present  cultivation  according  to 
ancient  methods,  make  it  impossible  to  assert  anything  more 
than  that  the  so-called  Chullpa  remains  occur  in  many 
places ;  chiefly  in  the  form  of  burials.  Between  Yumani  and 
Pucara  it  is  uncertain  whether  Inca  vestiges  exist;  hence 
the  supposition  that  the  terraces  on  Palla-kasa  (11),  on  the 
little  plateau  of  Apachinaca  (q),  and  the  northern  flanks  of 
Kurupata  (r  and  10)  are  Chullpa,  is  not  unlikely.  We 
made  excavations  at  (q)  and  at  (r)  and  opened  stone  cysts, 
of  the  type  designated  as  Chullpa,  that  contained  skulls 
(male)  artificially  flattened,  and  pottery  of  the  coarser  class. 
Of  buildings  there  are  but  few  traces,  and  these  so  damaged 
by  the  Indians  that  only  their  site  can  be  detected.  Heaps 
of  rudely  broken  stones  indicate  small  edifices,  square  or 
round,  hence  Chullpa  pattern.^ 

The  bottom  of  Pucara  bears  traces  that  appear  of  Inca 
origin;  still,  there  are  also  vestiges  of  Chullpa  burials.  On 
the  slope  descending  from  the  south  into  the  grassy  bottom 
that  bears  the  name  of  el  Ahijadero  (place  for  raising  or 
propagating  animals,  cattle  or  sheep,  in  reality  a  pastur- 


168  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

age),  are  found,  with  Chullpa  tombs,  andenes  of  Inca  type 
and  Chullpa  terraces.  North  of  the  bottom,  and  to  the  west, 
rise  steep  heights,  on  the  tops  and  slopes  of  which  the 
Chullpa  andenes  predominate,  if  not  exclusively  repre- 
sented. These  heights,  which  require  special  mention,  are 
the  prominent  peak  of  Kea-Kollu  (hill  or  mountain  of  Kea 
(7),  and  its  lower  companion  of  Little  Kea-Kollu,  Kea- 
Kollu  Chico.^  The  abrupt  rocky  point  of  Like-Like  (8) 
bears  vestiges  of  terraced  garden-beds,  but  it  is  not  possible 
to  determine  to  which  class  they  belong. 

Kea-Kollu  (see  accompanying  photograph)  is  a  dome- 
shaped  height  rising  about  six  hundred  feet  above  the  Lake. 
Its  lower  slopes  are  steep  and,  in  places  toward  the  north 
and  northeast,  terminate  in  low  cliffs.  Andenes  on  the 
middle  and  upper  slopes  are  so  numerous  as  to  make  the 
mountain  appear  girded  by  numberless  concentric  belts.  As 
will  be  seen  by  the  plat  of  the  top  of  Kea-Kollu,  they  are 
neither  regular  nor  symmetric.  The  andenes  are  of  varying 
widths  and  heights.  Some  are  only  two  or  three  feet  tall, 
others  nearly  twenty.  They  follow  the  sinuosities  of  the 
slope.  Frequently  there  are  short  and  narrow  projections, 
like  bastions ;  either  in  front  of  longer  andenes,  or  connect- 
ing one  terrace  with  another.  The  survey  of  the  upper 
part  of  Kea-Kollu  was  therefore  a  very  tedious  work, 
and  very  much  like  that  of  the  ruins  near  Llujo,  at 
the  foot  of  Illimani.  The  stonework  on  the  andenes  is  rude. 
The  merely  broken  stones  are  laid  in  mud  and  with  little 
care.  Some  of  the  walls  are  smooth,  others  rough,  and  none 
have  the  finish  of  terraces  attributed  to  the  Incas,  although 
the  purpose  was  the  same,  that  of  making  a  steep  slope 
available  for  cultivation.  We  were  unable  to  find  traces  of 
irrigation,  nor  would  irrigation  be  necessary. 

Shrubbery  and  ichhu-grass  now  cover  slopes  and  terraces 
wherever  rocks  do  not  protrude.  The  irregularly  elliptic 
summit  is  rocky,  yet  the  ''kara,"  or  Dasylirion-like  plant 
called  in   Spanish   comida   de   oso    (bear's   food),  grows 


ZZZ  aTAjq 


■.•■•■■■^r,^>'''°"^'*^'*^\?>''^ 


Plate  XXX 
Objects  from  various  parts  of  Titicaca  Island 

1.  Bola-stone  (Lliui)  of  hematite.       2.  Bola-stone  (Lliui), unusual  shape. 
3.  Head  of  warclub  of  stone.  4.  Bronze  head  of  warclub  with  hatchet 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     169 

abundantly  among  the  rocks.  On  the  northern  slope  the 
andenes  gradually  disappear;  but  on  the  other  sides  they 
continue  down  in  many  places  as  far  as  the  base.  Cultiva- 
tion having  taken  hold  of  the  lower  slopes  lately,  there  may 
be  many  recent  patas  among  those  near  the  base,  toward  the 
pass  of  Kea  and  on  swellings  in  the  west  and  northwest. 
The  upper  half  of  the  mountain  is  one  irregularly  terraced 
height,  and  as  bushes  grow  on  the  edge  of  each  anden,  these 
hundreds  of  terraces  appear  from  a  distance  like  horizontal 
stripes  of  darker  green. 

Beside  andenes,  Kea-Kollu  has  buildings  and  graves. 
The  buildings  (see  plans)  are  small  and  quadrangular,  with 
walls  varying  in  thickness  from  one  to  two  feet.  The  stones 
are  laid  in  mud,  but  not  in  regular  courses.  The  rooms 
were,  to  all  appearance,  not  communicating.  In  those  build- 
ings that  are  not  built  against  the  rock  there  are  from  three 
to  five  rooms  and  probably  more.  Shrubbery  has  played 
great  havoc  with  the  structures,  so  that  details  are  mostly 
undistinguishable.  The  rubbish  shows  that  the  houses  were 
all  one-storied.  The  larger  ones  stand  on  the  rim  of  plat- 
forms, affording  good  lookouts.  Excavations  proved  use- 
less, as  they  have  long  ago  been  rifled  of  everything  by  the 
Indians.  The  sites  of  these  buildings  are  indicated  on  the 
general  plan. 

Other  structures  are  small  houses,  built  against  the  slope, 
with  seldom  more  than  three  rooms.  We  examined  closely 
whether  it  was  indeed  the  rock  that  formed  the  rear  wall, 
and  not  the  walled  front  of  a  higher  anden,  and  invariably 
found  it  to  be  the  former.  Not  even  its  sinuosities  had  been 
corrected,  as  will  be  seen  on  the  plans.  The  rooms  in  this 
class  of  buildings  are  usually  somewhat  smaller  than  in  the 
others,  and  the  walls  thinner.  The  longest  of  these  rock- 
houses  measures  thirty-three  feet,  whereas  the  longest  of 
the  others,  built  on  a  projecting  point,  is  as  long  as  forty- 
nine.    The  width  was  probably  between  seven  and  ten  feet. 

At  the  places  marked  on  the  plan  of  the  top  of  Kea-Kollu 


170  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

are  buried  houses  that  seem  to  contain  but  a  single  room 
each.  One  of  these,  of  which  the  entrance  had  been  made 
accessible,  showed  very  good  workmanship.  It  was  made  of 
approximate  parallelopipeds  of  andesite  laid  in  courses, 
and  superior  in  appearance  to  the  walls  of  neighboring 
edifices.  The  Indians  declared  it  to  be  Inca.  Shrubbery 
had  so  completely  overgrown  the  place  that  it  would  have 
required  several  days  to  clear  it.  We  had  made  arrange- 
ments to  explore  the  site  thoroughly,  when  my  wife  was 
attacked  by  severe  influenza.  For  several  weeks  previous, 
our  own  supply  of  provisions  had  almost  given  out;  tea, 
without  sugar,  and  potatoes  were  our  only  food.  The  In- 
dian dwelling  which  we  occupied  on  the  middle  flanks  of 
Kea-Kollu  afforded  slight  shelter  against  the  nightly  recur- 
ring rain.  To  return  to  the  hacienda  of  Challa  was  im- 
practicable, since  the  family  of  the  owners  was  expected  to 
take  refuge  there  from  political  persecution  in  Peru.  Still 
I  could  not  expose  my  wife 's  health  and  life  in  the  cold  and 
moist  hut  afforded  to  us  by  the  Indians,  and  so  we  removed 
to  Yumani,  breaking  off  work  at  Kea-Kollu.  It  was  not 
even  possible  to  obtain  laborers.  Influenza  had  also  broken 
out  among  our  hands,  and  they  attributed  it  to  the  bones  of 
the  dead  which  we  were  removing.  So  we  had  to  abandon 
the  interesting  relic  to  later  visitors.  To  all  appearances, 
this  little  building  is  like  the  one  still  standing  on  the  slopes 
of  Ciriapata,  also  declared  by  the  Indians  to  be  Inca,  and 
of  which  I  shall  treat  hereafter. 

Graves  are  very  irregularly  distributed  over  the  upper 
parts  of  Kea-Kollu.  There  are  some  on  the  summit,  in  soft 
ground  between  bare  rock,  also  on  the  artificial  terraces,  or 
andenes.  They  are  like  those  in  other  parts  of  the  Island. 
The  stone  covering  them  is  usually  one  to  two  feet  below  the 
surface;  the  cysts  are  lined  with  rude  masonry,  and  they 
were  mostly  empty!  What  we  found  in  a  few  of  them  were 
skulls,  the  male  ones  with  flattened  forehead,  the  females 
with  much  less  or  no  deformity  at  all.    Sometimes  we  found 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     171 

but  one  skull  and  skeleton,  again  two,  in  the  same  cyst.  The 
bodies  had  all  been  folded,  but  lay  mostly  on  the  side,  and  it 
was  easy  to  notice  that  the  hands  had  been  joined  across 
the  chest.  Of  artefacts,  only  a  little  pottery  of  the  coarser 
kind  was  found.  The  Indians  have  rifled  all  these  sites, 
first  only  in  view  of  obtaining  precious  metal;  lately,  with 
the  advent  of  foreign  visitors,  also  for  the  sake  of  finding 
pottery,  for  which  they  have  sometimes  received  exorbitant 
prices.  Hence  we  obtained  only  leavings,  and  abandoned 
Kea-Kollu  after  completing  its  survey,  in  order  to  begin  at 
Kea-Kollu  Chico,  or  Little  Kea-Kollu,  where,  according  to 
the  Indians,  a  richer  yield  might  be  expected.  As  I  stated 
before,  it  was  our  intention  to  return  and  open  up  the  small 
building  mentioned,  in  order  to  study  its  architectural 
features.  Upon  our  subsequent  return  to  the  Island  ex- 
cavations became  impossible  through  the  behavior  of  our 
Bolivian  servant. 

Judging  from  existing  remains,  and  from  what  we  were 
told  of  similar  ones  formerly  extant  on  its  slopes,  but  now 
completely  obliterated,  the  colony  on  Kea-Kollu  may  have 
contained  about  two  hundred  inhabitants.  They  dwelt  in 
scattered  houses  and  cultivated  the  terraces.  These  ter- 
races recall  to  some  extent  the  hanqiiitos  of  Sonora  and 
of  northwestern  Chihuahua,^  with  the  difference  that  in 
Mexico  the  ground  was  mostly  redeemed  from  the  beds  of 
mountain  torrents,  as  the  slopes  are  either  rocky  or  covered 
with  high  timber,  whereas  on  the  Island  there  is  no  growth 
of  vegetation  strong  enough  to  impede  Indians  from  clear- 
ing; and  the  cherty  deposits  so  common  in  Sonora  do  not 
occur. 

In  none  of  the  older  sources  at  my  command  have  I  found 
any  reference  to  Kea-Kollu  and  surroundings,  hence  no 
evidence  that  it  was  ever  occupied  by  the  Incas.  The  more 
singular,  therefore,  is  the  accumulation  of  ancient  artefacts 
and  human  remains  which  we  found  on  the  low  eminence 
called  Little  Kea-Kollu,  west  of  south  of  the  main  height, 


172  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

and  south  of  the  pass  leading  from  the  settlement  of  Kea  to 
Pucara.  It  is  much  lower  than  Kea-Kollu  proper  (see 
photograph)  and  forms  part  of  an  arc  encompassing  the 
bottom  of  Pucara  on  the  west  and  north.  On  the  slopes  of 
this  pass,  toward  Pucara,  stand  andenes,  some  of  them  so 
well  made  that  the  Indians  say  they  are  Inca ;  and  there  are 
remains  designated  as  Chullpa  (andenes  and  burials)  about 
the  heights  of  Santa  Barbara  (12)  and  at  Titin-Uayani,  near 
Kea  (29).  At  the  latter  place  we  excavated  a  number  of 
graves,  obtaining  skulls,  pottery  of  the  coarser  kind,  and 
one  skull  trephined  on  the  forehead. 

The  hill  of  Little  Kea-Kollu  bears  some  low  shrubbery 
along  the  rim  of  its  summit.  This  summit  is  a  triangular 
level,  sixty-four  feet  in  its  greatest  width,  and  seventy-four 
in  greatest  length.  A  few  rocks  crop  out  on  the  surface, 
and  the  soil  is  thin.  In  its  southwest  corner  the  remains  of 
a  wall,  about  ten  feet  long,  were  dug  up  by  us.  Near  it,  a 
disturbed  cyst  appeared.  On  the  southern  slope,  another, 
partly  rifled,  cyst  was  opened.  It  is  nearly  round,  and  its 
diameter  twenty-one  inches.  The  sod  over  it  was  fifteen 
inches  thick,  beneath  was  clumsy  masonry  in  three  courses 
of  large  blocks,  rudely  broken  and  superposed,  forming  a 
pit  thirty- four  inches  in  depth,  so  that  the  bottom  of  the  cyst 
lay  forty-nine  inches  below  the  surface.  In  this  cyst  was 
found  a  flattened  male  skull,  with  decaying  bones,  and  frag- 
ments of  coarse  pottery.  On  the  opposite  corner  and  on  the 
northern  slope  two  more  cysts  were  discovered,  one  of 
which  is  represented  on  plate  XX.  Its  form  was  trape- 
zoidal, and  the  casing  consisted  of  five  rough  slabs  set 
vertically  into  the  ground.  It  was  sixteen  inches  below  the 
surface  and  the  bottom  eighteen  inches  lower.  The  greatest 
length  was  thirty-six  inches,  greatest  width  twenty-one 
inches,  least  ten  inches.  In  this  grave  we  found  a  deformed 
skull  and  a  golden  bangle.  Thus  there  were,  in  all,  five 
graves  and  part  of  a  wall,  on  or  near  the  top  of  Kea-Kollu 
Chico.    The  upper  slopes  of  this  hill,  however,  are  covered 


Oh 


PI 
o3 


e 

o 


o 
pi 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     173 

with  from  one  to  three  feet  of  loam,  and  in  it  there  was  an 
accumulation  of  human  remains,  especially  in  the  south- 
eastern corner.  The  skeletons  were  so  near  each  other  that 
it  was  not  possible  to  determine  what  belonged  to  each 
skull.  They  had  been  packed  as  closely  as  possible,  all  bent 
and  lying  mostly  on  the  side,  with  hands  folded  across  the 
chest.  There  were  male  and  female  skeletons,  but  no  bones 
of  children.  Among  these  remains  and  a  short  distance 
from  them,  always  inside  of  the  zone  indicated  on  the  plan, 
were  found  artefacts  of  almost  every  description,  weapons 
and  textures  excepted.  We  obtained  pottery,  copper  imple- 
ments, stone  hammers  for  breaking  clods,  pins  ("tumis,'* 
or  *'topos"),  a  few  tiny  specimens  of  gold,  among  them  a 
bangle,  fragments  of  sculptured  slabs,  hoes  (''chonta")  of 
stone,  etc.  Beside  perfect  specimens  of  earthenware,  many 
sherds  were  exhumed.  The  pottery  was  mostly  of  the 
coarser  type,  but  we  obtained  several  gaudily  painted  speci- 
mens with  plastic  decoration  recalling  some  previously 
secured  at  Tiahuanaco.  Here  also  was  dug  up  a  spoon  of 
bone,  beautifully  carved,  used  for  taking  lime  or  chalk  with 
coca.  What,  however,  appeared  to  us  most  valuable  were  a 
number  of  male  skulls  with  circular  trephining.  One  of 
these  had  two  orifices  close  to  each  other,  and  the  bone  was 
scraped  so  as  to  form  a  common  basin  for  both.  We  were 
unable  to  secure  the  slightest  information,  from  the  In- 
dians, in  regard  to  this  locality.  Nobody  remembered  any 
ruins  on  it  except  those  we  had  discovered,  there  was  no 
name  for  the  place  other  than  the  current  one  of  Kea-Kollu 
Chico,  and  nobody  recalled,  or  wanted  to  recall,  any  tradi- 
tion, legend,  or  lore  connected  with  the  site.  Our  first  im- 
pression was  that  the  bodies  had  been  thrown  together  after 
some  massacre,  but  we  could  not  discover  any  marks  of 
lesions,  with  the  exception  of  one  skull  that  had  an  incision 
near  the  occiput,  as  if  the  party  had  been  struck  from  behind 
with  the  sharp  end  of  a  topo.  In  short,  no  clue  to  the  cause 
or  purpose  of  this  strange  gathering  of  human  skeletons 


174  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

and  artefacts  could  be  obtained.  As  to  the  "trephined** 
skulls,  not  one  of  our  men  professed  to  know  how  or  for 
what  purpose  the  operation  had  been  performed.  What 
they  insisted  upon  was,  that  the  place  and  its  contents  were 
Chullpa.  The  golden  bangles,  however,  seem  to  be  Inca.  I 
merely  add,  that  the  male  skulls  are  deformed  like  those 
taken  from  the  stone  cysts,  said  to  be  Chullpa.  Among  the 
stone  objects  were  mortars,  grinders  and  crushers.  Whorls 
were  found  and  bone  implements  for  weaving,  but  not  a 
single  weapon!  Turquoise  beads  came  out  of  cyst 
No.  1.  Other  cylindrical  beads  were  dug  up  in  the  loose 
earth,  as  well  as  a  natural  concretion,  resembling  a  crouch- 
ing llama,  which  the  Indians  eyed  so  longingly  that  we  sus- 
pected it  to  be  * '  MuUu, ' '  that  is,  a  fetish  of  some  kind. 

I  may  be  permitted  here  to  state  what  we  succeeded  in 
learning  about  trephining  among  the  Indians  of  the  Sierra 
in  Peru  and  Bolivia.  My  researches  among  printed  or 
manuscript  sources  of  early  times  have  been  fruitless  up  to 
date.  But  we  have  been  assured,  by  parties  not  unworthy 
of  credit,  that  the  practice  of  trephining,  and  afterward 
closing  the  orifices  with  a  piece  of  gourd,  is  still  in  vigor 
among  the  Indians  of  high  Peru.  We  were  told  that  the 
operation  is  and  was  performed  by  persons  without  any 
instruction  in  surgery,  and  in  order  to  remove  splinters 
from  broken  skulls.  In  regard  to  the  instruments  used,  our 
informants  knew  nothing,  but  they  declared  to  have  seen 
individuals  who  survived  the  operation  for  many  years, 
with  a  piece  of  mate  (gourd  or  squash)  in  their  skulls,  over 
which  the  skin  had  been  stitched  together.  A  friend  of 
mine,  Don  Antonio  de  Ocampo,  told  me  that  in  one  of  his 
rambles  at  Ancon,  on  the  Peruvian  coast,  he  stumbled  over 
something  that  proved  to  be  a  skull  which  protruded  from 
the  soil.  Picking  it  up,  he  saw  that  a  foreign  substance  was 
inserted  into  the  bone.  It  turned  out  to  be  a  thin  disk  of 
mate  closing  an  orifice.^  The  skulls  we  found  at  Kea- 
Kollu  Chico  differ  from  many  other  trephined  ones  in  that 


•rralgl  jsojioitj'! 


Hioe'ido  oilkisM 


Plate  XXXII 

Metallic  objects  of  personal  decoration  from  Titicaea  Island 

1,  2.  Wrist  bands.       3    Gorget.       4.  Breast-pendant 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     175 

the  opening  is  circular  and  surrounded  by  a  depression. 
This  depression  seems  to  indicate  the  insertion  of  a  thin 
plate,  as  mentioned  in  the  account  given  us  of  the  operation, 
as  well  as  in  Senor  Ocampo's  description  of  the  specimen 
from  Ancon.  It  might  be  objected  that  the  skulls  of  Kea- 
Kollu  are  perhaps  not  ancient.  The  misshaping  of  skulls 
was  rigidly  prohibited  by  the  Viceroy  Don  Francisco  de 
Toledo  in  ISTS.**  Later  decrees,  and  a  stringent  search  for 
idolatrous  practices  in  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, finally  abolished  the  custom.  Hence  the  crania  from 
Kea-Kollu  Chico  must  be,  if  not  of  the  period  before  the 
conquest,  at  least  quite  old.  Trephining  is  a  very  ancient 
practice,  and  the  artefacts  that  accompany  skulls  are, 
nearly  all,  of  the  type  which  the  Indians  declared  to  be  pre- 
Incaic. 

The  process  of  artificial  deformation  of  skulls  so  gen- 
erally found  all  over  the  Puna  and  on  the  Island,  among 
the  so-called  Chullpa  remains,  is  described  by  older  authors. 
It  was  noticed,  at  the  very  earliest  times  of  Spanish  occupa- 
tion, among  the  Indians  of  the  so-called  Collao,  to  which 
region  the  islands  of  the  Lake  belonged. 

Cieza  writes  of  the  ''long  heads  and  without  occiput,"  of 
the  ''Collas,"  as  produced  by  artificial  shaping  from  "child- 
hood on.'"^  A  detailed  description  of  the  process  we  find 
in  the  work  of  Cobo : ' '  The  Collas  shaped  the  head  long  and 
pointed,  to  such  an  extreme  as  to  cause  astonishment  at 
seeing  the  old  people  whom  I  yet  saw  with  this  custom  from 
the  days  of  paganism.  They  did  this  because  they  wore 
woolen  bonnets  called  Chucos,  like  mortars  or  hats  without 
brims,  very  high  and  pointed,  and  in  order  that  these  should 
fit  better  they  shaped  the  head  after  the  mold  of  the  head- 
gear and  not  the  latter  after  the  head ;  and  in  order  to  give 
this  shape  to  the  heads  of  children  they  tied  and  bound  them 
tight  with  bands,  keeping  them  thus  tied  until  they  were 
four  or  five  years  of  age,  after  which  the  heads  had  become 
hard  and  had  taken  the  form  required  for  the  head-dress, 


176  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

that  is,  long,  flat,  and  without  occiput.  They  said  that  they 
formed  the  heads  in  this  way  in  order  to  make  them 
healthier  and  better  adapted  to  work,  and  the  first  bonnet 
was  manufactured  with  many  ceremonies  and  superstitions, 
as  well  at  the  spinning  of  the  wool  as  at  the  weaving."^ 

The  shores  between  Kea  and  the  sandy  Peninsula  of 
Challa  (a),  and  the  slopes  descending  to  that  shore  from  the 
backbone  of  the  Island,  contain  ChuUpa  vestiges.  But  this 
slope  is  broken;  the  little  bays  of  Coyani  (25)  and  Chumpa- 
Uaya  (20)  are  bordered  by  strips  of  tillable  ground,  divided 
by  steep  rocks,  so  that  the  vestiges,  of  which  many  have 
disappeared  through  cultivation,  are  few  and  limited,  as 
far  as  we  could  see,  to  terraces  and  scattered  graves.  The 
main  crest  of  the  Island,  between  Santa  Barbara  (12)  in  the 
southeast,  and  Muro-Kato  (3),  show  but  few  traces  of  an- 
cient remains.  The  range  of  bald  heights  extending  north- 
west of  Challa,  from  Inak-Uyu  to  Challa-Pata  and  the 
Calvario  (6,  5,  and  4),  is  said  to  have  supported  ruins  that 
are  no  longer  visible. 

''Challa"  means  sand,^  and  the  isthmus  fully  deserves 
the  name.  It  is  a  narrow  strip  of  white  sand.  On  the 
north,  it  abuts  against  a  low  rocky  butte  called  "Collca- 
Pata,"  beyond  which  a  long  peninsula,  shaped  like  a  foot, 
extends  eastward.  Collcapata  (h)  is  the  gateway  to  the 
grassy  and  fertile  swellings  of  Ciriapata  (g)  and  Marcuni 
(19),  which  run  out  in  the  point  of  Uajran-Kala  (18).  It 
is  at  Ciriapata  and  Collcapata,  that  we  found  the  greatest 
number  of  burial  sites  declared  by  the  Indians  to  be  ChuUpa. 
On  Collcapata  are  a  number  of  stone  cysts  of  which  we 
opened  twenty-three,  finding  only  four  Intact  ones.  "With 
little  difference,  a  few  inches  in  extension  and  depth,  they 
are  like  those  described  from  Kea-Kollu  Chico.  Most  of 
them  had  been  rifled  by  the  Indians  long  ago,  and  the  posi- 
tions of  such  skulls  as  are  left  leads  to  the  suspicion  of 
reburial.  Artefacts  were  limited  to  pottery  of  the  coarser 
kind  and  some   stone  implements.     Large   snails,   called 


irr-r  ■>,[}  In  nr.'q  lB-i9naO  A 


Plate  XXXIII 

1.  General  plan  of  the  ruins  of  Pilco-Kayma.     2.  Plan  of  ground  floor  of 

building.     3.  Plan  of  upper  story.     4.  Side  view  of  northern  front. 

5.  Outhouses  with  platform.     6,  7.  Plans  of  outhouses 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     177 

*'churi,"  were  also  found  in  some.^*^  The  four  well-pre- 
served cysts  had  no  covers,  and  the  grave  proper— the  pit 
walled  in  with  rude  blocks  and  slabs— began  at  a  depth 
varying  between  sixteen  and  eighteen  inches,  whereas  the 
depth  of  the  cysts  ranged  from  eighteen  to  thirty-two. 
Three  shapeless  stone  heaps  indicated  as  many  "Chullpa" 
buildings,  and  the  declivities  toward  the  Lake  are  naturally 
graded,  but  supported  by  artificial  walls  transforming  them 
into  andenes.  A  wall  of  stone,  nearly  three  feet  in  thick- 
ness, crossing  the  summit  of  the  hill,  was  uncovered.  We 
followed  it  for  a  length  of  fifty-eight  feet.  It  showed  better 
workmanship  than  that  of  the  walls  at  Kea-Kollu,  still  the 
Indians  insisted  upon  it  being  ' '  Chullpa. ' '  Aside  from  the 
three  stone-heaps,  the  long  wall,  the  andenes  and  graves, 
Collcapata  presented  nothing  of  interest. 

A  narrow  neck,  nearly  at  the  level  of  the  Lake,  connects 
Collcapata  with  Ciriapata.  This  peninsula  has  some  of  the 
best  pasturages  and  most  fertile  lands  on  the  Island.  Hence 
the  Indians  have  cultivated  it  and  cultivate  it  to-day.  Its 
gentle  slopes  to  the  south  and  east  are  striated  by  ancient 
andenes  as  tortuous  as  any  on  Kea-Kollu.  Their  height 
varies  so  much  that  no  average  can  be  given.  Only  one  of 
the  face  walls  exceeds  ten  feet  in  elevation  and  the  majority 
of  the  rest  are  lower  than  six  feet.  On  one  of  the  first  steps 
ascending  from  the  direction  of  Collcapata  stands  a  ruined 
edifice,  small  and  rude.  Beneath  slabs  left  of  the  floor  we 
found  a  quantity  of  human  bones.  Higher  up  on  the  slope 
is  a  well-made  building  which  the  Indians  say  is  ^'Inca." 
Its  workmanship  would  confirm  their  statements.  The 
higher  plane  of  Ciriapata  formerly  supported  a  cluster  of 
stone  buildings.  Twenty  can  still  be  traced,  of  which  eigh- 
teen are  almost  obliterated.  Two  of  the  buildings  appear 
to  have  been  dome-shaped.  They  also  were  broken  into  and 
rifled,  years  ago,  but  enough  is  left  to  establish  their  form. 
The  interior  having  been  disturbed,  it  is  filled  with  rubbish 
to  such  an  extent  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  measure  the 


178  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

inside  elevation.  From  the  top  of  the  opening  of  ''a"  to 
the  rubbish  below  is  an  interval  of  three  feet;  at  ^'b"  it  is 
thirty- four  inches  only.  Interior  diameters  are:  ''a,"  five 
feet  nine  inches ;  ' '  b, "  twelve  and  a  half  feet.  The  mound 
formed  by  each  being  from  six  and  a  half  to  eight  feet  in 
height,  it  is  presumable  that  the  room  inside  was  about  six 
feet  high.  The  dome  shape  of  both  results  from  successive 
overlapping  of  stones.  Each  structure  has  its  doorway 
with  a  rude  lintel ;  in  "  a  "  the  lintel  is  twenty-six  inches  long 
and  eight  inches  thick ;  in  ' '  b  "  thirty-one  inches  by  six.  The 
entrance  to  "a"  is  tapering,  measuring  eighteen  inches 
below  and  sixteen  above,  its  present  height  twenty  inches. 
In  "b"  the  opening  is  quadrangular,  twenty-one  inches  in 
width  and  seventeen  inches  in  height.  We  excavated  these 
Chullpas  to  a  depth  of  several  feet,  without  result.  They 
had  been  thoroughly  cleaned  out,  but  the  Indians  denied  any 
knowledge  of  ** finds"  made  in  them. 

Remains  of  walls  connecting  rubbish  heaps  are  visible 
besides.  But  since  the  Indians  have  torn  up  andenes,  de- 
stroyed buildings,  and  built  enclosures  and  new  andenes,  it 
is  impossible  to  form  an  idea  of  how  the  cluster  appeared 
when  it  was  intact.  In  many  instances  we  could  not  even 
distinguish  the  new  from  the  old.  Nevertheless  I  believe 
that  the  plan  indicates  nearly,  if  not  all,  the  ancient  remains 
yet  extant.  It  is  possible  that  I  have  included  walls  and 
andenes  that  are  recent  or  at  least  not  pre-Spanish.  I  be- 
lieve it  safe  to  state,  in  regard  to  this  settlement,  that  it 
consisted  of  dispersed  small  houses,  of  one  room  each,  con- 
nected with  stone  enclosures  and  terraces.  Ciriapata  was 
the  largest  Chullpa  settlement  on  Titicaca,  and  I  would, 
under  my  present  impression,  place  the  maximum  of  its 
former  population  at  five  hundred  souls. 

There  is  a  spring  on  the  plateau,  but  it  is  hardly  used  at 
present.  There  are  much  more  abundant  sources  of  water 
of  a  superior  quality  on  the  Isthmus  of  Challa,  at  the  foot  of 
Challapata.    The  advantages  afforded  at  Ciriapata  to  agri- 


O      t         5? 


O 

OJ 

03 

'3 

1 

'3 

o 

CO 

> 

o 

CO 

g 

X 

::3 

(1h 

'3 

X 

O 

'B 

H 

CO 

&^ 

!=| 

rg 

>o 

< 

■g 

'$ 

a5 

S   a 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     179 

cultural  Indians  are  sufficient  fertile  soil,  eastern  exposition, 
hence  sunshine  and  warmth,  and  good  lookouts.  On  the 
south  shores  of  Ciriapata  the  totora  grows  large  enough  for 
the  construction  of  balsas,  and  here  indeed  is  the  only  point 
on  the  Island  where  balsas  can  be  manufactured.  Also,  if 
the  ancient  dwellers  on  Ciriapata  had  llamas,  there  could  be 
no  better  grazing  ground  for  these  animals,  and  to-day  the 
sheep  of  Challa  are  mostly  herded  on  this  peninsula.  With 
the  exception  of  north  and  northwest,  the  range  of  view  is 
extensive.  It  would  not  be  surprising,  therefore,  if  the  most 
populous  settlement,  on  Titicaca,  of  Indians  who  were  not 
Inca,  had  been  established  on  this  peninsula. 

The  condition  of  the  remains  just  described  led  to  expect 
that  undisturbed  graves  might  yet  be  found.  We  were 
strengthened  in  our  hopes  by  the  Indians,  although  they 
invariably  added  that  the  site  had  been  overhauled  "long 
ago."  We  made  excavations  at  four  places.  The  result  of 
our  work  was  the  opening,  emptying,  and  measuring  of 
eighty-five  stone  cysts:  seventeen  in  one  place;  six  in  an- 
other; two  in  another;  and  a  fourth  group,  of  sixty.  It  is 
needless  to  describe  each  grave.  The  accompanying  plates 
give  an  idea  of  their  size,  appearance  and  distribution. 
Some  of  the  cysts  had  covers,  consisting  of  a  large  slab  al- 
ways covered  by  sod.  There  were  seldom  any  surface  in- 
dications, we  had  to  test  the  ground  everywhere,  in  order  to 
find  graves.  Their  distribution  is  irregular;  they  lie  at 
unequal  distances  from  each  other,  and  children 's  tombs  are 
scattered  among  those  of  adults.  Their  depths  vary  be- 
tween fifteen  inches  (child)  and  fifty  (adult),  including  a 
layer  of  soil  from  six  to  fourteen  inches  in  thickness.  The 
cluster  is  in  an  open  quadrangle  formed  by  a  ruined  wall, 
which  is  mostly  modern,  though  its  foundations  appeared 
to  be  ancient.  Many  of  the  graves  were  empty,  still  we 
obtained  pieces  of  coarse  pottery  and  one  Llivi,  Ayllu,  or 
grooved  stone,  for  bolas.^^  The  yield  on  the  whole  was 
unimportant,  only  two  of  the  cysts  containing  tall  red  and 


180  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

black  clay  cups,  which  the  Indians  call  kero.  The  cluster  of 
six  graves  lay  close  to  a  bench  of  rocks  overgrown  with 
bushes,  and  forming  the  face  of  an  anden.  This  rock  over- 
lapped the  rear  wall  of  three  cysts.  The  soil  under  the  rock 
was  about  nine  inches  deep,  and  the  side  of  the  cyst 
descended  two  feet  more.  It  will  be  seen  that  some  of  these 
graves  are  approximately  round  or  oval,  and  that  their 
sides  are  encased  sometimes  by  vertical  plates,  mostly,  how- 
ever, by  from  two  to  four  courses  of  uncut  blocks,  with  or 
without  a  thin  seam  of  mud  between  them.  The  covers  were 
gone,  and  the  yield  was  broken  and  decayed  skulls,  a  little 
coarse  pottery,  and  a  bit  of  gray  obsidian.  In  one,  three 
skeletons  with  skulls  were  disinterred  at  a  depth  of 
eight  inches,  and  still  lower  three  more  skeletons  so  com- 
pletely decayed  that  hardly  anything  could  be  saved. 
Enough  was  left,  however,  to  show  that  the  bodies  had  been 
folded  and  the  arms  pressed  against  the  chest.  Near  these 
graves,  a  hoe  (chonta)  of  stone  and  a  fragment  of  another 
stone  implement  were  taken  out  of  loose  earth. 

On  a  narrow  terrace,  two  very  small  cysts  were  opened 
that  contained  nothing.  Their  depth  below  the  surface  was 
only  six  and  eight  inches  respectively.  At  site  2,  on  an 
ancient  anden  facing  the  south,  and  within  an  area  bounded 
north  and  west  by  old  stone  walls,  fifty-eight  graves  were 
found ;  and  two  more  close  by.  Of  these  fifty-eight  graves, 
forty-seven  clustered  on  a  space  covering  not  quite  thirty- 
seven  hundred  square  feet,  near  to  a  small  ruined  structure 
on  the  edge  of  the  anden.  Of  these  sixty  cysts,  five  were  of 
children.  The  cysts  had  been  partly  opened  and  disturbed ; 
hence,  while  it  is  likely  that  they  all  originally  had  stone 
covers,  not  all  of  these  were  in  place,  and  a  number  of  the 
cysts  were  empty  or  partly  rifled.  The  depth  of  the  covers 
below  the  surface  varied  between  nine  and  fifteen  inches. 
The  stone-work  on  the  cysts  is  mostly  like  that  of  the  others, 
but  there  are  in  this  group  some  well-laid  and  fairly 
rectangular  casings.    Here  the  yield  was  better,  consisting 


^ 

05 

w 

o 

> 

^ 

X 

s 

X 

o 

fA 

•/2 

i^ 

d 

< 

*  r^ 

r:^      p 


'-'      ^i      _ 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     181 

of  skulls  (the  skeletons  had  disintegrated),  earthenware 
and  other  objects.  In  some  we  found  only  ceramics,  in 
others  a  skeleton,  with  from  one  to  seven  pieces  of  pottery, 
all  of  the  ruder  kind.  From  one  cyst,  a  skull,  a  stone- 
mortar,  and  a  pot  were  taken  out  at  a  depth  of  twenty 
inches.  In  a  cyst  ten  inches  beneath  the  surface,  and  twenty- 
four  inches  deep,  a  vessel  of  clay  in  the  shape  of  a  duck  lay 
three  feet  under  the  surface.  There  was  rarely  a  grave 
without  something  in  it.  The  best  constructed  one,  a 
rectangle  twenty-four  by  seventeen  inches,  its  wall  laid  in 
courses,  was  empty  to  a  depth  of  forty  inches,  then  only  a 
few.  bones  and  the  bottom  of  a  vessel,  charred,  came  to  light. 
A  polygonal  cyst,  twenty-four  by  twenty-one  inches,  inside 
measures,  twelve  inches  below  the  ground  and  twenty-four 
inches  deep,  yielded  a  painted  pitcher,  a  painted  bowl,  the 
bottom  of  a  larger  bowl  filled  with  charcoal  and  blackened 
by  fire,  but  no  human  remains.  Another  contained  frag- 
ments of  one  male  and  one  female  skeleton,  at  a  depth  of 
thirty-two  inches ;  and  twelve  inches  lower,  seven  pieces  of 
coarse  reddish  toy-pottery,  a  tiny  piece  of  silver,  one  tur- 
quoise bead,  two  copper  rattles,  and  four  topos,  or  tumis, 
two  of  which  were  of  silver.  On  the  top  of  all  this,  and  ivith 
the  decayed  skulls,  lay  a  well-made  circular  grinding  slab. 
Charcoal  was  found  in  nearly  all  the  cysts,  and  fragments 
of  pottery  blackened  by  fire.  The  greatest  number  of  skulls 
in  one  grave  was  three.  The  male  skulls  are  artificially 
flattened,  female  skulls  showing  no,  or  hardly  any,  deform- 
ity. I  must  note  also  that  flint  flakes  were  found  in  one 
cyst,  and  in  another  the  upper  part  of  the  skull  of  some 
animal,  which,  however,  was  lost  through  carelessness  of 
our  servant.  In  one  pit  there  were  five  skulls,  but  it  after- 
ward turned  out  that  these  had  been  taken  out  elsewhere 
and  reburied. 

There  is  a  ruined  ''Chullpa"  in  close  proximity  to  this 
cluster  of  graves.  We  could  only  make  out  its  approximate 
size  and  probably  circular  shape.    At  or  near  the  surface 


182  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

we  obtained  in  loose  earth,  a  few  implements  or  fragments 
of  implements  of  stone,  mostly  agricultural;  also  the  half 
of  a  handsome  stone-mortar  that  may  have  been  dropped  by 
accident.  Here  also  the  Indians'  ruthless  ransacking  has 
made  research  difficult  and  conclusions  doubtful.  Re-burial 
has  certainly  taken  place,  and  as  careless  as  could  be,  when 
done  by  barbarians  who  upturned  the  ground  only  in  search 
of  metal  and  striking  pieces  of  pottery.  Destruction  of 
ruins  on  Titicaca  is  mostly  due  to  the  cupidity  of  its  Indian 
inhabitants. 

There  are  more  burial  sites  at  Ciriapata,  and  we  in- 
vestigated several  other  points  but  only  to  find  that  they 
had  been  rifled  long  ago,  just  as  the  Indians  told  us.  The 
same  is  probably  the  case  with  the  remainder  of  the  penin- 
sula. On  the  eminence  called  Marcuni  (19)  traces  of  an- 
denes  exist,  but  there,  as  well  as  further  to  the  east,  toward 
the  point  of  Uajran-Kala  (18),  the  ground  was  either 
cultivated  or  used  as  pasturage  and  we  could  not  think  of 
disturbing  it.  It  seems  that  this  peninsula  was  more  or  less 
covered  with  scattered  habitations  of  the  Chullpa  type, 
making  it  probable  that  Collcapata,  Ciriapata,  Marcuni,  and 
Uajran-Kala,  together,  harbored  the  largest  "Chullpa" 
population  of  any  part  of  the  Island. 

One  small  building  consists  of  two  (approximate) 
rectangles,  one  larger  and  one  smaller.  It  is  not  the  size 
of  the  building  that  attracts  attention  but  the  neatness  of 
the  stone  work.  The  total  length  of  its  front  is  nine  feet 
four  inches ;  its  greatest  width,  six  feet  nine,  and  its  height 
above  the  ground  (it  is  partly  buried)  five  feet.  The  door- 
way is  eighteen  inches  wide,  and  only  one  foot  of  the  eleva- 
tion is  open.  The  lintel  (of  well  cut  stone)  measures  five 
inches  in  thickness  and  thirty  inches  in  length.  The  walls, 
eighteen  inches  thick,  are  well  built,  the  corners  sharp, 
though  not  squared,  and  the  facing  quite  smooth.  It  recalls 
the  best  specimens  of  Inca  work  on  the  Island.  Its  presence 
in  a  cluster  of  much  ruder  buildings  attracts  attention.  Un- 


cS 

t) 

w 

^ 

O 

® 

HH 

-2 

'^ 

> 

S 

9 

o 

X 

M-l 

w 

X 

o 

, 

■Jl 

(M 

iA 

fl 

EH 

'i 

< 

_^ 

>J 

^ 

^ 

fM 

«M 

_o 

o 


fli^HLi  :  M  [. 


.    f  VI^/tH' 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     183 

fortunately,  the  Indians  penetrated  into  it  from  above, 
causing  the  roof  to  fall  in,  as  well  as  through  the  door.  It  is 
probably  rifled  of  everything,  and  ravaged,  through  caving- 
in  as  well  as  by  vegetation,  which  has  converted  the  neat 
little  structure  into  a  blooming  bush  with  ugly  thorns.  We 
saw  that  it  would  be  unprofitable  to  excavate  there,  and 
limited  ourselves  to  measurements.  The  Indians,  as  al- 
ready stated,  affirm  that  the  building  is  ' '  Inca. ' '  We  could 
not  learn  of  any  other  structure  of  the  kind  in  that  vicinity. 
Returning  to  Challa  and  proceeding  northwestward 
along  the  Lake  to  the  garden  of  Challa  with  its  terraces  of 
Inca  origin,  thence  to  Kasapata  past  the  ruined  andenes  of 
Santa  Maria,  we  find  no  clear  vestiges  of  the  ChuUpa  on 
our  path.  In  continuation  of  the  isthmus  on  which  the  Inca 
ruins  of  Kasapata  stand,  rises,  as  its  northerly  prolonga- 
tion, the  height  of  Llaq'-aylli  (f)  which  terminates  in  the 
sharp  point  of  Ye-Jachi  (17).  The  top  of  Llaq'-aylli  is  about 
four  hundred  feet  above  the  Lake,  and  its  northern  point  is 
somewhat  lower.  Both  bear  considerable  shrubbery,  and 
on  them  also  lines  of  bushes  indicate  numerous  ancient 
andenes.  We  were  unable  to  determine  to  what  class  these 
andenes  belong.  We  found  no  structures,  although  the 
top  of  Llaq'-aylli  recalls  some  features  of  Ciriapata.  We 
were  repeatedly  told  there  was  nothing  on  Yejachi,  and 
indeed  saw  no  traces.  Hence  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that 
the  Chullpa  remains  do  not  extend  further  than  Kasapata. 
Beyond  that  point  the  fertile  soil  thins  out,  slopes  are 
rocky,  and  the  graves  on  the  extreme  northwestern  point 
of  the  Island,  the  low  promontory  of  Sicuyu  (3),  differ 
from  those  described  as  Chullpa.  The  southwestern  wing 
of  the  Island,  the  bottoms  of  Kona  and  the  long  ridges  of 
Kakayo-Kena  (19)  are  covered  with  ancient  terraced 
garden-beds,  but  we  have  seen  no  traces  of  other  structures, 
notwithstanding  that  in  those  sections  the  modern  Indian 
did  less  damage.  The  andenes  may  be  partly  Chullpa,  but 
there  is  a  wide  and  fair  trail  or  road— Quivini  (3a)— lead- 


184  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

ing  up  to  the  Kakayo-kena  from  the  bottom  of  Kona. 
Hence  I  believe  that,  while  Chullpa  remains  may  yet  be 
found,  in  the  shape  of  burials,  in  these  sections,  they  were 
not  inhabited  to  any  extent  comparable  with  sites  above 
described. 

We  find  the  distribution  of  Chullpa  remains  on  Titicaca 
to  be  as  follows :  They  occupy  chiefly,  if  not  exclusively,  the 
southern  three-fourths  of  the  Island,  and  the  principal 
settlements  seem  to  have  been  Ciriapata,  the  upper  slopes 
of  Kea-Kollu,  the  crest  at  Apachinaca  and  along  Kurupata 
and,  possibly,  the  southern  parts  of  the  present  hacienda  of 
Yumani.  The  latter  I  infer  from  what  we  saw  of  an- 
tiquities and  what  could  be  observed  in  spite  of  modern 
cultivation. 

The  settlements  were  not  compact.  They  consisted  of 
scattered  houses  of  small  size,  and  mostly  of  one  room  only. 
On  Kea-Kollu  the  dwellings  are  partly  built  against  the 
rock,  and  have  more  than  one  apartment,  sometimes  as 
many  as  six.  We  found  no  trace  of  fortifications,  but  the 
fact  that  the  clusters  occupy  points  of  observation  might 
indicate  that  the  inhabitants  did  not  always  feel  secure. 
The  smaller  houses,  with  one  room  only,  recall  the  Chullpas 
on  the  Bolivian  mainland  near  Chililaya,^^  and  the  many- 
roomed  buildings  resemble  the  dwellings  on  the  slopes  of 
Illimani  near  the  perpetual  snow-line.^^ 

The  great  number  of  andenes  with  which  the  dwellings 
are  connected,  and  the  implements  found  at  Kea-Kollu 
Chico  and  elsewhere  show  that  the  people  were  land-tillers ; 
but  the  presence,  in  graves  even,  of  the  stones  called 
''llivi,"  or  ''ayllu,"  which  were  used  after  the  manner  of 
the  Argentine  bolas,  indicates  that  they  hunted,  not  only 
water-fowl,  but  probably  also  quadrupeds  on  the  main- 
land. The  llivi  were  also  their  main  implements  of  war- 
fare. 

Their  pottery  is  ruder  and  coarser,  in  material  as  well 
as  in  decoration,  than  that  of  the   so-called  Inca  type. 


Rorfoin  ^0  efrerni)'iqp4 


Plate  XXXYII 

Details  of  ruins  of  Pilco-Kayma 

Specimeus  of  niches 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     185 

Plastic  decoration,  often  crudely  painted,  prevails.  Among 
the  most  striking  vessels  are  certainly  the  black  and  red 
cups  or  goblets  called  kero,  found  abundantly  in  the  stone 
cysts  of  Chullpa  burials.  Of  these  we  know  that  they  were 
drinking  cups,  and  used  in  ceremonials.  It  is  even  stated 
that  they  served,  under  Inca  sway,  as  accessories  to  human 
sacrifice,  and  were  buried  with  the  bodies  of  victims."  The 
same  was  the  case  with  the  keros  of  wood,  of  which  at  least 
three  were  found  in  rents  of  rocks  above  Santa  Maria  (i). 
Whether  these  wooden  goblets  are  to  be  classed  as  Chullpa 
I  am  not  able  to  decide.  I  know,  however,  that  they  are  met 
with  at  Tiahuanaco  and  other  places  on  the  Bolivian  main 
land,  both  north  and  south  of  the  Lake,  and  that  their  shape 
is  distinct  from  that  of  the  usual  drinking  vessels  from 
Cuzco.^^  If  the  black  wooden  kero  from  Santa  Maria,  sent 
by  us  to  the  Museum,  is  Chullpa,  then,  since  the  carving  on 
it  represents  a  man  spearing  a  large  fish,  it  would  indicate 
that  the  Chullpa  also  engaged  in  fishing,  and  that  they  used 
a  harpoon-like  instrument,  beside  others,  perhaps,  of 
which  we  may  have  no  knowledge  as  yet.^®  The  keros  of 
clay  are  often  decorated  with  human  faces  in  relief,  but 
these  are,  with  rare  exceptions,  angular  and  rude,  and  can- 
not compare  with  the  beautiful  heads  from  the  Peruvian 
coast.  Otherwise  plastic  art,  judging  from  what  we  were 
able  to  collect,  limited  itself  to  fairly  made  vessels  in  the 
shape  of  ducks  and  to  a  few  carvings  in  stone. 

While  excavating  at  Kea-Kollu  Chico,  an  Indian  from  the 
small  settlement  of  Kea  brought  us  a  slab  of  black  stone, 
which  he  had  found  on  the  slopes  of  Ticani  (2),  one  of  the 
faces  of  which  was  covered  with  carvings.  These  carvings 
represent  intricate  figures.  The  origin  of  the  stone  we 
could  not  ascertain,  beyond  what  I  have  stated.  It  may  be 
ancient,  or  it  may  be  of  more  recent  date  and  belong  to  the 
class  of  pictographs  now  used  by  the  Indians  to  represent 
church  rituals  graphically. 

Of  textile  fabrics  from  the  Chullpa  we  were  unable  to 


186  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

secure  any.  Moisture  lias  destroyed  everything  of  that 
kind.  But  the  Indians  claimed  to  be  able  to  assure  us  that 
the  ChuUpa  dressed  in  clothes  made  of  llama  wool.  As  we 
obtained,  at  Kea-Kollu  Chico,  instruments  for  weaving 
made  of  bone,  there  is  nothing  improbable  in  this  state- 
ment.^'^ 

That  the  people  called  Chullpa  on  the  Island  worked 
metal,  is  shown  by  the  pins  found  in  one  of  the  graves  at 
Ciriapata.  These  pins  were  of  copper  and  of  silver.  The 
scarcity  of  metallic  objects  in  the  burials  is  no  evidence 
that  they  were  originally  rare,  since  the  eagerness  of  the 
modern  Indian  to  obtain  ancient  objects  of  metal  is  very 
great,  and,  as  I  have  repeatedly  stated,  the  majority  of  the 
graves  have  been,  if  not  completely  rifled,  at  least  searched 
long  previous  to  our  coming. 

Of  household  articles,  we  found  the  grinding  slab  or 
hatdn  at  various  places,  and  its  crusher  or  grinder.  Mor- 
tars were  also  found,  and  they  are  of  the  same  type  as 
those  of  Cuzco,  though  not  as  elaborately  carved. 

It  is  also  wortliy  of  note  that  the  artefacts  in  general 
ascribed  to  the  Chullpa  on  the  Island  are  identical  with 
those  of  the  Chullpa  on  the  Bolivian  mainland  as  far  as  we 
know.  I  refer  to  the  vicinity  of  Chililaya  and  Huarina,  and 
the  sections  of  Llujo,  Coana  and  Coni,  near  the  snows  of 
Illimani.^^ 

The  word  Chullpa  is  often  applied,  on  the  shores  of  the 
Lake  and  in  the  Puna  in  general,  to  tower-like  structures, 
some  of  the  handsomest  of  which  are  those  of  Sillustani, 
of  Acora*''  and  of  the  Peninsula  of  Huata.  Elsewhere  I 
have  shown  that  the  Sillustani  edifices  were  not  burial  tow- 
ers, which  is  also  likely  in  the  case  of  Huata.^*^  The  mode 
of  burial  which  Cieza  de  Leon  describes  as  general  in  the 
CoUao  and  on  the  southern  shores  of  Lake  Titicaca^^  is 
not  found  on  the  Island.  All  the  graves  seen  by  us— and 
we  saw  upward  of  three  hundred— are  in  the  ground,  and 
stone  cysts  mostly,  with  a  rude  slab  or  block  as  cover.  This 


B    =■ 


ce    .S  -s 


o 

'o 

> 

O 

■ 

X 
X 

■J 

IS 

g 

o 

o 

03 

IE 

03 

►:! 

CO 

n 

(-M 

Ti 

* 

a 
® 

1=1    . 

O 

a 

> 
p 

6 

03 

p^ 

!>i 

a 

o 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     187 

mode  of  burial  is  like  that  observed  by  us  at  Cliililaya,  on 
the  Island  of  Cojata  and  on  the  lUimani  slopes.  The  num- 
ber of  graves  on  Titicaca  is  large,  but  does  not  indicate  a 
so-called  Chullpa  population  in  excess  of  the  number  of 
present  inhabitants.^^ 

The  artificial  deformity  of  the  heads  being  the  same  as 
was  found  in  practice  among  all  Aymara-speaking  tribes  at 
the  time  of  the  conquest,  it  also  supports  the  assertions  of 
«arly  chroniclers,  that  the  Island  of  Titicaca  was  originally 
inhabited  by  a  branch  of  the  Aymard  tribe. 

Prom  the  size  and  disposition  of  structures  that  were 
])robably  dwellings  we  may  conclude  that  the  homes  of 
these  people  were  dingy  and  calculated  for  shelter  and 
warmth  almost  exclusively.  In  the  absence  of  combust- 
ibles, crowding  and  exclusion  of  air  had  to  protect  from  the 
prevailing  cold.  Not  enough  is  left  of  these  structures  to 
enable  us  to  decide  whether  their  inmates  used  chimneys, 
but  there  is  at  least  no  trace  of  them,  nor  of  flues.  The 
Indians  emphatically  stated  that  in  none  of  the  Chullpas 
had  they  ever  seen  contrivances  of  the  kind.  This  agrees 
with  what  we  noticed  on  the  mainland,  among  the  ruins 
scattered  over  the  Puna. 

But  the  Island  of  Titicaca  contains  ruins  of  a  different 
character,  which  the  Indians  ascribe  to  the  Inca.  By  this 
word,  only  the  Inca  tribe  of  Cuzco,  in  Peru,  can  be  meant. 

The  distribution  of  these  so-called  Inca  ruins  differs  from 
that  of  the  former  class  in  that  they  are  limited  to  fewer 
localities.  They  may  be  said  to  constitute  four  groups: 
The  southeastern,  composed  of,  first,  almost  obliterated 
structures  near  the  landing  of  Puncu  (26),  the  buildings 
and  terraces  at  Pilco-Kayma  (a),  and  the  so-called  foun- 
tain of  the  Inca,  with  andenes,  at  the  foot  of  the  promontory 
on  which  the  hacienda  buildings  of  Yumani  have  been 
erected;  together,  probably,  with  andenes  on  that  promon- 
tory; second,  the  ruins  at  Pucara  and  the  ' '  Ahijadero " ; 
third,  the  cluster  of  ruins  at  Kasapata  and  at  the  foot  of 


188  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

Llaq'-aylli;  and  fourth,  the  ruins  on  the  northwestern  end 
of  the  Island,  embracing  Muro-Kato  (3),  the  Sacred  Rock 
and  annexes  (a),  the  ruin  called  Chincana  (b),  the  almost 
obliterated  vestiges  at  Chucaripu-pata  (c),  the  andenes  of 
Chucaripu  (d),  and  the  promontory  of  Sicuyu  (3),  with 
whatever  faint  traces  may  exist  between  that  point  and  the 
Sacred  Rock,  and  on  the  flanks  of  the  conical  height  of  Ticani. 

There  are  also  Inca  remains  in  the  southern  bottom  of 
Kona  (p),  but  these,  together  with  the  andenes  in  the 
grassy  basins  north  and  south,  and  those  on  the  slopes  of 
Kakayo-kena,  also  the  road  called  Qui-vini  (30),  attract  less 
attention  from  the  fact  that  no  buildings  have  as  yet  been 
found  among  them. 

All  the  other  groups  show  traces  of  edifices.  The  first 
three  are  mostly  built  on  or  surrounded  by  fertile  soil ;  the 
fourth  group  lies  on  partly  sterile  ground.  All  are  provided 
with  good  water,  and  in  connection  with  each  we  find  sys- 
tems of  terraced  garden-beds,  superior  in  construction  to 
the  Chullpa  patas.  The  first  group  affords  a  good  view  of 
the  eastern  shore  of  Copacavana,  the  straits  of  Tiquina, 
and  the  Island  of  Koati.  The  second  lies  in  a  well-shel- 
tered bottom.  The  third  embraces  a  magnificent  range  of 
view  toward  the  east,  north,  and  northwest.  The  fourth 
commands  the  north,  part  of  the  northwest,  southwest,  and 
portions  of  the  south.  It  may  be  said  that  the  first  group 
commanded  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Peninsula  of  Copa- 
cavana and  the  Peninsula  of  Huata;  the  third  the  line  of 
the  eastern  Bolivian  mainland  and  the  main  Lake ;  and  the 
fourth  the  Peruvian  coast  from  Puno  to  Yunguyu ;  so  that, 
from  these  sites,  the  shores  of  Jjake  Titicaca  could  be 
watched  in  sections. 

Nothing  indicates,  however,  that  the  possibility  of  sur- 
prise or  ambush  was  dreaded  by  the  Inca.  Landings  might 
be  effected,  under  cover  of  darkness,  at  points  out  of  sight 
of  any  of  these  Inca  settlements.  Either  the  people  who 
selected  the  sites  had  no  grounds  for  fear,  or  nocturnal  at- 


^ 


•A 


S     If 


m 


A   '^ 


X 

0) 

"x 

^ 

X 

-*-' 

« 

0 

^. 

Q-^ 

,J2 

K 

— ' 

r^ 

CL 

w 

ri 

^ 

^ 

H 

^ 

cS 

0 

J 

<B 

'9. 

Ph 

g 

o 

■3 

' 

p^ 

et-l 

^ 

0 

J^ 

p< 


O 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     189 

tacks  were,  by  tlie  Indians  of  Bolivia  and  Peru,  not  usually 
made.^^  For  creeping  up  and  hiding  in  close  proximity 
to  the  buildings  until  dawn,  there  were  ample  opportunities. 
This  indicates  that  the  Island  was  not  exposed  to  danger 
while  under  Inca  sway. 

A  distinctive  feature  of  the  settlements  called  Inca,  aside 
from  superior  construction  and  finish,  is  the  lesser  number 
and  greater  size  of  the  buildings.  From  one  to  three  larger 
edifices  and  not  over  five  or  six  smaller  ones  compose  each 
cluster.  The  main  buildings,  while  far  from  being  very 
large,  are  still  superior  in  size  to  anything  of  Chullpa  type. 

Another  feature  is  the  traces  of  wide  trails  that  connect 
the  several  establishments  with  each  other.  We  must  not 
fancy,  however,  that  these  were  highways  such  as  we  find 
in  civilized  countries.  For  the  greater  part  of  their  length 
they  are  simply  well-trodden  trails;  such,  for  instance,  as 
those  leading  up  to  the  ''Cerro  de  Montezuma"  near  Casas 
Grandes  in  Chihuahua,  northern  Mexico.^^  The  section  of 
the  ancient  road  called  Quivini— ChuUun-Kayani  (15)— is 
from  seven  to  ten  feet  wide  on  the  slope,  but  it  is  impossible 
to  detect  how  much  of  that  width  belongs  to  the  road  and 
how  much  to  the  terraces  along  which  it  ascends.  It  con- 
nected the  summit  of  Kakayo-kena  with  the  cluster  about 
the  Sacred  Rock,  but  the  main  portion  of  it,  across  the 
undulating  slopes  between  the  northern  bottom  of  Kona  to 
the  Sacred  Rock,  and  Chucaripu,  seems  to  have  been  an 
Indian  trail  simply  worn  out  by  frequent  travel.  So  it  is 
the  case  with  the  road  from  Pucara  to  the  northwestern 
end  of  the  Island,  and  with  the  trails  that  connected  the 
southern  (first)  group  with  Pucara.  The  latter  was  prob- 
ably along  the  line  of  that  which  now  leads  to  Challa,  but 
deviated  from  it  to  follow  the  ridge  instead  of  descending 
to  the  Challa  Isthmus.  Mr.  Squier  saw  some  of  this  an- 
cient road,  but  included  in  the  description  of  it  features 
that  are  not  artificial.^^  Besides  Quivini,  the  best  pre- 
served specimens  are  the  fragments  of  the  road  descending 


190  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

from  Muro-Kato  toward  ruins  called  Mama-Ojlia.  On  the 
heights,  however,  all  traces  vanish. 

Another  distinctive  feature  of  Inca  ruins  on  the  Island 
are  particularly  well  constructed  andenes,  with  artificial 
drainage  of  the  slopes  in  two  places.  The  water  was  gath- 
ered in  troughs  behind  the  anden,  which  troughs  emptied 
through  narrow  conduits  into  an  artificial  basin,  whence  it 
is  led  by  stone  channels  down  the  slope  into  the  Lake.  Such 
is  the  case  at  the  ''Fountain  of  the  Inca"  of  Yumani  (n) 
and  at  the  garden  of  Challa  (23).  At  the  Chincana  (b) 
something  analogous  may  have  existed,  although  there  is 
at  present  merely  a  spring  surrounded  by  a  stone  enclosure. 
Such  contrivances  indicate  considerable  advance,  but  we 
must  not  exaggerate  by  fancying  these  places  to  have  been 
improved  artistically.  They  are  naturally  picturesque,  as 
many  others  on  the  Island,  and  the  superabundance  of 
water  compelled  the  Indians  to  resort  to  drainage.  The 
gardens  themselves,  with  a  number  of  imported  shade  and 
other  trees,  flowers— dahlias,  forget-me-nots,  pinks,  roses, 
etc.— and  strawberries,  are  from  colonial  times,  and  they 
have  given  to  the  sites  their  main  charm.  If  we  divest  the 
garden  of  Challa  of  these  originally  Spanish  beautifying 
elements,  the  view  remains :  clusters  of  indigenous  stunted 
kenua-trees,  and  monotonous  andenes  as  the  only  work 
performed  by  the  Incas.  The  same  is  the  case  at  Yumani. 
Only  the  utilitarian  point  of  view— not  landscape  gardening 
as  fabled— determined  the  Indian's  choice,  and  the  rever- 
ence which  the  Peruvian  aborigine,  like  all  Indians,  paid  to 
springs  and  groves  was  a  part  of  their  Huaca,  Paccarina, 
or  Machula  worship.^® 

The  works  above  described,  and  attributed  to  the  Inca, 
appear  greatly  superior  to  the  achievements  of  the  so- 
called  Chullpa.  It  remains  to  investigate  how  far  this 
superiority  is  upheld  in  other  lines,  and  we  must  therefore 
attempt  a  description  of  the  main  ruins  and  cast  a  glance 
at  the  artefacts  found  in  connection  with  them. 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     191 

Mr.  Squier  has  given  a  jDlan  of  tlie  ruins  at  the  Puncu, 
a  short  distance  above  the  landing.  As  these  vestiges  have 
almost  disappeared,  I  refer  to  his  description,  plan,  and 
picture.^^  These  small  structures  overlooked  approach  to 
the  Island  from  the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana.  The  path 
which  now  leads  up  to  the  backbone  of  the  Island  (see 
map),  rises,  as  already  stated,  continuously,  though  not 
steeply.  Soon  the  traveler  sees  below  him  on  the  right  the 
ruins  known  as  Pilco-Kayma. 

The  Pilco-Kayma  is  a  quadrangular  structure  of  stone 
connected  with  a  system  of  handsomely  constructed  andenes 
that  skirt  the  abrupt  shores  of  the  Lake  and  extend  in 
curves  400  feet  to  the  south-southeast,  and,  by  airline,  800 
feet  to  the  north.  From  the  level  on  which  the  main  ruin 
stands,  terraced  garden-beds  rise  irregularly,  running  in 
undulating  lines  as  far  as  the  extreme  northern  end  of  the 
whole  system  of  terraces.  Above  that  end,  other  handsome 
andenes  rise,  forming  eleven  nearly  parallel  gradients, 
altogether  little  more  than  a  hundred  feet  deep,  while  their 
front  toward  the  Lake  is  not  over  two  hundred  feet  in 
length.  Beyond  these  andenes  follow  others,  out  of  sight 
from  the  main  ruin,  which  extend  northward  toward  Yu- 
mani.  Most  of  these  are  under  cultivation,  and  they  may 
even  be  partly  modern. 

In  the  rear  of  the  Kayma,  the  ground  rises  rapidly  and 
rocks  bulge  out  in  irregular  steps,  bearing  patches  of  soil 
which  were  also  cultivated.  The  andenes  in  front  of  the 
building  are  well  made,  and  overlook  the  waters  of  the 
Lake  from  a  height  of  about  sixty  feet.  Descent  is  abrupt 
and  the  beach  very  narrow. 

A  little  over  one  hundred  feet  north-northwest  of  the 
Kayma  stands  a  small  building,  seventeen  feet  long  by 
thirty  in  depth,  on  the  southern  corner  of  a  terrace 
densely  overgrown  by  shrubbery.  The  length  of  this  ter- 
race is  one  hundred  and  twelve  feet,  and  its  northern  end 
bears  another  small  edifice,  more  ruined  than  the  former 


192  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

and  of  about  equal  dimensions.  The  rear  wall  of  the  anden 
on  which  these  two  structures  stand  is  of  very  fair  con- 
struction and  has  eight  trapezoidal  niches.  It  will  be  seen 
that,  while  the  dimensions  of  the  niches  are  nearly  (not 
absolutely)  equal,  there  are  differences  in  detail  of  form 
or  design.  Thus,  one  has  a  lintel,  and  tiny  recess,  which  the 
others  have  not.  Between  every  two  of  the  large  niches  is 
a  smaller  one  in  the  shape  of  a  lozenge,  the  deep  middle 
recess  of  which  is  lined  by  four  thin  plates  of  stone  set  on 
edge,  and  as  many  small  pebbles  forming  the  corners.  This 
wall  presents,  therefore,  quite  an  ornamental  appearance. 
Its  height  is  eight  feet.  The  masonry  of  the  buildings  is 
equally  well  made,  and  one  has  a  number  of  small  interior 
niches. 

Below  this  upper  tier  runs  an  esplanade  four  feet  wide 
and  three  feet  high,  faced  with  stones  and  fairly  leveled. 
All  these  structures  are  now  overgrown  with  shrubbery 
that  plays  sad  havoc  with  them.  The  purpose  of  the  two 
buildings  and  of  the  terraces  connected  is  conjectural.  Mr. 
Squier  offers  no  explanation.  The  interior  would  be  per- 
fectly plain  except  for  the  niches,  to  which  a  practical,  not 
an  ornamental,  purpose  must  be  ascribed.  These  side- 
buildings,  and  another,  which  I  yet  have  to  describe,  appear 
like  outhouses  or  isolated  store-rooms,  rather  than  dwell- 
ings or  structures  of  a  ceremonial  or  military  character. 

About  twenty  feet  to  the  west,  and  higher  up  the  slope, 
stands  a  larger  building  which  is  better  preserved.  In 
places  its  walls  are  as  tall  as  eight  feet,  and  three  feet  thick, 
with  two  interior  niches  in  the  western  and  three  in  the 
northern  wall.  The  doorway  is  thirty  inches  wide  and  its 
stone  frame  well  made,  but  it  has  no  lintel.  There  is  as  little 
left  of  the  roof  as  in  any  of  the  others.  In  front  of  this 
structure  lies  a  ruined  platform  about  six  feet  wide. 

This  edifice  stands  on  higher  ground  than  the  Pilco- 
Kayma  proper,  and  it  leans  against  the  same  rocky  rise  as 
that  building.    It  will  be  seen  that  the  Kayma  is  not  sym- 


CM 
O 


o 


P 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     193 

metrically  built.  It  forms  a  quadrangle  with  sides  of  un- 
equal length.  The  north  wall,  without  its  two  additions, 
measures  forty-nine  feet ;  the  western  wall,  forty-four ;  the 
southern,  forty-five;  and  the  eastern  or  Lake-front,  fifty. 
The  cause  of  these  irregularities  lies  partly  in  the  nature 
of  the  ground  which  slants  considerably  to  the  eastward. 
It  is  another  evidence  that  the  builders,  notwithstanding 
certain  advances,  could  not  remove  serious  natural  ob- 
stacles, hence,  as  in  New  Mexico  and  at  Mitla,  in  Mexico,^^ 
adapted  their  buildings  to  the  ground,  instead  of  leveling 
the  ground  for  the  building. 

The  walls,  exterior  as  well  as  interior,  of  the  Pilco-Kay- 
ma,  vary  in  thickness  between  eighteen  and  forty-two 
inches,  and  at  small  distances  from  each  other.  The  ma- 
sonry is  fair,  the  stones  are  laid  in  irregular  courses,  some- 
times breaking  joints,  and  the  blocks  are  of  every  imaginable 
size,  merely  broken,  not  cut  or  hewn.  Thin  seams  of  mud 
form  their  binding;  hence  their  appearance  is  not  as  pre- 
possessing as,  for  instance,  the  stone  walls  at  Cacha,  nearer 
to  Cuzco,  or  the  so-called  ''house  of  Atahualpa"  at  Caja- 
marca.  But  since  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  over 
these  rough  walls  there  has  been  a  coating  of  clay,  painted 
besides,  we  may  consider  the  present  appearance  of  the 
building  as  merely  the  skeleton  of  its  original  state. 

The  lower  story,  as  we  may  call  it,  is  divided  into  eleven 
apartments,  three  interior  courts,  and  one  space  on  the 
Lake-front,  in  regard  to  which,  there  being  no  roof  and 
only  a  considerable  amount  of  rubbish  left,  I  do  not  venture 
to  decide  whether  it  was  a  room,  or  an  open  passage,  or 
small  court.  The  western  end,  surmounted  by  a  part  of 
what  is  an  upper  story,  is  completely  dark  and  very  little 
detail  can  be  observed.  The  three  middle  courts,  as  will  be 
seen  at  a  glance  by  comparing  the  plan  of  the  upper  story 
with  that  of  the  lower,  are  small,  filled  with  thorny  shrub- 
bery, and  they  have  niches  as  well  as  doorways  leading  into 
rooms  on  the  west.    Both  the  northern  and  southern  courts 


194  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

open  to  the  outside.  The  middle  court  communicates  with 
one  single  room  to  the  west  of  it.  (I  refer  to  the  plan  for 
dimensions  and  details.)  The  height  of  the  rooms  decreases 
from  east  to  west.  Those  on  the  Lake-front  measure  from 
fifteen  to  fifteen  and  a  half  feet  to  the  top  of  the  ceiling.  The 
exterior  height  of  the  building  along  that  front  is  nearly 
twenty-two  feet,  leaving  seven  feet  for  the  thickness  of 
the  roof,  which  is  of  slabs,  mud  and  stones.  It  is  not  cer- 
tain that  its  present  thickness  was  the  original  one,  and  it 
would  seem  to  have  been  less  rather  than  more.  At  the 
northern  doorway,  the  total  elevation  of  the  structure  is 
reduced  to  about  eighteen  feet,  and  at  the  western  end  of 
the  northern  wall  to  eight.  Still  the  height  of  the  apart- 
ments, while  less  in  western  rooms,  does  not  keep  step  with 
the  decrease  in  exterior  elevation. 

The  three  rooms  along  the  eastern  front  that  are  still 
intact  have  the  same  kind  of  ceilings.  They  consist  each  of 
four  tiers  of  successively  overlapping  stones  to  a  height  of 
fifty-eight  inches.  The  uppermost  tier  supports  four  large 
slabs  forming  the  apex  of  this  primitive  vault.  We  could 
not  measure  exactly  the  surface  of  this  apex,  hence  the 
figures,  so  far  as  dimensions  are  concerned,  are  not  abso- 
lutely accurate.  The  masonry  inside  is  not  much  better 
than  that  outside,  and  it  is  plain  that  it  was  plastered  over 
and  painted.  The  ceilings  of  the  western  rooms,  so  far  as 
we  could  see,  correspond  to  the  description  given  by  Mr. 
Squier:  ''Their  ceiling  is  formed  by  flat  overlapping 
stones";  but  the  "great  regularity"  with  which  they  are 
said  to  be  laid  we  were  unable  to  find.  The  plates  forming 
the  apex  are  far  from  equal  in  size  and  seem  to  have  been 
picked  out  rather  than  shaped.  Doorways  with  niches  and 
rude  cornices,  and  larger  and  smaller  niches,  give  to  the 
outer  walls  a  clumsily  ornate  appearance.  The  northern 
doorways  appear  to  have  been  the  main  entrances  to  the 
lower  story,  being  on  the  most  convenient  side.  Niches  are 
plentiful,  and  those  in  the  rooms  on  the  Lake-front  are 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     195 

taller  and  more  elaborate.  Further  in,  they  become  small 
and  plain.  There  are  no  fireplaces,  chimneys,  or  flues ;  not 
even  a  smoke  escape,  which  is  strange  ?nough  in  a  cold 
climate.  Some  of  the  doors  and  larger  niches  taper  toward 
the  top ;  the  others  are  fairly  rectangular. 

In  two  of  the  rooms  (see  plan  of  lower  story),  a  heavy 
boulder,  resting  on  the  floor,  is  imbedded  and  has  been  in- 
cluded in  the  wall.  Above  one  of  these  boulders  is  a  niche. 
The  boulders  are  so  large  that  it  would  have  required  sev- 
eral men  to  remove  them;  still  it  is  strange  that  people  who 
were  able  to  move  incomparably  more  ponderous  masses,  as 
shown  at  Sillustani  and  Cuzco,  should  have  left  smaller 
blocks  in  situ,  building  over  and  around  them.  The  pur- 
pose of  making  a  rude  mass  an  integral  part  of  the  side  of 
a  room  is  not  clear  to  me.  The  work  of  carrying  the  boulder 
to  the  spot,  would  have  been  much  greater  than  that  of 
laying  the  wall.  The  boulders  show  no  trace  of  workman- 
ship. They  may  have  been  placed  there  for  some  purpose, 
but  it  strikes  me  as  more  rational  that  they  were  found 
there  originally  and  included  in  the  masonry. 

The  whole  of  the  lower  story  has,  so  far  as  we  could 
find,  only  two  airholes  aside  from  doorways,  and  to  these 
tiny  openings  the  name  of  window  can  not  be  given.  They 
are  so  constructed  as  to  permit  the  admission  of  a  thin 
stream  of  air,  but  of  very  little  light,  as  the  opening  is  not 
straight,  but  in  one  forms  an  angle,  in  the  other  almost  a 
''T."  Both  are  in  the  rooms  toward  the  Lake,  hence  in 
those  that  are  lighted  and  ventilated  by  tall  doorways. 
None  of  the  other  apartments  in  the  rear  have  anything 
but  low  doorways  to  illuminate  them ;  they  are  dark,  dingy 
caverns. 

The  little  outhouse  resembles  the  other  smaller  buildings, 
only  it  is  not  as  large  and  has  no  niches.  It  is  a  continua- 
tion of  the  southern  wall  of  the  Kayma,  and  has  the  hand- 
somest masonry  of  the  whole  group.  The  doorway  in 
particular  is  very  carefully  made. 


196  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

In  regard  to  the  upper  tier,  which  is  much  more  in  ruins 
than  the  lower,  I  refer  to  the  plan.  It  will  be  seen  that  it 
covers  but  one  half  of  the  ground  floor.  On  the  northern 
side  are  portions  of  walls  as  tall  as  nine  feet,  the  others 
are  lower,  and  the  eastern  front  is  much  deteriorated; 
hence  architectural  details  offer  less  interest.  The  two 
rectangular  additions  in  the  rear  are  about  on  a  level  with 
the  floor  of  the  upper  story ;  they  are  in  ruins  and  filled  with 
shrubbery.  Immediately  behind  them  rise  the  rocky  steps 
of  the  slope,  some  of  which  have  been  used  as  andenes, 
wherever  the  ledge  was  capped  by  a  suflicient  thickness  of 
soil. 

The  site  itself,  on  which  the  Pilco-Kayma  forms  the  cen- 
tral structure,  is  fairly  picturesque.  The  terraces  and 
slopes  afforded  ample  space  and  soil  for  cultivation.  Water 
is  near  at  hand.  It  receives  the  greatest  amount  of  sun- 
shine obtainable,  being  open  to  the  east  and  northeast, 
and  protected  against  cold  blasts  from  both  north  and  west. 
It  is,  for  these  great  altitudes,  comparatively  rich  in 
natural  advantages. 

The  magnificent  view  from  the  Pilco-Kayma,  the  un- 
paralleled beauty  of  the  Sorata  group  of  the  Andes,  which 
nowhere  else  on  the  Island  appears  so  grand  and  majestic, 
inspires  almost  reverential  admiration.  Every  one  of  our 
visits  to  this  site  was  a  source  of  new  and  deep-felt  pleasure, 
aside  from  archaeological  interest.  How  far  this  impressed 
and  impresses  the  Indian,  whether  Aymara  or  Quichua, 
Colla  or  Lupaca  or  Inca,  may  be  judged  from  his  character 
and  primitive  beliefs.  If  the  scenery  affected  his  mind  at  all, 
it  was  through  the  appalling  nearness  of  the  gigantic  peaks, 
each  of  which  was  to  him  the  home  of  some  powerful  spirit, 
and  not  a  ' '  sense  of  nature 's  beauty, ' '  of  which  there  is  no 
trace  in  his  character,  either  in  ancient  or  modern  times. 

It  is  clear  from  the  size  of  the  edifices  that  the  number  of 
their  former  inhabitants  cannot  have  been  great.  The 
Pilco-Kayma,  admitting  that  all  the  rooms  were  occupied, 


i.  IJY.    AVAd'-l 


Plate  XLI 
Artefacts  of  Bronze  (Inea  make)  from  the  Island  of  Titicaca 

1.  Bar  or  lever  of  bronze.      2.   Chisel  or  engraving  tool  of  bronze.      3.  Bronze 

needle  or  Yauri.      4.   Engraver's  tool  (f)  of  bronze.       5.  Celt  or 

chisel  of  bronze.     6.  Ax  of  bronze.     7.  Bronze  knife 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     197 

could  shelter  at  most  a  hundred  people  by  dint  of  crowd- 
ing. The  outhouses  might  have  lodged  as  many  more.  What 
the  original  purpose  of  the  building  may  have  been  is  diffi- 
cult to  imagine.^^ 

The  sinuous  slopes  between  the  Pilco-Kayma  and  Yumani 
are  covered,  as  already  stated,  by  andenes  showing  ancient 
and  recent  cultivation.  I  have  mentioned  the  fact  that  the 
number  and  extent  of  these  garden-beds  does  not  indicate  a 
correspondingly  large  agricultural  population.  The  system 
of  rotation  in  lands  requires  a  very  large  surface  in  com- 
parison with  the  number  of  the  people.  We  find  no  traces 
of  Inca  buildings  until  we  reach  the  lower  slopes  of  the 
promontory  of  Yumani,  where,  not  far  from  the  water's 
edge,  shapeless  rubbish  designates  the  spot  on  which,  ac- 
cording to  the  present  owners  of  Yumani,  ''another 
Kayma"  formerly  stood.  Not  even  the  approximate  size 
of  the  structure  can  be  determined,  so  completely  have 
treasure-seekers  overthrown  its  remains.  On  the  southern 
slope  of  the  Yumani  height,  however,  stand,  in  fair  state  of 
preservation,  the  vestiges  called  "Fountain  of  the  Inca," 
improved  and  beautified  after  the  seventeenth  century 
through  the  addition  of  trees  and  plants  not  indigenous  to 
South  America.  What  renders  the  Fountain  and  its  num- 
erous and  well  constructed  andenes  attractive  is  not  due 
to  Indians. 

From  the  plan  it  will  be  seen  that  the  water,  gathered  in 
the  rear  of  the  upper  andenes,  finds  its  egress  into  a  wide 
niche  with  a  small  basin,  and  through  four  openings  left 
purposely  between  the  blocks  out  of  which  the  rear  wall  of 
the  niche  is  built.  The  term  ''spouts"  is  therefore  inap- 
propriate, as  there  are  no  conduits  cut  in  the  stone,  still  less 
spouts  that  protrude.  The  stones  are  fairly  laid  in  mud,  and 
the  openings  are  at  unequal  distances.  A  coating  of  whitish 
concrete  formerly  covered  the  wall  from  which  the  water 
issues.  Traces  of  this  coating  still  exist,  and  to  it  must  be 
attributed  the  statement  that  conduits  are  cut  in  the  stone. 


198  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

The  basin  in  front  is  not  deep,  and  from  it  the  water,  which 
is  beautifully  clear  and  of  excellent  quality,  finds  egress, 
through  a  covered  channel,  to  the  lower  level  of  the  next 
anden,  and  thence  down  the  slope  in  a  narrow  canal  of 
stones  forming  on  the  way  little  falls  of  from  one  to  two 
feet.  The  height  of  the  slope,  from  the  beach  to  the  Foun- 
tain, is  110  feet,  and  the  horizontal  distance  nearly  300  feet. 
All  along  the  inclined  channel,  steps,  made  of  rude  and  very 
unequal  stone  plates  three  feet  wide  at  the  top,  but  only 
two  feet  further  down,  lead  to  the  narrow  and  sandy  beach. 
On  both  sides  of  this  path  numerous  andenes  extend  in 
curves,  those  on  one  side  not  being  always  on  the  level  of 
those  on  the  other.  The  facing  of  these  terraces  is  well 
made,  and  superior  to  any  on  Ciriapata  and  similar  sites. 
Below,  where  the  water  issues  on  the  beach,  the  anden  is 
high.  Stone  steps  lead  up  to  it  at  more  than  one  place,  and 
tall  and  well  made  niches,  not  exactly  equal  in  size,  adorn 
the  front,  both  right  and  left  of  the  channel.  We  saw  no 
trace  of  buildings.  The  whole  is  a  system  of  terraced 
garden-beds  combined  with  a  well-planned  arrangement  for 
drainage.  The  basin  is  too  small  for  a  bath.  In  the  wall 
to  the  left  of  it,  are  two  niches  of  small  size,  capable  of 
holding  a  pitcher.  Terraces,  niches,  basin  and  steps,  have 
been  repaired  by  the  owners  of  Yumani  at  various  times. 
Some  details  may  not  be  original;  the  main  features  cer- 
tainly are.  The  water  is  not  from  a  spring.  It  is  the  drain- 
age of  the  steep  slopes  of  a  crest,  extending  from  Pallakasa 
to  Kenuani  (13),  of  part  of  the  latter  peak,  and  of  the 
southern  declivities  of  Yumani.  The  crest  and  tops 
mentioned  are  bare,  and  the  grade  is  steep,  hence  the 
waters  rush  down  the  slopes.  Some  years  ago  the  owners 
of  Yumani  had  to  open  the  rear  of  the  anden  in  which  the 
fountain  is  constructed,  because  the  latter  stopped  running. 
They  found  an  ancient  wooden  channel,  partly  decayed,  the 
decay  obstructing  the  outflow.  This  channel  is  said  to  ex- 
tend nearly  as  far  as  the  Pilco-Kayma,  hence  it  receives  the 


c3 


a 
'B 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OP  TITICACA     199 

waters  of  a  considerable  length  and  height  of  slope  and 
drains  it,  insuring  stability  to  the  ground.  Were  it  not  for 
this  drain,  the  soil  would  turn  into  mire  and  eventually  be 
washed  away.  The  Fountain  of  the  Inca  is  therefore  sim- 
ply an  arrangement  for  draining  the  declivity  in  its  rear. 
The  channel  through  the  garden  and  to  the  Lake,  if  primi- 
tive, was  not  intended  for  irrigation,  as  the  water  in  it 
flows  at  a  loiver  level  than  the  andenes  on  both  sides,  and 
it  cannot  be  turned  onto  any  of  the  terraces. 

Beyond  Yumani,  except  the  almost  undistinguishable 
remains  at  the  northern  base  of  its  promontory,  Inca  ruins, 
if  they  ever  existed,  have  disappeared.  I  hold  it  to  be  likely, 
that  Pucara,  on  the  margin  of  the  grassy  pasturage  called 
''Ahijadero,"  at  the  base  of  Kea-Kollu,  is  the  next  site  of 
Inca  remains,  on  our  way  from  Yumani  to  the  northwestern 
extremity  of  the  Island. 

Pucara  (m)  is  sadly  wrecked.  What  remains  does  not 
even  allow  suggestions  of  a  reconstruction.  The  bottom  of 
the  "Ahijadero"  is  in  many  places  marshy  and  traversed 
by  dykes  dividing  it  into  irregular  sections.  The  elevation 
of  these  causeways  above  the  ground  is  from  a  few  inches  to 
six  feet,  one  side  being  nearly  always  higher  than  the  other. 
Their  width  varies  also,  five  and  thirteen  feet  being  the 
extremes  noticed  by  us.  The  rims  or  borders  are  lined  with 
rows  of  stones  in  single  file,  and  in  the  case  of  the  widest  of 
these  causeways,  another  row  divides  it  longitudinally  also 
(see  diagrams).  The  dykes  are  built  of  earth  and  gravel, 
with  some  stones,  so  as  to  make  them  harder  than  the  sur- 
rounding level. 

The  Indians  could  give  us  no  information  in  regard  to 
these  causeways,  neither  could  the  owners  of  the  Island,  nor 
anybody  else  familiar  with  Titicaca.  They  had  escaped 
attention  thus  far,  as  their  appearance  is  not  striking.  Our 
first  impression  was  that  they  were  ancient  irrigating 
canals.  But  it  soon  became  apparent  that  this  was  not  the 
case.    The  ''Ahijadero"  is  a  marshy  pasturage,  its  north- 


200  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

western  section,  at  the  foot  of  Kea-Kollu,  a  swamp.  The 
central  and  southern  parts  are  drier  because  higher.  The 
dykes  in  question  cannot  have  had  anything  to  do  with 
cultivation,  for  the  bottom  was  not  anciently  cultivated. 
These  contrivances  seem  therefore  to  have  been  made  in 
order  to  enable  circulation.  It  is  the  only  suggestion  I  can 
offer.  There  are  two  groups  of  them,  one  of  which  touches 
Inca  andenes  on  the  slope  of  Little  Kea-Kollu,  the  other 
traverses  nearly  the  whole  length  of  the  bottom,  from 
a  deep  ravine  on  the  flanks  of  Santa  Barbara  to  the  beach. 
Up  that  ravine,  the  Indians  say,  an  ancient  trail  or  road 
leads  to  the  Sacred  Eock.  The  ravine  is  so  much  eroded 
that  we  cannot  affirm  having  seen  vestiges  of  the  trail,  and 
higher  up  so  many  trodden  paths  cross  the  slopes  that  it  is 
impossible  to  distinguish  the  old  from  the  new.  The  lower 
end  of  the  longest  dyke  tapers  out  almost  in  front  of  Pu- 
cara.  Hence  it  is  possible  that  the  causeways  were  built  for 
the  purpose  of  facilitating  intercourse  between  Pucara  and 
the  northwestern  end  of  the  Island,  the  bottom  of  the 
* '  Ahijadero ' '  being  formerly  more  swampy  than  it  is  to-day, 
and  water  covered  perhaps  the  entire  expanse  as  far  as  the 
base  of  Kurupata  (r).  Similar  causeways  are  found  in  the 
southern  bottom  of  Kona,  of  which  mention  will  be  made 
further  on. 

The  ruins  proper  consist  of  what  at  first  sight  appears  as 
a  long  and  solid  wall  forming  an  "L,"  the  eastern  wing  of 
which  is  taller  but  much  shorter  than  the  southern.  Its 
thickness  is  not  easy  to  determine,  as  it  has  been  changed 
by  removal  as  well  as  through  additions,  but  it  seems  to 
vary  between  four  and  a  half  and  six  feet.  The  masonry  is 
fairly  laid  and  superior  to  Chullpa  work.  The  southern 
wing  is  still  standing,  partly,  on  a  length  of  four  hundred 
feet ;  there  are  traces  of  its  former  extension  westward  for 
quite  a  distance  along  the  base  of  Kurupata.  Its  height 
varies  between  four  and  eight  feet.  In  it  are  a  number  of 
large  niches,  a  tall  one  alternating  with  a  smaller,  the 


Plate  XLIII 
General  plan  of  the  bottom  of  Ahijadero  with  ruins  of  Pucara 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     201 

former  going  down  to  the  ground.  There  are  two  openings 
that  may  have  been  gateways,  but  they  might  also  be  due  to 
removal.  Yet  I  believe  that  at  least  the  smaller  one  was  an 
entrance.  The  eastern  wing  seems  to  have  been  part  of  a 
building.  Its  length  is  ninety-eight  feet  from  the  corner  to 
a  doorway,  through  which  stone  steps  lead  up  to  a  higher 
plane  on  the  slope  of  Uacuyu.  In  this  wall  are  two  tall  and 
quite  elaborate  niches,  and  two  openings  the  largest  of 
which  measures  four  feet  in  height,  twenty-six  inches  at 
the  base  and  twenty-four  at  the  top,  whereas  the  other  is 
smaller  and  not  tapering.  Both  have  stone  lintels.  The 
greatest  elevation  of  this  wing  is  nearly  thirteen  feet,  the 
tallest  niche  measuring  eight  and  a  half  feet  in  height. 
Both  openings  stand  five  feet  above  the  ground.  Here  de- 
struction has  been  very  great.  Enclosures  for  cattle  and 
swine  have  been  built  out  of  the  material  by  the  Indians, 
and  the  space  in  front  is  so  completely  converted  into  pig- 
sties, and  the  like,  that  it  is  useless  to  conjecture  what  might 
have  stood  there  formerly.  As,  furthermore,  we  could  not 
obtain  any  information  about  the  place,  I  can  only  con- 
jecture that  there  stood  at  Pucara  "once  upon  a  time'*  a 
structure,  one  wall  of  which  was  about  a  hundred  feet  in 
length  and  had  two  openings  like  windows,  to  the  east. 
Why  these  openings  were  made  on  the  side  where  the  slope 
crowds  the  walls,  is  strange,  unless  they  were  doorways  to 
facilitate  access  from  the  rear. 

Tall  andenes  with  tall  niches  line  the  slope  of  Kuru- 
pata  in  the  rear  of  the  southern  wing,  and  on  the  lowest 
declivity  of  Uacuyu,  160  feet  from  the  eastern  wall  or 
building,  lies  an  anden  (d),  with  at  least  five  ruined 
niches,  while  its  front  is  otherwise  in  a  fair  state  of  pre- 
servation. From  the  anden  a  wall,  partly  in  ruins,  advances 
to  the  edge  of  a  lower  terrace,  shutting  it  off  on  the  south. 
This  anden  also  is  well  constructed.  On  the  southern  side 
a  little  chamber  has  been  built  with  two  doorways,  one 
below  and  the  other  above,  and  with  stone  steps  of  which 


202  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

only  traces  remain,  from  the  lower  to  the  upper.  Both  door- 
ways are  carefully  made  and  do  not  taper  like  the  niches. 
The  face  of  the  lower  anden  has  recesses  and  farther  south 
stands  a  similar  structure  on  the  same  level.  We  could  only 
glance  at  the  latter.  Higher  up  on  the  slope  of  Kurupata 
stand  more  andenes  declared  to  be  Inca  by  the  natives,  as 
well  as  those  on  Little  Kea-Kollu.  It  is  probable  that 
cultivation  was  limited  to  these  points,  in  addition  to  what 
is  said  to  be  Chullpa,  of  which  there  are  numerous  vestiges. 
This  mixture  of  Inca,  Chullpa,  and  modern  terraces,  and 
consequent  changes,  renders  discrimination  very  difficult. 
Among  the  artefacts  from  Pucara,  articles  in  copper  and 
bronze  predominate.  From  here  we  obtained  through  pur- 
chase (excavations  being  impossible  as  the  slopes  were 
covered  with  ripening  crops)  the  finest  specimens  of  knives. 
Among  them  is  one  with  a  handle  terminating  in  a  well 
modeled  hand.  This  implement  was  cast,  not  hammered. 
We  also  obtained  heavy  bars  made  of  bronze,  said  to  be 
agricultural  implements,  and  the  only  star-headed  weapon 
(one  side  terminating  in  an  axe-blade)  that  we  saw  or 
heard  of  on  the  Island.  It  is  singular,  that  none  of  the 
older  sources  at  my  command  mentions  the  ruins  at  Pucara 
or  any  ruin  resembling  it.  It  is  true  that  Pucara  lies  away 
from  the  line  of  travel  from  the  southern  to  the  northwest- 
em  end  of  the  Island,  and  this  may  be  the  reason  also  why 
Mr.  Squier  makes  no  mention  of  the  place;  but  the  mis- 
sionaries of  the  seventeenth  century  might  be  expected  to 
have  at  least  heard  of  Pucara!  Nevertheless,  neither 
Eamos,  nor  Cobo,  nor  Calancha,  all  of  whom  visited  the 
Island,  allude  to  the  site,  whereas  on  other  ruins  they  are 
very  explicit.^^  What  the  object  of  the  constructions  at 
Pucara  might  have  been  is,  therefore,  a  matter  of  specula- 
tion. The  elaborateness  displayed  in  several  of  the  andenes 
indicates  that  some  importance  was  placed  upon  that 
establishment,  an  indication  supported  also  by  the  exist- 
ence of  ancient  trails  and  dykes.     It  evidently  stood  in 


PQ 


0) 

^3 

Ph 

_e8 

<s 

< 

M 

<D 

-t= 

XI 

a 

o 

5f-l 

1^  ,c 

"C      S3 


t-(      2    .2 


'3 

0) 

<«-i 

O 

n 

W 
Eh 

o 

S3 
eg 

►J 
Oh 

a 

g 

0^ 

'S 

0) 

& 

AJ 

02 

>> 

fcl  A. 


e 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     203 

direct  relation  to  the  northwestern  clusters  of  Inca  build- 
ings, and  was  probably  occupied  at  the  same  time. 

On  the  way  to  the  Inca  ruins  at  Kasapata,  the  garden  of 
Challa  (23)  attracts  attention.  It  is,  on  a  smaller  scale,  a 
second  Fountain  of  the  Inca.  The  few  andenes,  traversed 
by  a  channel  filled  with  limpid  water  as  at  Yumani,  are  even 
better  built  than  those  of  the  Fountain.  There  is  at  the 
Challa  garden  a  greater  number  of  kenua  trees ;  and  above 
the  garden,  on  the  slope,  stands  quite  a  grove  of  these 
bulky  plants.  Most  of  them  must  be  quite  old,  especially 
the  one  in  the  garden  of  which  a  photograph  is  appended. 
In  the  grove  are  remains  similar  to  those  at  Yumani.  Ex- 
cept a  channel  and  most  of  the  andenes,  all  improvements 
were  made  since  the  conquest  and  probably  during  the 
eighteenth  century.  Of  buildings  there  are  no  traces.  The 
same  is  true  of  the  site  called  Santa  Maria  (i),  where 
ruined  terraces  yielded  to  us  potsherds  of  the  so-called 
Inca  type.  Still  higher  up,  on  the  northern  declivities  of  the 
Calvario  (4),  black  goblets  of  wood  were  found  in  crevices 
of  the  rock. 

Kasapata  (e)  stands  near  an  isthmus,  at  the  foot  of  the 
promontory  of  Llaq'-aylli.  Mr.  Squier  made  a  plan  of  part 
of  these  ruins,^^  the  importance  of  which  plan  consists  in 
giving  lines  of  structures  south  of  what  is  called  "Temple 
of  the  Sun. ' '  To-day  no  traces  of  them  remain  beyond  one 
well  preserved  anden  and  vestiges  of  others.  I  am  not  sure, 
however,  that  these  terraces  are  ancient,  as  the  whole  is 
under  cultivation,  hence  I  have  not  indicated  them  on  the 
general  plan  of  Kasapata.  The  most  prominent  building  is 
the  one  to  which  the  Indians  give  the  name  of  ''Temple  of 
the  Sun."  It  appears  to  have  contained  but  a  single  large 
hall.  Its  outside  length  is  166  feet,  its  width  on  the  west 
thirty-six,  on  the  east  forty.  The  walls,  which  are  fairly 
built  and  laid  in  mud,  are  three  feet  thick,  and  rise  not  over 
six  feet  above  the  ground  in  their  present  condition.  Three 
doorways,  slightly  tapering,  stand  close  to  each  other  in 


204  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

the  western  half  of  the  northern  front.  They  are  of  unequal 
size.  Inside,  the  western  and  eastern  walls  have  each  four 
small  niches,  and  the  southern  side  has  two.  Otherwise  the 
interior,  as  well  as  the  exterior,  is  plain.  It  may  be  that 
there  was  a  doorway  to  the  south,  as  indicated  on  Mr. 
Squier's  plan,  but  we  could  not  find  the  two  eastern  door- 
ways on  the  northern  front  marked  in  his  diagram.  We 
found  five  window-like  openings  elevated  from  the  ground 
four  and  one  half  feet  and  of  about  the  width  of  those  at 
Pucara,  but  not  as  tall,  possibly  because  the  upper  part  of 
the  wall  is  destroyed.  The  northern  front  has  stepping- 
stones  for  scaling  the  walls.  Whether  this  indicates  the 
former  existence  of  an  upper  story  we  could  not  ascertain. 
There  is  no  trace  of  a  superstructure,  still  less  of  the  roof. 
Why  this  building  should  be  called  a  "temple"  I  cannot 
imagine.  Some  of  the  historians  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, who  saw  the  edifice  in  a  better  state  of  preservation, 
assign  to  it  an  entirely  different  purpose. 

It  stands  on  a  plateau,  or  esplanade,  250  feet  wide,  oc- 
cupying the  highest  place  close  to  the  isthmus  on  the  west, 
and  terminating  abruptly  both  east  and  west.  Farther 
down,  the  declivity  on  each  side  shows  traces  of  ancient 
andenes.  One  hundred  and  sixty  feet  to  the  north  of  the 
** temple"  an  ancient  wall,  partly  rebuilt  of  late,  traverses 
the  isthmus  from  east  to  west.  North  of  it  the  plateau 
extends  in  slightly  varying  width  for  another  160  feet  to 
the  base  of  Llaq'-aylli;  so  that  this  ancient  wall  divides 
the  neck  into  two  equal  sections.  The  base  of  Llaq'-aylli 
is  formed  by  a  handsome  anden  224  feet  long,  part  of 
which  shows  traces  of  former  buildings  which  the  Indians 
boast  of  having  destroyed  for  the  sake  of  treasure-hunt- 
ing. Of  these  buildings  there  remain  part  of  the  founda- 
tions—two sides  only,  so  that  no  accurate  idea  can  be 
gathered  of  size— and  an  interesting  doorway,  very  well 
made.  The  details  of  this  doorway,  which  opens  on 
andenes  of  the  slope  of  Llaq'-aylli,  are  given  on  this  plan. 


S 
o 


0) 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     205 

The  masonry  is  far  handsomer  than  any  at  Pilco-Kayma  or 
Pucara,  and  the  lintel,  consisting  of  a  single  thin  slab,  is 
particularly  well  cut.  It  is  a  gateway  rather  than  a  door, 
its  walls  measuring  at  least  five  feet  in  thickness.  In  Mr. 
Squier's  time,  already,  the  northern  part  of  the  esplanade 
was  a  greensward,  nearly  in  the  midst  of  which  lies  a  huge 
block,  rudely  chipped.^ ^  The  Indians  call  it  a  block  of 
sacrifice,  and  say  that  its  lower  side  is  elaborately  carved. 
We  did  our  utmost  to  induce  them  to  overturn  the  stone, 
but  in  vain.  So  that,  while  the  upper  surface  indeed  shows 
traces  of  artificial  changes,  we  cannot  affirm  the  same  of 
the  lower.  At  the  base  of  Llaq'-aylli  is  another  large  stone 
resembling  a  seat,  the  back  of  which  has  a  groove.  This  is 
believed  to  have  been  a  sacrificial  block  also.  The  groove  is 
artificial,  and  there  is  no  doubt  about  human  sacrifices  on 
Titicaca.  The  description  which  Ramos  gives  of  them  may 
lead  to  the  surmise  that  the  block  first  described  served 
such  a  purpose.  He  states :  ' '  They  placed  them  on  a  large 
slab,  the  face  turned  up  to  heaven,  and  pulling  them  by  the 
neck  placed  over  it  a  slab  (!)  or  smooth  stone  somewhat 
broad,  and  with  another  stone  they  pounded  on  it  so  hard, 
that  within  a  short  time  they  took  their  life  away  from 
them."^^  Elsewhere  he  remarks  that  the  victims  were 
sometimes  smothered,  by  stuffing  their  mouths  with  ground 
coca;  and  again  that  they  were  killed  by  cutting  their 
throats.^^  The  fact  of  human  sacrifices  seems  established 
by  nearly  all  the  older  sources,^^  yet  it  is  not  safe  so  far  to 
assert  that  the  blocks  at  Kasapata  were  sacrificial  stones. 

Of  the  andenes  covering  the  slopes  of  Llaq'-aylli  I  have 
already  spoken.  I  have  also  mentioned  that  at  Kasapata 
we  initiated  our  excavations  on  the  Island.  These  excava- 
tions having  revealed  interesting  features,  I  shall  devote 
some  space  to  an  account  of  them. 

The  first  work  was  done  at  a  spot  determined  by  the 
indications  of  Manuel  Mamani  the  wizard,  and  in  order  to 
humor  him;  but  we  soon  found  that  he  either  had  little 


206  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

knowledge  of  the  ruins,  or  that  he  desired  us  to  waste  our 
time,  profitably  for  himself  and  other  Indians,  but  with 
little  result  for  ourselves.  We  found  that  we  had  struck 
only  a  ruined  anden  that  yielded  broken  pottery,  whorls, 
and  especially  animal  bones  partly  boiled  and  gnawed. 
Some  copper  also  was  found.  We  abandoned  the  place, 
after  making  a  trench  eighteen  feet  long,  five  feet  wide,  and 
eight  deep  at  the  upper  side,  and  probing  the  sod  all  around, 
without  result.  We  then  moved  on  to  the  opposite  slope  of 
the  isthmus  and  there  very  soon  brought  to  light  the  founda- 
tions of  some  building.  The  eastern  end  of  it  was  gone,  the 
stones  having  been  removed  to  make  room  for  cultivation, 
but  the  end  abutting  against  the  eastern  edge  of  the  plateau 
was  intact.  Here  we  discovered  three  rooms,  the  middle 
one  being  forty  feet  long  and  at  least  eighteen  feet  wide. 
The  rooms  to  the  right  and  left  of  it  had  been  so  disturbed 
that  no  idea  could  be  obtained  of  their  size.  The  northern 
one  was  separated  from  the  middle  by  an  alley  about  twenty 
inches  wide,  and  the  thickness  of  the  walls  was  three  and 
four  feet,  respectively.  On  the  south  of  the  central  apart- 
ment were  two  parallel  alleys  not  over  eighteen  inches  in 
width,  the  wall  separating  them  being  four  and  a  half  feet 
thick,  while  the  side  of  the  southern  room,  or  remainder  of 
a  room,  was  only  three  feet  thick.  Of  these  two  alleys  one 
runs  clear  through  to  the  base  of  the  plateau,  the  other 
makes  an  angle,  so  as  to  encompass  the  central  hall  on  two 
sides,  without  communicating  with  the  alley  that  separates 
the  northern  apartment  from  the  esplanade.  The  founda- 
tions were  set  in  the  ground,  not  over  four  feet  and  mostly 
only  two.  The  masonry  was  fairly  done,  and  though  the 
angles  are  not  absolutely  correct,  yet  they  are  approxi- 
mately so.    No  floor  of  any  kind  could  be  detected. 

Inside  of  the  rooms  thus  uncovered  the  amount  of  arte- 
facts was  comparatively  small,  but  the  narrow  alleys  and 
the  space  south,  where  all  traces  of  walls  had  been  ob- 
literated, were  densely  packed  with  potsherds.     This  pot- 


cS 

Pk 

a 

m 

>— 1 

cS 

> 

M 

o 

a 

J^ 

H 

.S 

< 

CM        rS 


o 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     207 

tery  is  mostly  decorated  with  intricate  designs  in  vivid 
colors,  far  superior  to  those  on  the  so-called  Chullpa  pot- 
tery. Wherever  shapes  could  be  recognized  they  showed 
more  attractive  forms.  The  clay  and  burning  find  their 
equals  only  in  red  and  black  goblets  taken  out  of  Chullpa 
cysts,  whereas  the  decoration  is  much  more  artistic.  It 
was  clear  that  we  had  before  us  a  higher  development  of 
ceramic  art,  completely  distinct  from  that  on  the  coast,  and 
corresponding  in  every  way  to  what  may  be  called  the  Cuzco 
or  Inca  type  of  pottery.  Ruder  specimens  were  also  found 
alongside  of  necks  of  jars  and  fragments  of  huge  urns 
painted  in  brilliant  hues  with  very  elaborate,  mostly  geo- 
metrical designs.  Of  plastic  ornaments,  the  cat's  head 
placed  on  urns  and  pitchers  as  knobs,  heads  of  water-fowl 
as  handles  to  flat  saucers,  were  quite  common.  Some  of  the 
plain  vessels  or  sherds  were  covered  with  soot,  and  char- 
coal was  taken  out  here  and  there.  Bones  of  animals,  among 
which  the  Indians  at  once  recognized  the  indigenous  deer, 
the  vicuna  and  the  llama,  were  found  with  the  sherds,  also 
copper  implements,  mostly  topos,  and  one  of  silver.  Such 
pieces  were  usually  buried  at  a  level  lower  than  the  founda- 
tions. The  majority  of  objects  came  from  the  alleys  which 
were  packed  with  what  appeared  to  be  refuse  from  the 
buildings.  It  might  be  that  when  the  ground  at  Kasapata 
was  first  tilled  again,  broken  pottery  and  rubbish  were 
heaped  up  in  the  narrow  alleys ;  but  this  is  scarcely  prob- 
able, as,  if  the  cultivators  wished  to  get  rid  of  such  obstacles, 
they  had  the  easier  way  of  throwing  them  into  the  Lake, 
instead  of  reburying  them  where  they  would  remain  in  the 
way  of  the  hoe  or  plow.  Hence  we  concluded  that,  while 
we  had  brought  to  light  at  least  three  rooms  of  an  ancient 
structure,  or  perhaps  three  ancient  houses,  we  had  also 
uncovered  the  place  whither  refuse  was  thrown.  Among 
the  animal  bones  many  had  been  boiled  or  cooked.  Of  stone 
implements  few  were  taken  out,  and,  while  the  presence 
of  charred  and  smoked  pottery  as  well  as  of  animal  remains 


208  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

indicates  cooking,  not  a  household  article  of  stone,  like  the 
grinding  slab  or  mortar,  was  met  with.  This  may  be  due  to 
the  Indian  custom  of  securing  such  articles  for  present  use. 
Of  human  remains  there  was  not  a  trace. 

After  probing,  without  result,  the  whole  length  of  the 
slightly  inclined  plane  on  which  the  excavation  had  been 
made,  and  thus  confirming  the  statements  of  the  Indians 
that  this  locality  had  been  thoroughly  ransacked  a  long 
time  ago,  we  moved  on  to  the  Esplanade.  The  part  of  it 
fronting  the  "temple"  did  not  seem  promising,  as  it  ap- 
peared either  to  have  been  excavated  long  before  or  to 
contain  nothing.  The  latter  proved  to  be  the  case.  An  old 
Indian  living  on  the  site  told  us  that  faint  traces  of  walls 
were  seen  formerly  on  the  part  of  the  plateau  adjoining 
the  transverse  wall  in  front  of  the  ''temple."  We  accord- 
ingly began  there,  and  soon  had  the  pleasure  of  bringing  to 
light  vestiges  of  three  buildings  not  indicated  on  the  plan  of 
Mr.  Squier.  Hence  they  must  have  been  destroyed,  their 
foundations  covered  up,  and  forgotten  long  ago.  Even 
these  foundations  are  partly  obliterated. 

Contiguous  to  the  transverse  wall  we  found  a  building  of 
four  compartments.  The  two  middle  ones  are  narrower 
than  the  eastern  (a),  and  the  western  seems  to  have  been  a 
court.  The  western  wall  of  the  latter  is  almost  destroyed. 
The  length  of  the  first  three,  which  probably  formed  the 
building  proper,  is  sixty-four  feet,  that  of  the  annex,  thirty. 
Width  on  the  eastern  end  is  eighteen,  on  the  western  six- 
teen, and  there  is  a  trace  of  a  continuation  of  the  former 
along  the  edge  of  the  terrace.  The  second  or  middle  room 
has  a  recess.  We  excavated  this  quadrangle  thoroughly  to 
a  depth  of  four  feet  at  least,  so  as  to  reach  the  hard  yel- 
lowish marl  with  chert  and  pebbles,  called  "chillu,"  that 
forms  the  usual  substratum.  No  human  vestiges  of  any 
kind  may  be  expected  in  this  very  compact  formation.  We 
found  handsome  fragments,  among  them  necks  of  very 
large  jars,  but  there  was,  on  the  whole,  less  pottery  than  in 


ibT  .'J.     .illvK 


»l»ii«T  U£  tc^riij'ijjir*  lyqqu  -jo 


Plate  XLVII 

1.  Ground-plan  of  Kasapata  and  Llaq'-aylli.     2.   Tambo  or  so-called  temple 
of  Kasapata.     3.  Niches  in  wall  of  Tambo.     4,  5.  Stepping- 
stones  in  wall  of  Tambo.     6.  Doorway  in  Tambo. 
7.  Window  or  npper  entrance  in  Tambo 


'±sm^^s^ 


'\'^. ' 


'ti\^:^M?M 


swHipinK 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     209 

the  previous  excavation.  In  the  two  western  rooms  five 
hollow  cylinders,  quite  thick,  of  clay,  of  different  sizes,  were 
found.  The  perforation  is  like  a  funnel,  flaring  at  the  top 
and  with  a  comparatively  small  orifice  at  the  bottom.  Their 
original  position  is  indicated  on  the  plan.  Our  first  im- 
pression was  that  they  were  hearths,  but  we  soon  recognized 
them  as  bases,  or  stands,  for  large  jugs  and  jars,  the  bot- 
toms of  which  are  conical,  in  which  the  Indians  preserved 
chicha,  and  underneath  which  a  fire  was  sometimes  kindled 
in  order  to  accelerate  fermentation.^^  Necks  of  such  jars 
were  found  close  by.  These  bases,  or  stands,  were  all 
placed  against  the  walls,  either  main  or  transverse.  In 
room  2  of  the  same  building  were  two  grinding  slabs  with 
their  grinders.  A  part  of  the  room  was  paved  with  slabs ; 
the  first  artificial  floor  we  met  in  the  ruins.  A  copper  knife 
and  some  beads  of  azurite  were  also  obtained  here. 

No  human  remains  of  any  kind  were  found  in  the  first 
three  apartments,  but  in  the  last  eight  stone  cysts  came  to 
light.  One  was  that  of  an  adult,  while  the  other  seven  were 
of  children.  This  feature,  and  the  fact  that  hardly  any 
artefacts  occurred  in  this  compartment,  led  us  to  infer,  that 
it  was  probably  an  annex,  or  enclosure,  and  not  a  room 
proper.  The  depth  of  the  children's  graves  beneath  the 
surface  varied  between  seven  and  eighteen  inches.  The 
larger  cyst,  manifestly  the  grave  of  an  adult,  was  a  foot 
under  ground;  counting,  in  every  case,  to  the  cover  of  the 
cyst.  The  six  small  graves  were  different  from  any  of  those 
called  Chullpa.  They  were  chests  made  of  stone  plates  set 
on  edge,  rather  neatly  fitted,  and  from  six  to  ten  inches 
high.  The  covers  were  thin  slabs.  In  each  of  these  graves 
was  the  skeleton  of  a  child  unaccompanied  by  artefacts.  We 
could  preserve  very  few  of  the  vestiges  and  these  only  in  a 
broken  state.  Skulls  lay  invariably  on  the  west  side,  the 
feet  on  the  east,  and  the  hands  had  been  folded  across  the 
breast.  From  the  dimensions  of  the  cysts  it  is  apparent 
that  the  seven  bodies  were  about  of  the  same  size,  hence  the 


210  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

children  more  or  less  of  the  same  age.  Within  the  same 
court  or  annex  we  found,  in  loose  earth,  but  blackened  by 
fire,  a  handsome  spoon  or  ladle  of  clay,  a  handsomely 
painted  sherd,  and  a  spinning- whorl. 

The  larger  cyst  contained  the  remains  of  at  least  one 
adult.  Fragments  of  human  bones  and  one  molar  was  all 
we  found,  and  these  at  nineteen  inches  below  the  cover. 
The  cyst,  while  nearly  circular  and  resembling  many  of  the 
Chullpa  burials,  was  constructed  with  greater  care.  The 
existence  of  this  grave  so  close  to  those  of  the  children 
might  lead  to  the  inference  that  a  family  had  been  buried 
there;  but  the  nearly  equal  size  of  the  seven  smaller  skel- 
etons and  the  proximity  of  the  stones  represented  as 
*' sacrificial"  by  the  Indians,  together  with  the  statements  of 
chroniclers  that  for  human  sacrifices  children  were  taken  in 
preference,  favor  a  supposition  that  the  seven  little  graves 
were  those  of  as  many  victims.  Possibly  an  examination  of 
the  few  fragments  of  bones  and  skulls  which  we  could 
transmit  to  the  Museum  may  lead  to  some  clue.  These 
eight  graves  the  Indians  emphatically  declared  to  be  Inca.^'^ 

We  continued  examining  the  plateau,  and  found  the 
foundations  of  another  group.  Two  rooms  or  halls  came  to 
light,  one  of  which  may  have  been  originally  connected  with 
the  western  annex,  and  the  other  is  an  approximate  rectangle 
measuring  forty-seven  by  twenty  feet,  with  walls  of  un- 
equal thickness.  This  apartment,  or  building,  stands  on 
the  western  rim  of  the  esplanade  and  is  connected  with  the 
terrace  north  of  it  by  a  wall  forty-eight  feet  long  and  about 
two  feet  thick.  Here  we  found  two  more  grinding  slabs 
and  potsherds  with  handsome  designs,  but  not  as  many  as 
in  the  previous  excavations. 

The  most  diligent  probing  and  digging  on  the  esplanade 
did  not  reveal  more  until  we  came  to  the  northeastern  cor- 
ner. There  a  wall  was  uncovered  which  may  have  originally 
run  along  the  whole  eastern  border  of  the  plateau.  Pot- 
sherds, some  with  beautiful  designs,  were  scattered  through 


Bf 

.^ 

&  ■ 

^ 

3" 

5 

«< 

o 

•^   -^ 


p. 


§- 

3 

c6 

« 

W 

-(J 

1— 1 

s 

& 

(— 1 

p 

>> 

> 

«G 

1^ 

a 

-^""^ 

e^ 

X 

i^j 
^ 

a> 

CO 

i; 

<l 

^ 

J 

f^ 

fl^ 

c3 

a 

a    -^ 


;h     "^ 


O 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     211 

the  soil.  Thirty-six  feet  south  of  the  rocks  which  terminate 
the  lowest  terrace  of  Llaq'-aylli  (4)  our  men  found  what 
seemed  to  be  another  grave.  Its  upper  rim  was  struck  at  a 
depth  of  twenty-one  inches,  and  over  it  was  a  rude  slab 
thirty-four  by  eighteen  inches,  and  four  inches  thick.  Un- 
derneath this  cover  was  earth  containing  two  large  bones, 
then  a  mixture  of  earth  and  stone,  more  bones,  and  coarse 
sherds.  Further  digging  proved  that  it  was  not  a  grave, 
but  a  tank,  suggestive  of  a  bath.  We  laid  open  a  rectan- 
gular sink,  twenty-one  inches  beneath  the  surface,  from 
thirty-six  to  forty  inches  deep,  eight  feet  long  inside,  two 
feet  wide  at  the  northern  and  nineteen  inches  at  the  south- 
em  end,  lined  with  a  well  built  wall  of  stone  one  foot  in 
average  thickness.  On  the  eastern  side  there  protruded 
from  this  wall,  at  two  feet  below  its  rim,  two  stepping- 
stones.  The  floor  was  of  stone-flags,  a  foot  thick  on  an 
average,  and  beneath  them  nothing  but  soil.  What  seemed 
to  indicate  a  bath  was  a  channel,  made  of  smaller  stones 
and  emptying  into  the  southern  end  of  the  tank.  This 
channel  was  from  four  to  six  inches  wide,  and  thirteen  and 
a  half  feet  long.  Its  depth  to  the  bottom  paved  with  plates 
of  stone  nicely  joined  was  six  inches  below  the  level  of  the 
ground.  The  sides  were  about  four  inches  thick.  It  issued 
from  a  circular  space  three  feet  in  diameter,  one  foot  deep, 
also  paved.    Further  investigations  revealed  nothing. 

We  were  naturally  led  to  the  supposition  that  we  had 
before  us  an  ancient  bath,  with  its  channel,  through  which 
the  water  entered  the  tank,  and  the  stepping-stones  to 
facilitate  going  in  and  out  of  it.  I  must  call  attention  to  the 
proximity  of  this  contrivance  to  the  so-called  block  of  sacri- 
fice, the  circular  depression  or  head  of  the  channel  lying 
twenty- four  feet  from  it,  between  it  and  the  tank.  Without 
expressing  any  opinion,  I  note  this  coincidence,  calling  at- 
tention to  the  custom  of  human  sacrifices,  and  to  the  ob- 
jection that  for  filling  the  tank  the  channel  was  unnecessary, 
since  the  water  had  to  be  brought  from  the  Lake,  there 


212  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

being  no  trace  of  a  reservoir  or  spring,  and  the  Indians 
disclaiming  any  knowledge  of  one  or  the  other.  Around 
this  place  nothing  more  was  discovered  except  loose  stones 
buried  in  the  sod,  and  potsherds,  but  the  Indians  asserted 
that  many  rocks  had  been  removed  by  them  from  all  over 
the  surface. 

The  group  of  ruins  described  is,  of  all  the  so-called  Inca 
remains  on  the  Island,  the  most  extensive  cluster  of  some 
compactness,  the  only  one  which  might  be  called  a  small 
ancient  village.  At  least  the  northern  half  of  the  esplanade 
and  the  lower  terrace  of  Llaq'-aylli  were  at  one  time  covered 
with  buildings.  What  we  found  in  our  excavations  justifies 
the  opinion  that  the  buildings  were  occupied  by  households, 
as  well  as  the  structures  on  the  eastern  declivity.  What 
the  building  was  to  which  the  name  of  "Temple  of  the 
Sun"  has  been  given,  is  the  question.  We  know  little  of 
the  Inca  edifices  called  "  temples.  "^^  But  it  is  not  to  be 
overlooked  that  Ramos,  Calancha,  and  Cobo  place  the 
''Temple  of  the  Sun"  close  to  the  Sacred  Rock,  not  at  Kasa- 
pata!  In  regard  to  the  latter  site,  Cobo,  who  visited  the 
Island  previous  to  1619,  says,  after  locating  the  Temple  of 
the  Sun  about  a  mile  from  Kasapata  by  air  line,  that  Tupac 
Yupanqui,  the  Inca  chieftain  to  whom  he  attributes  the 
occupation  of  the  Island,  formed,  for  the  Mitimaes,  who  in 
their  greater  number  were  Incas,  a  middle-sized  pueblo 
half  a  league  in  advance  of  the  temple,  and  in  it  he  had  a 
dwelling  erected  for  himself.^^  Ramos,  who  wrote  about 
the  same  time,  completely  independent  of  Cobo,  states: 
' '  Copacabana  once  regulated,  the  same  monarch  established 
another  middle-sized  village  on  the  Island,  about  half  a 
league  from  the  Sacred  Rock;  and  there  constructed  his 
royal  palace,  the  ruins  of  which  are  probably  those  that  are 
seen  in  front  of  the  Temple  of  the  Sun  on  a  hill  toward  the 
east.''^^  The  italicized  part  is  from  the  pen  of  the  modern 
editor,  Father  Sans,  because  Calancha,  who  made  abundant 
use  of  the  work  of  Ramos,  omits  it,  stating:  ''Tupac  Ynga 


iirfisiT  ffiii 


'^m 


■M 


Plate  XLIX 

Personal  ornaments  from,  various  parts  of  Titicaea  Island, 
chiefly  from  Kasapata 

Thirty-one  Beads  of  stone,  shell,  tiii'quoise,  and  lazulite  (also  possibly 

nephrite).       a.   Toy  ])iteher.       h.  Bronze  figurine  (jjendant) 

originally  from  Tiahnanaco 


%1 


• 


s    I 


m 


»       * 


€)  9 


s 


(^ 


e 


v^'S 


^*s* 


I 


I 


■  III 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     213 

founded  a  middle-sized  pueblo,  almost  half  a  league  previous 
to  coming  to  the  rock,  and  in  it  reared  his  royal  palace, 
poor  in  its  architecture,  but  very  rich  in  the  treasure  of 
its  income.  "^^  The  distance  agrees  with  the  position  of 
Kasapata,  and  if  the  large  house  there  was  the  edifice 
designated  by  these  authors  as  a  ''palace,"  it  deserves 
Calancha's  epithet  of  ''poor"  in  architecture.  It  was  a 
public  edifice  of  some  kind,  and  I  venture  the  suggestion 
that  it  was  a  "tambo"  or  place  for  quartering  visitors, 
also  military  escorts  such  as  an  important  war  chief 
would  have  with  him.  The  edifice  has  nothing  "palatial," 
and  for  a  place  of  worship  its  interior  lacks  the  essen- 
tial feature  of  tall  and  elaborate  niches.^^  To-day  it  is  a 
long  hall,  capable  of  accommodating  a  number  of  people 
that  would  crowd  together  at  night,  as  Indians  are  wont 
to  do. 

The  belief  that  the  houses  at  Kasapata  were  those  of  an 
Inca  settlement  is  supported  by  the  nature  of  the  artefacts 
found ;  especially  by  the  pottery.  Cuzco  ceramics  are  char- 
acteristic and  easily  recognized.  Isolated  specimens,  widely 
scattered,  are  not  sufficient  evidence  of  former  occupation 
of  the  site  by  their  makers ;  but  at  Kasapata  nearly  all  the 
pottery  bears  the  same  specific  type,  that  of  Cuzco,  and  we 
may  with  reasonable  safety  admit  that  a  settlement  of 
Cuzco  Indians  existed  in  sufficient  numbers  to  manufacture 
the  ware  on  the  site.  In  the  case  of  the  Island,  the  evidence 
from  Spanish  sources  is  conclusive  that  its  occupation  by 
the  Inca  took  place  during  the  term  of  office  of  the  third 
last  war  chief,  counting  back  from  the  first  Spanish  landing 
and  from  Huascar  as  the  last.  Hence  the  settlement  at 
Kasapata  must  have  taken  place  within  less  than  a  hundred 
years  previous  to  1531,  and  probably  within  less  than  sev- 
enty years,  that  is,  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury.^^  It  is  not  likely  that  in  such  a  short  lapse  of  time 
the  type  of  ceramics  could  have  undergone  as  radical  a 
change  as  th-at  from  Chullpa  pottery  to  Inca;  hence  it  is 


214  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

likely  that  the  settlement  at  Kasapata  was  mainly  one  of 
Indians  who  came  to  the  Island  from  Cuzco,  not  long 
previous  to  the  Spanish  conquest. 

Proceeding  northwestward  from  Kasapata,  we  reach 
that  group  of  Indian  ruins  to  which  clings  most  of  the 
legendary  lore  of  Titicaca.  The  northwestern  end  of  the 
Island  is  its  bleakest  part.  On  the  trail  from  Kasapata  to 
Muro-kato,  where  vestiges  of  aboriginal  occupation  are 
again  met,  the  slopes,  while  not  utterly  devoid  of  verdure, 
are  mostly  rocky.  Seams  of  coal  crop  out  in  places,  and 
curious  erosions  attract  attention.  The  ''kara"  predom- 
inates among  plants,  and  its  fleshy,  serrated  leaves,  and  the 
black  trunks  of  decaying  specimens,  cast  a  somber  hue.  The 
grand  chain  of  the  Bolivian  Andes  has  dropped  out  of  sight, 
and  the  eastern  shore,  dark  and  monotonous,  bounds  the 
horizon.  On  very  clear  days  distant  peaks  belonging  to 
the  snowy  range  of  Charassani,  and  in  the  far  north  the 
Nevados  of  Kunu-rona  and  Vilcanota  in  Peru  loom  up 
in  faint  outline.  The  general  impression  is  one  of  chilling 
monotony.  The  narrow  path  gradually  rises  from  Kasa- 
pata to  about  three  hundred  and  seventy  feet  above  the 
Lake.  To  the  left  are  the  bald  crests  of  the  Calvario. 
Animal  life  seems  to  remain  behind  us  and  finally  to  dis- 
appear. 

Half  an  hour's  slow  walking  brings  us  in  sight  of  the 
so-called  Sacred  Rock,  or  Titi-kala— literally:  roch  of  the 
wildcat,  for  "titi"  is  the  Aymara  name  for  that  feline  in 
the  Lake  district.  The  point  from  which  the  rock  is  first 
seen  lies  on  the  eastern  slope  of  Muro-kato  (3).  Titi-kala, 
though  not  as  tall  as  ridges  south  and  north  of  it,  is 
peculiarly  situated.  It  is  the  highest  point  on  the  neck  of 
land,  and  from  it  both  the  eastern  and  western  shores  of  the 
Lake  can  be  scanned  for  quite  a  distance.  Tradition  re- 
corded in  the  seventeenth  century  and  repeated  at  this  day, 
says  that  Titi-kala  was  formerly  covered  with  plates  of 
silver  and  gold  in  order  that,  when  the  sun  rose,  the  rock 


Plate  L 
Inca  vessel  of  clay  with,  stand  of  unburnt  clay  from  Kasapata 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     215 

might,  from  both  shores,  appear  as  in  a  blaze  of  light  which 
should  be  a  signal  to  the  Indians  along  the  Lake  to  bow  in 
worship.^^  This  pleasing  romance  is  not  confirmed  by  the 
report  of  the  first  Spanish  visitors  (July  15,  1534).  They 
merely  say  of  the  rock:  ''They  go  to  make  their  offerings 
and  perform  their  sacrifices  on  a  large  stone  that  is  on  the 
Island,  called  Thichicasa,  which,  either  because  the  devil 
conceals  himself  there  and  speaks  to  them,  or  because  it  is 
an  ancient  custom  .  .  .  ,  or  for  some  other  reason  which 
may  never  be  found  out,  they  of  the  whole  province  hold  in 
great  esteem  and  offer  to  it  gold  and  silver.  There  are  [on 
this  Island]  more  than  six  hundred  Indian  attendants  of 
this  place,  and  more  than  a  thousand  women,  who  manu- 
facture Chicca  (chicha)  to  throw  it  on  this  rock.  .  .  ."^^ 
It  is  likely  that,  if  the  sacred  cliff  had  had  such  a  valuable 
coating  as  later  chroniclers  report  from  hearsay,  the  first 
Spaniards  would  either  have  seen  it  or  heard  of  it,  and  they 
would  not  have  failed  to  make  mention  of  it  upon  their 
return  to  Cuzco.  The  face  of  Titi-kala  is  turned  to  the 
west,  and  the  sun  does  not  strike  it  at  sunrise;  the  gentle 
slope  of  it  descends  to  the  east,  and  the  rock  has  in  fact 
nothing  striking  at  first  sight. 

At  that  point  (10)  our  attention  was  arrested  by  a  ruined 
wall.  What  is  left  of  it  does  not  suggest  good  workman- 
ship. Piles  of  rude  stones  and  pillars  of  uncut  rock  form 
a  line  of  debris  to  the  crest  of  Muro-kato.  They  indicate 
that  Itan-pata,  as  this  wall  is  called  to-day,  was  not  in- 
tended for  defense.  It  rises  for  a  length  of  546  feet,  then 
crosses  thirty-five  feet  of  level,  and  descends  steeply  384 
feet  more  to  the  west  over  beetling  rocks  and  thorny  shrub- 
bery, terminating  at  the  edge  of  a  group  of  very  handsome 
andenes.  The  wall  therefore,  together  with  the  andenes  of 
Chucaripu,  as  they  are  called  (d),  divided  this  end  of  the 
Island  from  the  rest.  On  the  crest,  outside  of  the  wall,  are 
faint  vestiges  of  two  quadrangular  structures.  They  are 
like  guardhouses  to  an  entrance,  built  after  the  manner  of 


216  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

those  on  the  coast  of  Peru  and  in  the  north,  that  is,  a  nar- 
row passage  forming  an  elbow. 

Descending  from  (10),  the  remains  of  an  ancient  road, 
called  Incan-taqui  or  Inca-road,  are  soon  encountered.  This 
road,  where  measurable,  has  a  width  not  exceeding  ten  feet. 
It  is  lined  with  small  curbstones,  and  has  steps  built  of 
fairly  smoothed  slabs.  The  width  of  the  steps  varies.  On 
a  length  of  forty  feet  and  a  vertical  fall  of  ten  we  counted 
twelve.  The  bottom,  which  the  Indians  call  Mama-ojlia  (we 
also  heard  the  name  Inak-uyu),  lies  east  of  the  plateau  on 
which  the  Sacred  Rock  stands  and  slopes  gently  to  the 
Lake.  It  is  mostly  terraced  and  bears  the  vestiges  of  at 
least  four  small  buildings.  Three  of  them  stand  west  of 
the  trail,  the  largest  one  is  on  the  east  and  somewhat  lower 
(6).  To  this  last  building  the  name  Mama-ojlia  is  more 
particularly  given.  The  structure  measures  sixty  by 
twenty-nine  feet;  its  walls  are  about  thirty  inches  thick, 
and  it  is  in  fact  a  rectangular  platform  raised  four  feet 
above  the  surrounding  level  with  about  a  foot  of  walls 
above  its  surface,  which  is  of  clay  or  earth.  This  wall  en- 
closes three  sides  only,  as  on  the  south  the  platform  joins 
a  higher  terrace.  It  presents  the  appearance  either  of  an 
esplanade  with  a  low  parapet,  or  of  a  hall  without  niches, 
doorways,  or  windows.  Popular  lore  makes  of  it  the  ruins 
of  a  ''house  of  nuns,"  or  cloister,  whereas  it  recalls  the 
large  building  at  Kasapata,  and,  with  its  three  smaller 
companions,  also  the  outhouses  at  Pilco-kayma.  Others 
have  told  us  that  these  buildings  were  the  dwellings  of 
people  guarding  the  approaches  to  the  Sacred  Rock. 
Beyond  them  the  trail  winds  along  the  rocky  slopes  of 
Muro-kato  for  a  short  distance,  and  here  again  are  a  few 
well  made  stone  steps,  sometimes  called  by  the  Indians 
Kenti-puncu,  and  said  to  have  been  one  of  the  gateways 
through  which  the  enclosure  of  the  Sacred  Rock  was  en- 
tered.^ ^  In  the  bottom,  previous  to  reaching  the  little 
houses,  the  road  or  trail  crosses  a  fillet  of  clear  water  run- 


^-  ^ 


c8      C5    >< 


eS 

e 

-»S 

ft 

^ 

!B 

«H 

CO 

C« 

o 

tSl 

cc 

^ 

o 

tic 

O 

ffl 

c3 

'? 

3 

S 
CO 

a 

a 

c3 

03 

M 

o 

<v 

m 

GQ 

r^ 

a 

-<-i 

o  ^ 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     217 

ning  in  a  well  made  channel  of  stone.  Above  Kenti-puncu 
large  nodules  of  limonite  appear,  two  of  which,  each  about 
three  feet  long,  have  the  outline  of  huge  mocassins.  These 
marks  are  called  '^ Tracks  of  the  Sun,"  or  of  sun  and 
moon,  the  largest  being  those  of  the  moon,  according  to 
some  Indians.  They  existed  in  the  seventeenth  century,  and 
Father  Cobo,  who  recognizes  them  as  natural,  says  the 
Indians  ascribe  to  them  supernatural  origin.^'^  Hence  the 
tradition  may  antedate  the  conquest.  A  short  distance 
above  them  the  trail,  which  here  is  simply  worn  out  by 
travel,  lands  on  the  terraced  edge  of  the  greensward  in 
front  of  the  Sacred  Rock. 

This  area  covers  an  approximate  surface  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  by  one  hundred  and  eighty  feet.  From  it  we  again 
obtain  a  view  to  the  west.  We  overlook  the  northern  Bay 
of  Kona,  darkened  by  the  tall  ridge  of  Kakayo-kena  and 
the  green  bottom  below.  The  long  and  narrow  Island  of 
Kochi  lies  athwart  the  bay.  In  the  northwest  the  slopes  of 
Ticani  appear,  almost  precipitous,  but  still  green.  The 
summit  of  Ticani  is  bald,  beyond  it  the  vertical  rocks  of 
Turi-turini  shut  off  the  view. 

The  impression  created  by  the  dreary  Bolivian  shores  in 
the  east,  and  the  monotonous  coast  line  of  Peru  in  the  west 
is  almost  dismal.  It  is  the  least  accessible  part  of  Titicaca, 
the  one  most  distant  from  the  mainland.  Its  western  slopes 
are  partly  tillable,  and  good  water  is  plentiful.  Close  to 
the  Sacred  Rock  is  a  handsome  spring;  there  is  another  at 
the  Chincana,  one  at  the  andenes  of  Chucaripu,  besides 
several  others  near  by. 

The  level  in  front  of  the  rock  has  been  disturbed  by 
desultory  excavating.  From  the  statements  of  Ramos,  and 
of  Cobo,  I  gather  that  this  level  was  a  free  space,  with,  per- 
haps, a  wall  of  enclosure.^^  There  are  stone  heaps  on  it,  as 
well  as  on  the  slope  of  Muro-kato.  They  look  like  rubbish 
from  former  diggings  rather  than  remains  of  edifices  that, 
under  any  circumstances,  could  only  have  been  very  small. 


218  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

TiTi-KALA  is  an  outcrop  running  approximately  from 
northwest  to  southeast  for  a  distance  of  one  hundred  and 
ninety  feet,  then  one  hundred  and  thirty  feet  from  west- 
northwest  to  east-southeast.  Its  greatest  elevation  above 
the  sward  is  not  over  twenty-five  feet.  The  material  is 
reddish  carboniferous  sandstone,  the  strata  being  tilted  at 
a  considerable  angle.^^  Hence  the  eastern  slope  of  the 
rock  is  a  slide,  whereas  its  western  face  is  cut  off  sharply 
and  contains  a  number  of  natural  cavities.  One  of  these, 
the  largest  one,  may,  by  dint  of  imagination,  be  thought  to 
resemble  a  crown.  Above  it  are  smaller  cavities,  like  rudely 
carved  cats'  heads.  From  these,  it  is  said,  the  Island  and 
finally  the  Lake  obtained  their  name,  "kaka"  (rock)  having 
been  substituted  for  ''kala"  (stone).  Another  etymology 
derives  the  word  Titikaka  from  the  Quichua  term  "titi," 
lead,  and  "kaka,"  which  signifies  rock  in  that  idiom  also. 
Still  another  interpretation  considers  Titicaca  to  be  a  cor- 
ruption of  ''Inticaca":  "Rock  of  the  Sun."^°  On  the  level 
in  front  are  some  prismatic  stones  of  andesite— a  rock  not 
in  situ  on  the  Island— that  are  very  well  cut  and  seem  to 
have  formed  parts  of  some  wall.  Similar  blocks  exist  at 
Yampupata,  on  the  Copacavana  Peninsula,  on  which  an- 
desite is  found  in  abundance.  Whether  the  first  mentioned 
blocks  belonged  to  some  edifice  that  faced  the  Sacred  Rock 
or  to  remains  still  extant  on  the  northwestern  end  of  the 
level,  is  unknown. 

The  latter  ruins  are  very  much  destroyed.  They  form 
a  quadrangle,  the  southeastern  corner  of  which  is  occupied 
by  a  hump  nearly  as  tall  as  Titi-kala  and  over  sixty  feet 
in  length.  The  low  and  niched  wall  connecting  the  eastern 
corner  of  this  outcrop  with  the  face  of  Titi-kala  is  ninety 
feet  long,  to  which  length  must  be  added  ten  feet  built 
against  an  entering  angle  of  the  latter.  There  the  cliff  of 
Titi-kala  shuts  off  the  level  on  a  length  of  sixty-four  feet. 
Then  follows  a  wall  forty-eight  feet  long,  because  the  rock 
recedes  to  the  east.    The  space  between  is  filled  by  rubbish 


.    t 


i4 


s   ^ 


■j  S 


M 


O 


t:: 


Li- 


tro 


ti 


1 

s  3 


■i-- 


^i  * 


31 


U 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     219 

and  shrubbery,  rendering  it  difficult  to  distinguish  de- 
tails. 

By  removing  as  far  as  possible  a  mass  of  building 
material  in  the  shape  of  fairly  broken  blocks  of  stone,  an 
alley  two  feet  in  width  was  discovered  running  between 
walls  three  feet  high,  the  outer  of  which  was  two  and  the 
inner  not  quite  four  feet  thick.  We  could  not  follow  this 
alley  to  its  western  end,  rubbish  and  shrubbery  rendering 
it  impossible.  But  w^  saw  that  the  wall  (or  walls)  termi- 
nated in  what  appeared  to  be  a  large  niche  or  room  with  a 
front  of  at  least  fourteen  feet,  the  southern  side  of  which 
was  flanked  by  foundations.  This  front  was  in  line  with 
the  western  margin  of  the  area,  and  that  margin  showed 
traces  of  either  a  rim  of  masonry  or  of  a  number  of  com- 
partments like  those  of  the  wing  of  some  building.  Sixteen 
feet  further  west  and  at  a  lower  level  were  similar  traces 
that  seemed  to  indicate  a  long  building  with  a  number  of 
cells  or  rooms.  The  whole  was  so  disturbed  that  this  was 
all  we  could  detect.  On  the  west  side  of  the  area  are  also 
traces  of  a  wall  running  from  the  edge  of  the  big  western 
outcrop  to  the  southwestern  corner,  so  that  the  whole  may 
have  been  either  an  enclosure  or  a  building  with  a  court  in 
the  middle,  or  an  L-shaped  structure  occupying  the  north 
and  west  sides  of  a  court.  The  last  seems  most  probable. 
The  Indians  asserted  that  they  knew  of  the  existence  of  a 
building  on  this  spot  and  had  seen  traces  of  cells  on  the 
northern  side.^^ 

The  situation  of  these  ruins  fairly  agrees  with  the  state- 
ments about  the  position  of  the  so-called  "Temple  of  the 
Sun"  by  Ramos.  It  is  stated  by  Cobo  that  the  structure 
stood  "on  the  east  side,  and  forty  paces  from  the  rock."^^ 
Ramos  says :  ' '  On  the  side  of  a  level,  about  thirty  paces 
from  the  rock,  are  the  houses  of  the  sun,  of  thunder  and 
lightning,  which  the  Indians  greatly  respected.  Further  on, 
in  the  ravine  that  faces  the  road  from  Juli  to  Pomata,  was 
the  store-house  of  the  sun  .  .  .  vulgarly  called  Chingana, 


220  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

which  is  to  say,  'a  place  where  people  lose  themselves.'  "^^ 
The  Chincana  stands  northwest  of  the  ruins  which  I  have 
just  described,  hence  it  is  not  unlikely  that  these  are  the 
remains  of  the  Temple  of  the  Sun!  In  that  case  the  edifice, 
or  cluster  of  edifices,  cannot  have  extended  beyond  the 
enclosed  area  just  described,  and  this  area  measures  100 
feet  by  112.  The  entrance  on  one  side  is  suggestive  of  a 
court  and  not  of  a  building,  so  that  the  "temple"  probably 
consisted  of  two  wings,  one  on  the  southwest  and  another 
on  the  northwest.^^  It  may  be  that  the  well  cut  blocks  of 
Andesite  mentioned  above  came  from  these  structures. 

The  suggestion  that  the  "temple"  occupied,  with  its  an- 
nexes, one  or  two  sides  of  the  quadrangular  space  in  front 
of  the  rock,  and  now  turned  into  a  greensward,  is  supported 
by  the  evidence  of  the  first  two  Spanish  visitors  to  the 
Island.  They  report:  "In  the  center  of  the  lake  are  two 
small  islands,  in  one  of  which  is  a  mosque  temple,  and  house 
of  the  sun  which  is  held  in  great  veneration  and  in  it  [ !] 
they  go  to  present  their  offerings  and  perform  their  sacri- 
fices on  a  large  stone  that  is  on  the  island,  called  Thichicasa, 
where,"  etc.^^  (Italics  are  mine.)  The  stone,  which  is 
the  same  as  the  Sacred  Eock,  could  not  be  inside  of  the 
"temple,"  but  was  connected  with  the  buildings.  Hence 
the  level  in  front  of  the  rock  was  an  open  square,  one  side 
of  which  was  occupied  by  the  hallowed  cliff,  and  possibly 
two  sides  by  the  Temple  of  the  Sun  and  accessories. 

The  surroundings  of  Titi-kala  have  long  ago  been  searched 
and  rifled.  The  Garces  collection,  now  at  the  Museum,  con- 
tains gold  and  silver  figurines  from  this  vicinity.  The 
concurrent  testimony  of  the  former  owners  of  the  collection, 
as  well  as  of  Indians  from  the  Island  who  excavated  for 
these  owners,  is  that  most  of  the  figures  of  llamas,  if  not  all, 
came  from  this  neighborhood,  as  also  the  small  pins  of  gold 
and  of  silver.  The  latter  were  probably  with  textile  fabrics 
burnt  in  sacrifice,  the  pins  showing  traces  of  fire.^^ 

In  this  connection  I  must  refer  to  a  discovery  made  on 


■^      2 


^ 

CO 

>, 

0 

S 

o 

;h 

.fH 

^n 

OQ 

uju 

c3 

tJ 

o 

a 

a 

c3 

t— 1 

c5 

t>^ 

<§ 

c« 

ce 

cc 

c3 

cS 

W 

c3 

=4-1 
O 

M 

w 

PI 

o 

'p 

c» 

O 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     221 

the  southern  slope  of  Muro-kato,  near  "  Chucaripu-pata. " 
A  few  inches  below  the  surface  was  found  a  stone  chest, 
now  at  the  Museum,  which  contained  a  most  remarkably 
beautiful  poncho.  Somewhere  in  that  neighborhood  another 
chest  was  exhumed  that  still  remains  on  the  Island,  and 
also  contained  a  poncho.  In  fact,  five  of  the  six  handsome 
tissues  of  the  Garces  collection  were  obtained  from  this  end 
of  Titicaca,  but  three  of  them  were  dug  up  so  long  ago  that 
the  exact  locality  cannot  be  ascertained. 

I  do  not  place  great  reliance  on  local  names  given  by  the 
Indians  of  the  Island.  Hence  I  simply  record,  without  any 
guarantee,  the  name  of  Tican-aychi  stated  to  us  as  that  of 
the  ruins  connected  with  the  Sacred  Eock,  and  of  T'ana 
for  those  lying  north  of  Muro-kato  in  general.  The  latter 
name  would  thus  apply  collectively  to  Titi-kala,  to  the  bot- 
tom of  Mama-ojlia,  and  to  the  promontory  of  Sicuyu. 

About  four  hundred  and  fifty  feet  northwest  of  the  Sacred 
Eock,  on  the  upper  western  declivity,  lies  the  complicated 
structure  which  already  in  the  beginning  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  was  known  as  Chincana,  or  **  place  where 
people  lose  themselves."  To-day  it  is  called  the  "palace"; 
whereas  Eamos  and  Cobo  declare  it  was  a  dispensa,  or 
store-house.^''^  It  consists  of  two  wings  built  on  a  rapid 
slope  descending  to  the  Lake,  from  the  shores  of  which  its 
lowest  walls  are  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  feet  distant. 
It  will  be  seen  that  its  southern  wing  stands  on  higher 
ground  than  the  northern,  that  that  wing  has  at  least  two, 
and  probably  three,  open  courts,  and  that  several  of  the 
passages  are  still  covered,  whereas  one  at  least  was  origi- 
nally without  roof.  The  thickness  of  the  walls  of  this  wing 
varies  greatly,  the  extremes  being  two  and  six  feet,  and 
similar  variations  occur  from  one  room  to  another,  in 
places.  The  walls  are  still  of  an  average  height  of  six  to 
eight  feet,  showing  that  comparatively  little  deterioration 
has  taken  place,  although  there  is  shrubbery  around  it  and 
in  nearly  every  corner. 


222  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

At  first  sight  it  seems  as  if  this  wing  had  been  two- 
storied,  but  on  closer  examination  we  notice  that  the  west- 
ern rooms,  south  of  the  uncovered  passage  way,  simply 
stand  on  lower  ground  than  the  eastern.  The  western  rooms 
have  an  elevation  of  more  than  twelve  feet  (see  accompany- 
ing plans),  and  what  remains  of  the  roof  shows  that  it 
was,  like  that  of  the  tallest  apartments  of  the  Pilco-kayma, 
made  of  successively  projecting  slabs  so  as  to  form  a  primi- 
tive vault.  Other  roofs  show  the  same  kind  of  ceilings.  In 
long  covered  gangways  and  narrow  chambers  the  ceilings 
are  flat,  as  in  the  inner  rooms  of  the  Pilco-kayma.  The 
irregular  angles  of  the  edifice  result  from  the  inability  of 
its  builders  to  accommodate  the  ground  to  the  structure. 
This  also  explains  the  variations  in  thickness  of  walls.  It 
looks  as  if  the  building  had  been  erected  at  different  periods, 
additions  being  made  as  required.  The  stone- work  is  like 
that  of  the  Pilco-kayma,  of  Pucara,  and  of  Kasapata ;  that 
is,  superior  to  the  Chullpa  type,  but  inferior  to  that  of 
handsomely  built  andenes.  Lintels  are  formed  by  a  single 
slab.  One  of  these  is  six  feet  long  and  one  foot  thick.  Some 
lintels  are  rough,  others  but  slightly  chipped  on  the  edges. 
The  doorways  vary  in  width  between  two  and  (in  a  single 
instance— the  entrance  to  an  open  court)  eight  feet.  Some 
taper,  others  have  vertical  sides.  One  doorway  terminates 
in  a  primitive  arch.  The  true  arch  is  nowhere  found. 
Niches  are  plentiful  but  neither  as  tall  nor  as  elaborate  as 
at  the  Kayma  or  at  Pucara.  The  whole  complex  structure 
has  but  one  small  air-hole,  to  which  the  name  of  window 
cannot  in  justice  be  given.  The  Chincana  must,  therefore, 
have  been  a  very  uncomfortable  abode.  Among  the  niches 
there  is  one  quite  tall,  which  terminates  in  a  primitive  arch. 
In  this  niche  are  still  traces  of  a  clay  coating  painted  red 
and  yellow,  like  the  ruins  of  Tambo  Colorado,  near  Pisco, 
on  the  coast.  In  general,  the  Chincana  reminds  one  of  that 
ruin  in  size  and  arrangement. 

A  wall  runs  from  the  northwestern  comer  of  the  southern 


CO 

o 


o  'd 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     223 

wing  in  a  northerly  direction,  making  an  angle  to  the  west. 
This  wall  is  the  highest  part  of  the  ruin ;  it  is  four  feet  thick 
and  has  a  succession  of  niches  on  both  sides.  Its  length  is 
seventy- two  feet.  From  the  northwestern  corner  it  descends 
to  the  west  fifteen  feet,  to  meet  the  northeastern  corner  of 
the  northern  wing. 

The  latter  is  smaller  than  the  southern,  but  wherever  its 
walls  are  not  reduced  to  rubbish  heaps  they  appear  more 
substantial.  The  rooms  are  more  regular  in  shape,  their 
angles  being  truer.  It  stands  lower  than  the  other  wing, 
and  the  second  tier  of  rooms  is  about  eight  feet  lower  than 
the  first.  It  is  built  on  a  rather  steep  incline,  and  at  the 
lower  end  reduced  to  shapeless  heaps  of  debris.  Clearly 
defined,  however,  is  a  long  alley  leading  from  the  western 
end  of  the  ruin  to  the  two  upper  exits,  one  of  which  is  into 
the  sunken  part  of  the  edifice,  and  the  other  into  a  space 
between  both  wings.  This  passage  has  on  one  side  a  well- 
built  wall  eight  feet  high  and  four  feet  thick.  The  ascent 
is  partly  on  an  inclined  plane,  partly  on  short  steps  of 
stone.  The  peculiarity  of  this  passage  consists  in  that  it 
presents  the  same  features  as  many  gangways  found  in 
ruins  on  the  Peruvian  coast,  namely,  at  irregular  distances 
short  walls  project  alternately  from  one  side  and  the  other, 
as  if  for  interception  and  protection  in  case  of  assault  from 
the  side  of  the  Lake.  It  is  one  of  the  few  traces  of  defensive 
contrivances  noticed  by  us  on  the  Island.  There  are  two 
lower  exits  from  this  lane.  One  is  an  open  sally  upon  the 
edge  of  a  terrace,  the  other  a  graded  way,  now  in  ruins, 
turning  to  the  south  and  passing  between  the  lowest  com- 
partments and  a  tall  rectangular  structure  on  the  extreme 
comer  of  the  wing.  This  structure  is,  unfortunately,  in 
ruins,  but  it  suggests  a  watchtower  or  guardhouse  over- 
looking approach  from  the  Lake.  The  only  air-hole  or 
window,  in  the  northern  wing,  opens  toward  the  Lake-side. 

The  area  between  the  two  wings  is  sloping  and  consider- 
ably broken.    Immediately  below  the  niched  wall  connecting 


224  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

them  are  a  few  ruined  andenes.  Then  follows  an  open 
space  containing  a  spring  enclosed  by  walls  that,  appar- 
ently, have  never  been  much  higher  than  three  or  four  feet. 
Close  by  this  spring  is  a  seat  of  stone.  Further  down, 
traces  of  walls  extend  northward,  from  the  southern  wing, 
toward  the  middle  of  the  slope.  A  sluice  has  formed  at  the 
base  of  the  northern  wing,  which  may  be  recent,  but  it  is 
also  possible  that  its  formation  is  ancient.  This  is  sug- 
gested by  a  low  wall  running  out  some  distance  from  the 
southeastern  corner  of  the  southern  wing,  and  by  two 
slabs  of  rock,  one  of  which  is  still  in  place,  while  the 
other  has  been  moved.  The  one  still  in  place  is  four 
feet  tall,  its  length  five  feet  two  inches,  thickness  fif- 
teen inches.  The  other  measures  four  feet  seven  inches, 
by  four  feet,  and  is  twelve  inches  thick.  They  appear  like 
parts  of  a  gateway.  There  is  also,  east  of  these  slabs,  a 
piece  of  wall  indicating  that  the  ravine  was  originally  lined 
with  stones.  Of  the  space  between  the  two  wings  of  the 
Chincana  Ramos  says:  '^In  its  center  it  had  an  orchard  of 
rows  of  alisos  {Alnus  acuminata),  the  constant  freshness 
of  which  maintained  a  perpetual  spring  issuing  there.  In 
the  shade  of  these  trees  the  Inca  constructed  curious  baths 
for  the  sun  and  its  worship.  "^^  Cobo  expresses  himself  in 
nearly  the  same  terms.^^  It  may  be,  therefore,  that  the  ra- 
vine was  a  drainage-channel  from  the  spring  to  the  Lake. 
At  present,  the  surroundings  of  the  spring  are  wet,  but  not 
enough  to  moisten  more  than  the  small  enclosure  around 
the  basin.  Beyond  the  southern  wing  are  vestiges  of  an- 
denes. North  of  the  Chincana  the  rock  crops  out,  and  the 
flanks  of  Ticani  are  but  scantily  overgrown.  That  height 
descends  to  the  Lake  in  steep  declivities,  on  which  ex- 
cavations by  the  owners  have  disclosed  well-built  andenes. 
To-day  the  Chincana  is  called  ''Palace  of  the  Inca."  It 
looks  like  a  communal  dwelling  of  moderate  size.  One  hun- 
dred and  fifty  Indians  might  have  found  room  in  it  for 
shelter.    But  only  for  shelter!    The  apartments  are  so  dark, 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OP  TITICACA     225 

so  ill-ventilated,  that  they  offered  not  as  much  comfort  as 
an  agglomeration  of  Indian  huts  to-day.  The  plan  shows 
how  much  space  is  occupied  by  courts,  passages  and  gang- 
ways, in  proportion  to  rooms  or  cells. 

About  eight  hundred  feet  southeast  of  the  Chincana, 
separated  from  it  by  undulations  of  the  ground  on  a  steep 
incline,  with  a  few  scattered  andenes  of  small  extent,  lies 
the  plateau  called  Chucaripu-pata,  an  irregular  quadrangle, 
originally  level,  now  completely  overturned  through  ex- 
cavations. This  quadrangle  appears  to  have  been  a  plat- 
form lined  by  walls  and  surrounded  by  lower  terraces  on 
three  sides,  whereas  in  the  northeast  it  abuts  against  a 
higher  plane  on  the  flanks  of  Muro-kato.  The  northeastern 
side  of  this  platform  measures  at  present  182  feet,  the  north- 
western 258,  the  southwestern  192,  and  the  southeastern  only 
188 ;  but  these  are  not  original  dimensions.  Very  few  traces 
of  buildings  remain  on  this  plateau,  which  overlooks  the  Lake 
and  the  Peruvian  coast,  dominating,  so  to  speak,  the  whole 
northern  Bay  of  Kona.  On  the  east  corner  is  an  entrance 
twenty  feet  wide,  and  there  are  traces  of  an  alley  along 
the  northwestern  side  of  the  platform.  But  its  actual  con- 
dition is  such  that  I  do  not  venture  to  state  more  than  that 
it  is  a  terrace  or  esplanade  said  to  have  been  occupied  by 
buildings  of  which  I  could  not  obtain  any  description. 

It  is  the  more  to  be  regretted  that  so  little  is  left  on  this 
site,  as  most,  if  not  all,  the  pottery  contained  in  the  Garces 
collection,  some  of  the  silver  figurines,  and  most  of  the  ob- 
jects in  gold,  were  found  at  Chucaripu-pata  or  between  it 
and  the  Sacred  Rock,  and  always,  according  to  the  Indians, 
quite  near  the  surface.  I  have  mentioned  the  magnificent 
poncho  found  near  Chucaripu-pata  in  a  stone  chest.  A 
silver  mask  was  disinterred  higher  up,  on  the  slope  of 
Muro-kato  and  on  the  same  side.  With  it  was  found  a 
human  jaw,  which  hints  at  the  possibility  of  it  having  been 
a  mortuary  mask.  The  pottery  is,  like  the  fragments  ex- 
humed at  Kasapata,  of  Cuzco  type,  very  handsome  in  colors 


226  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

and  in  design.  From  the  same  place  we  obtained,  through 
purchase,  a  golden  topo,  or  tumi,  and  several  small  articles 
of  copper  or  bronze.^*^ 

More  than  an  approximate  plan  would  be  not  only  useless 
but  perhaps  misleading,  as  the  wreck  of  ancient  walls  is 
complete  and  their  material  has  been  used  for  modem  en- 
closures, so  mixed  with  old  ones  that  it  is  impossible  to 
distinguish  the  ancient  from  the  new. 

The  distance  of  Chucaripu-pata  from  the  Sacred  Rock  is 
a  little  over  five  hundred  feet.  In  order  to  find  a  mention 
of  the  former  in  Spanish  sources,  we  must  therefore  search 
for  references  to  some  structure,  or  cluster  of  structures, 
distant  about  five  hundred  feet  southwest  of  the  latter.  I 
have  so  far  failed  to  find  any  such  references. 

From  this  point,  the  view  on  the  dark  green  bottom  of 
northern  Kona,  overshadowed  partly  by  the  ridge  of  Ka- 
kayo-kena,  has  a  somber  cast.  The  waters  of  the  bay  are 
quiet,  because  sheltered,  and  of  a  dark  blue  tint.  The 
Island  of  Kochi  has  nothing  soft  in  its  contours.  It  is  a 
sharp  ridge,  like  Kakayo-kena,  of  which  it  seems  to  be  a 
northwestern  continuation.  From  the  margin  of  the  prom- 
ontory of  Chucaripu-pata  we  see  the  reentering  curve 
described  by  the  slope  of  Muro-kato  and  descry  on  that 
slope  the  handsome  andenes  of  Chucaripu,  800  feet  south 
of  east  of  Chucaripu-pata.  They  are  the  most  regular  sys- 
tem of  terraces  on  the  Island. 

The  facing  of  these  andenes,  the  elevation  of  which  varies 
between  two  and  thirteen  feet,  is  exceedingly  well  done. 
The  stones  are  so  carefully  broken  that  they  might  pass  for 
a  modern  wall,  laid  in  adobe  mud  in  place  of  mortar.  Ascent 
from  one  anden  to  the  other  is  effected  in  places  by  stone 
steps  built  along  the  fronts  of  terraces,  or  by  stepping- 
stones,  or  on  inclined  planes.  The  stepping-stones  are  like 
those  at  Kasapata.  The  terraces  are  level,  and  shrubbery 
grows  along  edges  and  sides,  so  that  from  a  distance  its  ap- 
pearance is  striking,  from  the  regularity  of  dark  green  lines. 


bs     fc     K 


S; 

65 

65 

"T 

W 

0 
S 

*-!• 

H 

I^ 

l-i 

cv 

^ 

Hj 

^ 

13 

0 

X 

S5 

M> 

0) 

0 

H 

I.X 

0 

O 

X  fc, 


cS 

cS 

H 

^ 

a 

a 

c3 

cS 

z> 

a 

1— 1 

I— 1 

^ 

^ 

;:l 

n^ 

o 

-tJ 

'p 

cS 

cS 

ft 

'C 

!« 

0) 

t> 

Si 

a 
3 

i! 


o3 


r-^ 

cS 

c3 

Is 

^ 

9 

cs" 

cS 

d 

c3 

a 

»H 

O 

cS 

.s 

^ 

^. 

2 

:: 

o 

CO      r— I 


M 


OS  tc 

V  ^ 

-CI  O 

Q  o 


e  o 


o3    r/2  "^ 

'ft:: 

®       C.  Pi 

c3     03  S 

O    M  ft 

H  -^  -s 

ira  :: 

S  ".  ^ 

ft  --^  ?:3 


ft 


c6     X: 

o  .2   * 


*  rs 


CC' 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     227 

On  many  of  these  terraces  a  layer  of  black  soil,  from 
three  to  six  inches  thick,  and  entirely  different  from  the 
soil  of  its  surroundings  or  of  the  Island  in  general,  is 
noticed.  It  is  a  rich  loam.  The  story  goes  that  the  Incas 
had  it  brought  from  the  transandine  regions  of  Yungas  in 
order  to  grow  coca  on  Titicaca.  As  Cobo  remarks,  the  at- 
tempt failed  on  account  of  the  climate.  But  his  description 
of  the  site  where  that  trial  is  said  to  have  been  made  does 
not  agree  with  Chucaripu,  so  that  there  is  little  foundation 
for  the  story,  whether  told  in  the  seventeenth  century ^^  or 
in  the  nineteenth.  It  may  be  that  an  attempt  was  made  to 
raise  coca  on  the  Island,  previous  to  the  conquest,  but  it 
would  only  show  that  those  who  made  it  had  not  the  least 
idea  of  the  influence  of  climate  and  altitude  upon  vege- 
tation. 

Artificial  objects,  such  as  topos  and  tumis,  some  of 
precious  metal,  have  been  found  on  these  andenes,  but  we 
heard  neither  of  buildings  nor  burials.  In  the  northwest 
corner  is  a  ruined  enclosure  with  a  spring,  and  the  ground 
in  the  northwest  and  southwest  is  constantly  moist.  Of 
channels  for  irrigation  we  saw  no  trace,  atmospheric 
humidity  and  natural  drainage  from  the  rocks  above  sup- 
plying ample  moisture.  This  group  of  terraced  garden- 
beds,  connected  with  the  ruined  wall  that  crosses  the  crest 
of  Muro-kato  as  already  described,  are  the  last  ancient 
remains  in  this  part  of  the  Island.  But  the  northern  ex- 
tremity of  Titicaca,  the  low  promontory  of  Sicuyu  (s), 
bears  some  vestiges  which,  though  disturbed  by  treasure- 
hunters,  deserve  a  passing  notice.  On  that  promontory 
some  of  the  golden  figurines  in  the  Garces  collection  are 
said  to  have  been  found. 

The  northern  slopes  of  the  conical  height  of  Ticani  are 
rather  bare,  there  is  low  shrubbery  and  grass,  but  rocks, 
ledges,  and  steps  appear  everywhere.  The  little  Bay  of 
Arcu-puncu  (16)  is  encased  by  low  cliffs.  Cultivation  has 
been  possible  on  these  slopes  by  forming  andenes,  and  while 


228  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

some  of  these  seem  to  be  modern,  others  are  undoubtedly 
ancient.  Sicuyu  is  a  low  promontory,  covered  with  shrub- 
bery and  the  rubbish  of  structures  of  some  kind.  We  spent 
there  a  whole  afternoon  and  later  on  two  days,  excavating, 
but  could  not  discover  anything  capable  of  giving  an  idea 
of  the  edifices,  so  thoroughly  had  they  been  torn  down  by 
the  Indians.  These  Indians  assured  us  that  they  had  torn 
down  walls  of  buildings,  which  they  believed  were  reared 
by  the  Incas,  among  them  one  that  seemed  to  be  a  store- 
house. What  our  investigations  revealed  was  that  nearly 
the  entire  promontory,  on  its  upper  plane,  which  stands 
twenty  feet  above  the  Lake,  contains  stone  cysts,  mostly  in 
parallel  rows  and  differing  from  the  cysts  of  Chullpa  type, 
whereas  they  closely  resembled  the  seven  graves  of  children 
discovered  at  Kasapata!  In  the  first  place,  they  are  all 
quadrangular;  then  they  are  encased  by  thin  slabs  set  up- 
right in  the  ground,  and  most  of  them  had  covers.  They 
are  much  more  regular  in  size,  form  and  arrangement,  than 
^ ' Chullpa"  burials.  But  our  search  for  human  remains  was 
fruitless.  Only  from  one  grave  the  mould  of  a  skull  was 
obtained,  the  bones  having  completely  disappeared  with  the 
exception  of  the  right  temporal,  and  even  that  crumbled  very 
soon.  As  to  the  cranial  mould,  as  soon  as  the  earth  of 
which  it  consisted  began  to  dry  it  fell  to  pieces.  We  do  not 
know  how  many  individuals  were  buried  together  in  a  cyst, 
and  as  to  artefacts,  not  even  a  potsherd  was  found  in  or 
about  the  graves.  But  the  resemblance  of  the  cysts  to  those 
at  Kasapata  gives  color  to  the  statement  that  they  were 
Inca  burials.  It  is  a  lonely  site.  The  view  on  the  Bolivian 
shore  is  extensive  and  dismal.  The  Island  of  Apingiiila, 
on  which  Inca  remains  are  said  to  exist,  and  its  neighbor, 
Pampiti,  where,  it  is  alleged,  Huayna  Capac,  the  last  of  the 
Inca  head  chiefs,  previous  to  Atahualpa  and  Huascar,  per- 
formed fearful  human  sacrifices,®^  are  seen  from  Sicuyu 
in  a  line  with  the  longitudinal  axis  of  Titicaca;  and  some- 
body told  us  that  here  Huayna  Capac  had  taken  the  balsas 


Vr.T  :fTA.i^ 
■  '—inhn  orf+  rjrl-TitrffM-!. 

ii)-.irr>^   .\-     .-.-Ti;-.  ({JBOf  son  I 


Plate  LVI 
Architectural  details  from  the  Chiucana 

1.   Stoue  steps  on  Incan-Taqui,  or  Inca  path.     1,  2,  3.  Doorways.     4,  Small 
•window.     5,  6.   Stone  ceilings  over  room  and  passageway  (see  text) 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     229 

to  carry  him  over  to  Apingiiila  and  Pampiti.^^  '^Se  non 
e  vero/'  etc. 

If  now  we  cast  a  retrospective  glance  at  the  cluster  which 
the  wall  of  Muro-kato  and  the  andenes  of  Chucaripu  divide 
from  the  remainder  of  the  Island,  we  observe  that  it  con- 
tained a  greater  number  of  single  buildings  than  any  of  the 
others  attributed  to  the  Inca,  and  also,  probably,  the  most 
extensive  ones.  I  may  be  permitted  to  recapitulate  the 
principal  points  contained  in  the  foregoing  description. 
From  some  point  on  the  eastern  side  of  Muro-kato  a  well- 
made  road,  or  wide  path,  with  steps,  descended  into  a  bot- 
tom at  the  southern  base  of  the  Sacred  Rock,  passing  close 
by  a  group  of  small  buildings,  each  of  one  apartment  only. 
The  road  then  ascends  to  a  level,  on  the  eastern  margin  of 
which  the  Sacred  Rock  stands.  This  level  seems  to  have 
been  surrounded  by  a  wall  outlining  a  terrace.  Many  an- 
cient votive  offerings  were  disinterred  here,  and  in  front  of 
the  Sacred  Rock  are  vestiges  of  foundations. 

The  rock  has  a  natural  concavity  and  other  marks  that 
must  have  forcibly  struck  the  Indian  mind.  These  marks 
bear  resemblance  to  the  head  of  the  indigenous  cat,  and  the 
name  of  the  rock  is  derived  from  the  Aymara  name  of  this 
animal.  In  close  proximity  are  traces  of  former  edifices. 
A  few  blocks  of  andesite  of  good  workmanship  are  lying 
near  by.  Andesite  is  not  on  the  Island,  but  on  the  Peninsula 
of  Copacavana !  The  Sacred  Rock  is  so  situated  as  to  afford 
an  excellent  view  of  both  shores,  east  and  west.  On  this 
site  the  Indian  to-day  is  still  impressed  with  superstitious 
awe.  This  was  noticed  by  Mr.  Squier.^^  It  is  asserted  that 
no  bird  of  any  kind  passes  beyond  the  wall  of  Muro-kato ; 
the  reason  for  it  lies  probably  in  the  scantiness  of  vegeta- 
tion.^'* On  the  western  slope,  and  not  far  from  the  Sacred 
Rock,  is  a  fairly  preserved  edifice,  which  tradition  describes 
as  a  residence  and  again  as  a  storehouse.  This  edifice  is  so 
built  as  to  surround  a  copious  spring  of  water,  and  the 
slope  on  that  side  is  covered  with  vegetation.    On  the  same 


230  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

side  a  quadrangular  platform,  commanding  an  extensive 
view,  bears  faint  traces  of  ancient  buildings.  Excavations 
have  brought  to  light,  besides  pottery  similar  to  that  of 
Cuzco,  figures  of  gold  and  silver  such  as  the  older  authors 
assert  were  used  as  offerings  in  pre-Columbian  times. 
Near  by,  tissues  of  exceptional  beauty  in  texture,  design, 
and  color  have  been  found;  and  at  least  two  of  these  were 
buried  in  well  made  chests  of  andesite.  On  the  last  prom- 
ontory of  the  Island  are  graves  different  from  Chullpa 
graves.  Shapeless  ruins  of  buildings  are  also  found  there. 
Add  to  these  features  the  andenes  of  Chucaripu,  and  the 
whole  northwestern  group  of  ruins  on  Titicaca  Island 
presents  every  condition  essential  to  Indian  residence,  while 
at  the  same  time  tradition  designates  it  as  having  been  a 
place  of  aboriginal  worship. 

The  wall  of  Muro-kato  does  not  seem  to  have  been  erected 
for  defense.  Neither  are  there  any  traces  of  other  purely 
military  constructions.  The  only  building  showing  some 
defensive  features  is  the  Chincana.  I  have  already  stated 
that  some  authors  from  the  early  part  of  the  seventeenth 
century  mention  the  Chincana  as  a  ''storehouse,"  whereas 
to-day  it  is  called  a  "palace."  It  is  certainly^o^  a  palatial 
building.  On  the  contrary,  with  its  dingy  cells,  narrow  and 
tortuous  passages,  it  is  more  unfit  for  abode  than  the  Pilco- 
kayma,  and  has,  furthermore,  the  notable  disadvantage  of 
fronting  away  from  the  sun.  Still  there  is  one  feature  that 
might  suggest  an  abode  or,  perhaps,  that  portions  of  it  were 
used  as  a  place  of  worship.  One  of  the  smaller  cells,  to 
which,  when  intact,  light  and  air  had  access  only  through 
the  doorway,  had  the  floor  paved  with  rough  mosaic-work 
made  of  small  and  bright  pebbles.  Such  pebbles  are  found 
on  the  beach  below  Ciriapata,  on  the  east  side.  The  mosaic 
was,  of  course,  torn  up  by  the  Indians,  who  kept  some  of 
the  pebbles  and  left  the  rest.  We  sent  a  number  of  them  to 
the  Museum.  It  is  doubtful  if  the  Indian  would  take  the 
trouble  of  decorating  the  floor  of  a  store-room !    An  indica- 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OP  TITICACA     231 

tion  that  the  Chincana  was  also  used,  partly  at  least,  as  a 
residence  is  the  proximity  of  a  spring.  Chroniclers  state 
that  a  bath  for  the  sun  had  been  constructed  there.  But 
the  spring  is  simply  an  enclosed  pool,  too  narrow  for  bath- 
ing purposes,  and  there  are  no  vestiges  of  tanks  or  sinks. 

I  again  call  attention  to  the  precautions  taken  against 
hostile  approach  from  the  Lake-side.  Such  precautions 
would  not  have  been  used  unless  the  building  contained 
something  valuable  or  sacred.  For  the  alimentation  of  the 
inmates  of  all  the  buildings  around  the  Sacred  Rock,  a 
storehouse  of  more  modest  proportions  was  ample.  Never- 
theless, it  is  possible  that  the  Chincana  may  have  been  a 
magazine  as  well  as  a  dwelling.  There  is  still  another  pos- 
sibility: Statements  in  regard  to  the  location  of  special 
places  of  worship  are  too  positive  to  admit  of  much  doubt 
that  they  stood  in  the  immediate  proximity  of  the  Sacred 
Bock ;  but  the  same  is  not  the  case  with  another  structure, 
inhabited  by  female  attendants  of  the  shrine,^^  women  who 
lived  in  seclusion,  like  nuns,  with  the  difference  that  chastity 
was  not  obligatory  upon  them,  sexual  intercourse  being 
allowed  under  special  conditions  and  only  with  men  from 
the  Inca  tribe.^'^  Hence  such  places  were  kept  under 
vigilance  to  avoid  intrusion.  The  occupations  of  these 
women  consisted  in  the  manufacture  of  objects  used  in 
worship,  such  as  ceremonial  dresses,  and  in  brewing 
chicha.^^  Such  a  house  existed  on  Titicaca,  and  of  all  the 
ancient  structures  still  discernible  on  the  Island,  the  Chin- 
cana is  the  only  one  suggesting  it.^^  In  that  case,  it  served 
for  residence,  as  well  as  for  storing  valuable  objects  des- 
tined as  offerings,  and  this  justified  some  precautionary 
measures  against  eventual  attempts  at  spoliation.  It  is 
true  that  the  Indians  state  that  the  house  occupied  by  these 
women  was  the  one  which  they  call  Mama-ojlia ;  but  neither 
its  size  nor  its  arrangement,  which  shows  no  divisions  into 
apartments,  favor  that  opinion,  whereas  the  Chincana  con- 
tained at  least  twenty  rooms.    It  has  a  number  of  courts, 


232  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

large  and  small,  that  afforded  room  for  spinning,  weaving, 
cooking,  and  other  work  for  which  the  dingy  cells  were 
inadequate;  and  shows  features  suggestive  of  protection 
against  illicit  access. 

I  regret  to  be  unable  to  offer  more  data  than  those 
presented.  The  report  on  the  first  visit  to  the  Island  men- 
tions the  secluded  women  on  the  Island,  giving  their  num- 
ber at  the  much  exaggerated  figure  of  more  than  a  thousand, 
whereas  there  is  not,  in  all  the  Inca  structures  on  the 
Island  put  together,  room  for  such  a  number  of  people  of 
both  sexes.  They  state  that  the  occupation  of  these  women 
was  to  brew  chicha  and  asperge  with  it  the  Sacred  Eock."^*^ 
But  no  mention  is  made  of  the  abodes  wherein  the  women 
dwelt.  Other  Spanish  authors  who  give  accounts  of  the 
ancient  structures  from  actual  observation  are  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  Hence  these  writers  obtained  their  in- 
formation about  the  original  condition  and  purpose  of  the 
edifices  at  second  or  third  hand.  Some  old  Indian  may  have 
been  able  to  give  them  data  from  direct  recollections,  but 
it  is  doubtful  whether,  after  three  quarters  of  a  century, 
such  recollections  were  sufficiently  clear.  At  the  same  time 
it  is  evident  that  Ramos,  Calancha,  Father  Andres  de  San 
Nicolas,  as  well  as  the  Jesuits  Cobo  and  Oliva,  visited  Titi- 
caca  but  occasionally  and  saw  only  certain  portions  of  it. 
Else  how  could  they  be  silent  in  regard  to  such  ruins  as  the 
Pilco-kayma  and  Pucara  1 

I  beg  to  return  once  more  to  the  suggestion  that  the 
Chincana  may  have  been  an  abode  for  women  living  in 
compulsory  retirement.  Of  the  six  beautiful  ponchos 
acquired  by  the  Museum  with  the  Garces  collection,  five 
were  found  buried  in  the  vicinity  of  Chucaripu-pata  and 
Titikala.  The  tissues  are  of  extraordinary  beauty  and 
solidity,  patterns  as  well  as  colors  are  exceptionally  fine. 
Concurrent  testimony  of  the  Spanish  chroniclers  is  to  the 
effect  that  such  work  was  mostly  performed  by  women  liv- 
ing in  seclusion  and  that  it  was  part  of  their  duties.'''* 


ilVJ  aTA>iT 
rr'jfi8  lo  viiaiaiv  ni  bautyi  isvlia  xii 


R«[tii^9lo  SB  1)981/  ,-i9vIia  -So  eeiiJ^ft  oIuM  .0  ,^ 


:<1 


Plate  LVIl 
Objects  in  silver  found  in  vicinity  of  Sacred  Rock 

1,  2.  Topos  or  Tumis  of  silver.       3,  4,  5.  Silver  pins.       6,  7.  Female  figures. 
8,  9.  Male  figures  of  silver,  used  as  offerings 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     233 

Hence  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  five  ponchos  in  question 
were  woven  on  the  Island  of  Titicaca  unless  one  or  the 
other  was  brought  thither  from  Cuzco.  It  is  also  likely 
that  their  age  is  not  much  greater  than  four  centuries.*^^ 
The  loom  actually  in  use  among  the  Aymara  is  primitive 
and  consists  of  four  stakes  planted  in  the  ground,  and  at 
this  the  woman,  kneeling  and  squatting,  weaves  with  im- 
plements like  those  found  in  ChuUpa  ruins."^^  In  the  case 
of  the  large  ancient  ponchos,  it  is  distinctly  stated  that 
each  required  a  larger  frame  placed  upright,  and  great 
length  of  time.  The  colors  were  given  to  the  wool  before  it 
was  spun,  and  the  thread  twirled  by  hand,  men  sometimes 
assisting  the  women  in  this  workJ^ 

I  still  have  to  allude  to  several  large  stones,  all  of  ande- 
site,  one  of  which  is  to-day  at  the  hacienda  of  Challa,  in  the 
courtyard  of  its  buildings,  and  the  others  are  found  at  the 
garden  of  the  same  hacienda.  The  former  measures  five 
feet  in  length  by  two  in  width.  Its  least  thickness  is  eight, 
its  greatest  thirteen  inches.  The  shape  is  best  understood 
from  the  sketch. 


Top  view 
5  feet 

Transverse  section 

4" 

4" 

8" 

^•' 


The  other  three  are  prismatic  slabs  of  various  length, 
ranging  from  five  to  eight  feet.  These  slabs  were  brought 
from  Kasapata  by  the  Indians,  with  the  aid  of  only  a  few 
ropes  and  rollers  of  wood,  over  narrow  and  sometimes  quite 
steep  and  rocky  paths,  distances  of  a  quarter  and  half  a 
mile  respectively.  This  is  instructive  for  the  manner  in 
which,  at  other  places,  much  larger  blocks  may  have  been 
moved  in  ancient  times.     Authors  from  the  seventeenth 


234  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

century  state  that  admission  to  the  particularly  sacred 
sections  on  Titicaca  Island  was  obtained  through  three 
gateways  called,  respectively:  Pumapuncu,  Kentipuncu, 
and  Pillcopuncu,  or  "door  of  the  puma,"  "door  of  the 
humming-bird, ' '  and  ' '  door  of  hope. ' '  Such  is  the  informa- 
tion given  by  Eamos.  Cobo  speaks  of  a  single  gate,  which 
he  calls  Intipuncu,  or  "gate  of  the  sun."  The  former  says 
that  the  three  gates  were  twenty  paces  distant  from  each 
other.  Cobo  places  the  gateway  of  Intipuncu  somewhere 
on  the  crest  of  Muro-kato.'^^  It  has  been  suggested  that  the 
large  block  and  slabs  above  alluded  to  are  from  some  such 
gateway ;  but  their  being  found  at  Kasapata  does  not  favor 
the  assumption. 

It  remains  to  cast  a  glance  at  the  vestiges  in  the  south- 
western portion  of  the  Island,  in  the  two  bottoms  of  Kona, 
north  and  south,  and  on  the  flanks  of  the  tall  ridge  of  Ka- 
kayo-kena.  These  remains  consist,  so  far  as  we  could 
observe,  of  terraces,  or  andenes,  and  of  the  road,  called 
Quivini  (30),  that  leads  to  the  summit  of  ChuUun-kayani. 
Of  the  andenes  little  is  to  be  said.  The  Indians  affirm  that 
they  are  all  Inca,  and  well  may  it  be.  Of  the  road,  I  have 
already  spoken.  At  the  foot  of  the  eastern  declivity  of  the 
trough  (as  which  the  bottoms  of  Kona  appear),  in  its  south- 
eastern corner,  there  is  a  fairly  leveled  terrace  with  niches. 

On  the  platform  not  the  slightest  trace  of  buildings  can 
be  detected,  and  not  a  potsherd  nor  other  artefact  of  any 
kind  is  to  be  found.  Excavations  proved  fruitless.  Never- 
theless, the  impression  becomes  strong  that  this  artificially 
encased  rise,  with  the  remains  of  a  descent  on  the  eastern 
side,  may  have  been  leveled  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  on 
it  some  edifice.  The  outline  of  the  terrace  is  not  regular 
and  shows  the  customary  adaptation  to  natural  features, 
but  the  walls  are  well  constructed  and  the  two  niches  (of 
unequal  size)  very  fairly  made.  Each  of  these  niches  has  a 
ceiling  composed  of  slabs,  like  some  at  the  Chincana  and 
Pilco-kayma.    From  the  corners  on  the  west  project  walls 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     235 

that  appear  like  continuations  of  the  northern  and  southern 
sides  of  the  platform.  In  some  of  the  ravines  that  run 
parallel  with  those  between  which  the  platform  stands  are 
similar  facings,  but  much  damaged.  West  of  the  ruin,  the 
slopes  of  Kakayo-kena  are  covered  with  terraces,  and  the 
marshy  bottom  is  traversed  by  causeways  similar  to  those 
at  Pucara. 

The  niches  so  common  on  the  Island  in  ruins  of  Inca  type, 
inside  of  buildings  as  well  as  in  outer  walls,  deserve  some 
attention.  In  the  interior  of  buildings  the  small  niche  evi- 
dently served  the  same  purpose  as  in  Indian  houses  of  to- 
day, being  a  substitute  for  our  closets,  cupboards,  and 
wardrobes.  In  them  articles  of  household  use  were  kept,"^^ 
and  in  many  of  the  large  niches  also.  But  at  the  Pilco- 
kayma,  for  instance,  the  niches  of  the  eastern  apartments 
are  so  tall  and  ornamental  that  it  seems  probable  they  were 
either  seats  or  destined  to  contain  objects  of  worship.  We 
know  from  descriptions  that  taller  idols  were  sometimes 
kept  in  such  recesses.'^^  None  of  them  are  long  or  deep 
enough  to  suggest  they  might  have  served  as  sleeping  plat- 
forms. The  large  niches  in  facings  of  terraces  or  walls  of 
enclosures  (as  at  Kona  and  Pucara)  are  more  difficult  to 
account  for.  The  Indian  is  too  utilitarian  to  manufacture 
anything  without  some  practical  purpose.  In  the  case  of 
Kona,  for  instance,  recesses  do  not  seem  to  have  been  merely 
ornamental.  I  suggest  that  niches  tall  enough  for  a  human 
being  to  stand  in  might  have  been  made  for  shelter  from 
the  showers  which  are  most  frequent  in  the  months  when 
the  Indian  is  engaged  in  his  field-work.  They  may  have 
not  only  served  as  shelter  for  human  beings,  but  also  for 
harvested  crops,  against  drenching  rains.  This  does  not 
exclude  the  possibility  of  fetishes  having  been  kept  in  such 
niches  also,  fetishes  destined  to  protect  and  foster  the 
crops,  although,  so  far  as  we  know,  such  Huacas  were  of 
small  size.^^ 

How  many  of  the  andenes  on  the  slopes  of  Kakayo-kena 


236  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

are  due  to  the  Incas  is  impossible  to  determine.  We  saw, 
when  on  the  summit  of  the  great  ridge  of  that  name  (Chu- 
llun-Kayani  in  particular)  traces  of  what  might  have  been 
remains  of  small  edifices  similar  to  watch-towers,  but  our 
Indians  pretended  not  to  know  anything  about  them,  hence 
we  are  unable  to  say  if  these  vestiges  are  ancient  or  recent. 
The  existence  of  watch-towers,  on  so  excellent  a  lookout  as 
this  crest,  would  not  seem  improbable.  The  watch-tower  is 
common  in  ancient  architecture  of  the  North  American 
southwest,  and  it  served  for  military  purposes  as  well  as 
for  simply  guarding  the  crops. 

It  is  superfluous  to  enter  into  more  detail  about  Inca 
ruins  on  Titicaca  Island.  They  indicate  a  degree  of  culture 
so  superior  to  what  we  have  become  acquainted  with  under 
the  name  of  Chullpa,  and  the  artefacts  accompanying  them 
show  a  type  so  closely  corresponding  to  that  from  the 
valley  of  Cuzco,  that  the  belief  expressed  by  the  Indians  of 
to-day,  ascribing  them  to  the  Incas,  amounts  to  a  certainty. 
I  beg  to  observe,  however,  that  while  the  buildings  were 
erected  for  and  under  the  direction  of  Incas,  they  do  not 
show  the  nice  work  displayed  in  remains  at  and  around 
Cuzco,  Cacha,  Cajamarca  and  other  places  of  the  Peruvian 
Sierra.  Some  blocks  which  were  brought  over  from  the 
Peninsula  of  Copacavana  indicate  that  in  some  instances 
the  same  perfection  was  reached,  but  the  majority  of  walls 
are  of  a  ruder  make.  It  may  be,  therefore,  that  while  the 
nicer  work  was  done  by  men  of  the  Inca  tribe  of  Cuzco, 
the  main  labor  was  performed  by  hands  who  were  not  as 
skilful,  and  this  is  partly  corroborated  by  tradition. 

The  earliest  descriptions  of  Titicaca  Island,  subsequent 
to  the  report  of  1534,  the  one  by  Cieza  of  Leon,  and  the 
other  -by  Oviedo,  the  latter  from  the  testimony  of  con- 
querors, are  short  and  vague.  The  former  says : '  *  The  great 
lagune  of  the  Collao  bears  the  name  of  Titicaca,  from  the 
temple  that  was  constructed  in  the  same  lagune,  about 
which  the  natives  held  a  very  vain  opinion.    These  Indians 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     237 

say  that  their  ancestors  affirmed  as  certain,  as  they  also 
did  of  other  fables  of  which  they  speak,  that  light  failed 
them  for  many  days,  and  that,  while  all  were  in  darkness 
and  obscurity,  the  sun  came  out  (rose)  from  this  Island  of 
Titicaca  with  great  splendor,  for  which  reason  they  held 
the  island  to  be  sacred  and  the  Ingas  made  in  it  the  temple 
of  which  I  have  spoken,  that  was  much  esteemed  and  vene- 
rated among  them,  in  honor  of  their  sun,  placing  in  it 
virgin  women  and  priests  with  great  treasures;  of  which, 
although  the  Spaniards  at  various  times  have  obtained  a 
great  deal,  it  is  still  believed  that  the  most  is  there  yet.""^^ 
I  note  that,  as  this  was  written  in  1550,  it  indicates  that 
previous  to  that  year  the  Island  had  been  repeatedly  visited 
by  Spaniards.  Oviedo  tells  us :  * '  That  country  of  Collao  is 
very  well  situated  and  has  a  good  disposition.  In  it  there 
is  a  lagune  that  has  forty  leagues  of  circumference  and  is 
sweet  and  .  .  .  and  in  an  islet  within,  the  people  have  their 
principal  house  of  worship  and  idolatry,  and  it  is  held  in 
great  veneration  among  them,  and  from  distant  lands  they 
go  thither  in  pilgrimage."  This  was  written  previous  to 
1547.80 

The  concurrent  testimony  of  all  the  sources  from  the  six- 
teenth century,  at  my  command,  is  to  the  effect  that  Titi- 
caca was  a  shrine,  sacred  to  the  Incas  of  Cuzco  as  well  as  to 
the  Indians  on  the  shores  of  the  Lake.  This  is  also  clearly 
expressed  by  authors  from  the  century  following,  hence 
more  remote  from  the  time  of  the  conquest. 

The  object  of  particular  worship  on  the  Island  is  stated 
as  having  been  Titikala,  or  the  Sacred  Rock,  and  that  wor- 
ship is  said  to  have  been  due  to  some  connection  of  the  rock 
with  the  sun,  nay,  that  the  sun  was  the  deity  to  which  the 
main  adoration  was  directed.  Hence  to-day  Titicaca  is 
often  called  ''Island  of  the  Sun,"  and  Koati,  its  smaller 
neighbor,  the  ''Island  of  the  Moon."  The  Temple  of  the 
Sun,  as  we  have  seen,  stood  close  by  the  Sacred  Rock,  and 
with  it  other  chapels,  dedicated  to  thunder  and  lightning. 


238  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

Nevertheless  that  rock,  and  not  the  sun,  was  the  principal 
fetish  of  the  Island.  It  is  stated  that  "pilgrims"  were  not 
allowed  to  touch  the  face  of  the  cliff,  but  only  to  gaze  at  it 
from  the  margin  of  the  little  plane  in  front  of  Titikala. 
Inca  chieftains  and  those  officiating  as  attendants  to  the 
shrine  alone  could  approach  closer.  It  is  also  asserted 
that  the  face  of  the  rock  was  decorated  with  plates  of 
precious  metals  and  rich  tissues,  and  that  an  altar  was 
placed  inside  of  its  main  natural  recess.  It  is  further 
stated  that  the  "pilgrims"  were  subject  to  penance  and  con- 
fession, repeatedly  even,  before  they  were  admitted  to  the 
margin  of  the  sacred  enclosure.  The  elaborateness  of  this 
cult  is  so  far  enhanced  as  to  claim  that  the  Peninsula  of 
Copacavana  was  occupied  by  the  Incas  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  sanctifying  and  controlling  access  to  the  Island,  checking 
those  who  would  attempt  to  tread  its  soil  unprepared  or  in 
an  unworthy  condition.^^ 

To  deny  a  priori  the  truth  of  such  reports  would  not  be 
critical  research,  but  to  accept  them  unconditionally  is  an- 
other question.  All  these  reports  suffer  from  the  failings 
of  their  time,  that  is,  from  lack  of  means  of  comparison 
with  other  peoples  and  countries,  and  an  inclination  to  ac- 
cept without  reserve  all  that  was  told.  I  believe  we  may 
safely  apply  to  these  descriptions  the  testimony  of  the 
ruins  themselves.  The  terms  "gorgeous,"  "splendid," 
"sumptuous,"  so  lavishly  bestowed  upon  the  monuments 
on  Titicaca,  appear  as  great  exaggerations.  The  same  was 
the  case  with  ceremonials.  Barbaric  display,  dazzling  in 
color,  and  striking  through  the  weirdness  peculiar  to  Indian 
performances,  cannot  have  but  powerfully  impressed  Eu- 
ropean spectators.^2 

The  central  object  of  this  worship  was,  as  stated,  not  the 
sun,  but  the  Sacred  Rock.  Hence  it  was  Achachila  cult  of 
the  Aymara,  with  notable  Inca  display,  introduced  not  a 
century  before  the  conquest.  As  accessories  to  the  principal 
shrine,  there  existed  chapels  dedicated  to  other  fetishes. 


Mv;  I'.Tii-,  !(■•  iininiii  .L:      .V /ii«  io  BojsqiA  ,1 


Plate  LVIII 

Size  reduced 
1.  Alpaca  of  silver.      2.  Llama  of  silver  with  caparison  and  nails  of  gold 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     239 

Eanios  mentions  three  statues  on  Titicaca  called,  respec- 
tively, Apu-jmti,  Chusip-ynti,  and  Yntipgnanqui,  which 
words  he  translates  as  the  Sun-chieftain,  Sun-son,  and  the 
Brother-sun.  Of  this  Trinity  he  states  that  it  was  * '  only  one 
God."^^  Cobo  describes  a  statue,  half  gold,  half  silver, 
of  the  size  of  a  woman,  of  which  he  was  told  that  it  repre- 
sented the  moon  and  stood  on  the  Island  of  Koati.  But  he 
adds:  '' Although  others  will  have  it  that  this  figure  and 
statue  was  called  Titicaca,  and  they  say  it  represented  the 
mother  of  the  Incas."^^  In  regard  to  such  ceremonial  ob- 
jects the  most  complete  disagreement  exists  between  the 
chroniclers,  whereas  they  agree  in  that  the  Sacred  Rock 
was  the  center  of  attraction  and  at  the  same  time  the  seat 
of  oracular  utterances.^^  This  worship  at  the  ''Eock  of 
the  Cat"  and  the  consequent  fame  of  the  Island  of  Titicaca 
among  the  Indians,  was  of  great  antiquity  in  Bolivia,  Titi- 
caca being  a  noted  shrine  of  the  Aymard  long  before  the 
Incas  took  possession  of  it.  In  this  connection  I  have  to  add 
a  word  of  caution. 

It  seems  certain  that  when  the  Incas  took  possession  of 
the  Island,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century,  they 
found  it  inhabited  by  ^^mara-speaking  aborigines,  to 
which  the  name  ' '  Chullpa ' '  is  given  by  .the  present  genera- 
tion. It  is  furthermore  asserted,  that  these  Aymara  Indians 
were  mostly  removed  by  the  Incas  to  the  mainland.  But 
upon  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  basin  of  Lake 
Titicaca  the  shrine  was  abandoned  by  the  Inca  and  the 
Island  gradually  reoccupied  by  Indians  of  Aymara  stock, 
who  lived  there  for  at  least  a  century  after  the  manner  of 
their  forefathers.  Hence  not  all  of  what  is  included  under 
the  head  of  "Chullpa"  is  pre-conquistorial.  Even  the 
artificial  deformation  of  the  head,  so  frequently  alluded  to 
in  these  pages,  was  practised  as  late  as  the  seventeenth 
century.  A  number  of  antiquities  from  Titicaca  may  be  of 
later  date  than  the  time  of  the  conquest,  and  more  recent 
than  the  Inca  remains.    Nevertheless,  even  when  posterior 


240  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

to  the  sixteenth  century,  they  are  of  an  ancient  type,  and 
fair  representatives  of  the  art  and  industry  of  the  people  in 
their  primitive  condition,  prior,  not  only  to  the  advent  of 
the  Spaniards,  but  also  to  that  of  the  Incas  and  their 
occupation  of  Titicaca  Island. 

I  now  turn  to  the  Island  of  Koati,  Titicaca 's  smaller 
neighbor,  and  to  its  ruins.  Whereas  there  is  good  evidence 
that  Titicaca  enjoyed  a  certain  reputation  as  a  shrine 
previous  to  the  time  when  the  Incas  established  themselves 
on  its  soil,  Koati  rose  into  prominence  only  through  tha 
establishments  which  the  Incas  founded  there. 


,i< 


o 

p^ 

■ 

»■> 

'OJ 

K< 

^ 

1— 1 

o 

>^ 

c« 

CC 

w 

tH 

Sh 

■< 

o 

(^       -3 


NOTES 

THE  ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND 
OF  TITICACA 

PAET  IV 


*  The  word  ' '  Chullpa ' '  signifies  the 
bag,  or  sack,  made  of  ichhu  grass 
of  the  mountain-regions,  in  which  the 
dead  were  placed.  See  Bertonio: 
Vocdbulario,  II,  p.  92:  "Chullpa:  — 
Entierro  o  serron  donde  metian  sua 
difuntos."  I,  p.  430:  "Sepultura,— 
o  seron  como  isanga  donde  ponian 
el  difunto:  ChuUpa,  vel  Asanco. " 
From  the  bag,  or  sack,  the  name 
was  gradually  transferred,  popularly, 
to  the  buildings  in  which  they  were 
found  and  finally  to  the  people  who 
once  occupied  them.  The  Indian  wiz- 
ard on  Titicaca,  to  whose  statements  I 
referred  so  freely  in  Part  III,  told  us 
the  "Chullpa"  dressed  in  textures  of 
llama  wool.  Pedro  Pizarro  (Relacion, 
p.  281)  says  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Collao  "visten  de  ropa  de  lana 
basta. ' ' 

^Eelatione  per  Sva  Maesta,  1534, 
(Ramusio,  II,  Ramusio  III:  1565,  fol. 
418):  "le  sue  terre  sono  di  mediocre 
grandezza,  &  le  case  picciole,  le  mure  di 
pietra  &  terra  insieme,  coperte  di  pag- 
lia. ' '  Belacion  de  la  Provincia  de  los 
Pacajes,  p.  62 :  "La  forma  y  manera 
de  las  casas  son  redondas,  de  quince 
pies  de  redondo,  pequenas  .  .  .  y  una 
puerta  pequena  hacia  la  parte  de 
donde  sale  el  sol,  sin  tener  ninguna 
casa  con  aposento  doblado. ' ' 


"Meaning  "Little  (the  Spanish 
chico)  Kea-Kollu."  "Kea"  is  the 
name  of  a  plant,  but  I  would  not 
venture  to  assert  it  to  be  related  to 
the  name  of  the  height. 

*  See  the  interesting  and  valuable 
work  of  my  friend  Dr.  Charles  Lum- 
holtz,  Unlcnown  Mexico,  and  my  Final 
Report,  II,  Part  xiii,  pp.  502,  504  et 
seq.;  Part  xiv,  p.  564. 

'  In  the  book  of  S.  S.  Hill :  Travels 
in  Peru  and  Mexico,  1860,  on  page 
241,  he  mentions  a  collection  of 
Peruvian  antiquities  at  Cuzco  in  which 
were  "innumerable  weapons  of  war. 
.  .  .  One  of  them  consisted  of  a  piece 
of  metal  with  prominent  knobs  around 
it,  and  a  hole  in  the  middle  which 
seemed  designed  for  the  handle.  The 
Doctor  [Bennett]  had  examined  many 
skulls  of  embalmed  bodies  which 
seemed  to  have  been  broken  by  this 
instrument,  and  were  actually  repaired 
with  calabash."  (Italics  are  mine.) 
If  the  statement  is  reliable,  it  recalls 
closing  of  the  trephined  orifice  with  a 
piece  of  gourd  or  mate. 

•  Ordenanzas  del  Peru,  Lib.  II,  Tit. 
IX,  Ord.  VIII,  fol.  145. 

'  Primera  Parte  de  la  Cronica  del 
Peru,  Cap.  c,  p.  443 :  "  En  las  cabezas 
traen  puestos  unos  bonetes  a  manera 
de  morteros,  hechos   de  su  lana,  que 


241 


242 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


nombran  Chucos;  y  tienenlos  todos 
muy  largas  y  sin  colodrillo,  porque 
desde  niuos  se  las  quebrantan  y  ponen 
como  quieren. ' '  Villagomez :  Exorta- 
cion  contra  la  Idolatria,  etc.,  fol.  58, 
Edicto :  "Si  algunos  an  amoldado  6 
amoldan  las  cabeg.as  de  sus  mucha- 
chos  a  la  forma  que  los  Indies  Uaman 
Cantuma,  6  Palta  Vmu  ? ' ' 

^  Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV, 
p.  175;  also,  Belacion  de  la  Provincia 
de  los  Collaguas,  p.  40;  and  Salca- 
mayhua:  Belacion  de  Antigiiedades 
deste  Beyno  del  Piru,  p.  253. 

°  Properly  Cchalla  (see  Bertonio : 
Vocabulario,  I,  p.  67),  modernized  to 
Challa.  Vocabulario  de  las  voces 
usuales  de  Aymara  al  Castellano  y 
Quechua,  La  Paz,  1894,  p.  4:  "Challa 
— Arena. ' ' 

'"  One  of  the  numerous  species  of 
hulima,  found  on  trees  in  the  eastern 
sections  (Amazonian  basin  and  eastern 
slopes  of  the  Andes)  of  South  Amer- 
ica, where  they  live  on  trees. 

"  The  bola  was  in  general  use 
among  the  Indians  of  the  Peruvian 
mountains,  although  more  in  the  sec- 
tions which  now  constitute  Bolivia. 
Francisco  de  Xerez  (Verdadera  Bela- 
cion de  la  conquista  del  Perv,  p.  99) 
gives  an  interesting  list  of  the 
weapons  used  by  the  people  of  Atau- 
huallpa  at  Cajamarca,  but  he  only 
mentions  stones  shaped  like  eggs  and 
hurled  by  slings.  The  anonymous 
document,  Sucesos  ocurridos  en  la 
conquista  del  Peru  antes  de  la  llegada 
del  Lycenciado  La  Gasca,  Doc.  de 
Indias,  XLII,  p.  381,  has  an  excellent 
description  of  the  bolas,  as  used  by 
the  Indians  at  Cuzeo  in  1536:  "que 
le  echaban  los  yndios  peleando  unas 
sogas  de  Niervos  de  ovejas  echas  tres 
ramales  que  sola  la  soga  en  cada 
ramal  una  piedra  atada  y  con  aquella 
manera  los  mas  de  los  caballos  que  no 
abia  quien  pelease  e  a  los  caballeros 
les  ansi  mismo  los  liaban  con  aquellaa 
sogas  quellos  Uaman  aillos,  que  no 
eran  senores  de  riendas  ni  espadas  ni 
lanza  ni  senores  de  si  aquel  dia  fyzie- 


ron  niucho  fruto  los  peones  que  con 
las  espadas  cortaban  de  aquellas  sogas 
con  gran  trabaxo,  que  apenas  podian 
por  ser  de  veruxos  i  muy  oliadas. " 
This  statement  is  by  an  eye-witness 
and  participant  in  the  so-called  siege 
of  Cuzco  by  the  Indians  in  1536,  and 
as  good  a  description  as  could  be  de- 
sired. The  bolas  themselves  were, 
then,  attached  or  connected  by  tendons 
of  llamas.  Also:  Pohlacion  y  con- 
quista del  Piru,  Doctimentos  ineditos 
de  Chile.  The  name  "ayllo"  is 
Quichua.  Torres  Eubio:  Arte  y  Voca- 
bulario, fol.  150:  "Ayllu  6  livi,— 
Cierto  instrumento  para  trabar  los 
pies,  y  cazar  animales. "  Among  the 
Aymara  "lliui"  is  in  use.  In  the 
short  vocabulary  appended  to  the 
work  of  Arriaga,  Extirpacion  de  la 
Idolatria,  etc.,  fol.  134,  he  defines 
Aillo,  o  Libis,  as  follows:  "Vn  cordel 
con  tres  ramales,  y  al  cabo  de  cada 
vno  vna  bolilla  de  plomo  sirve  para 
cagar  pajaros,  o  animales  enredan- 
doles. ' '  After  these  descriptions  I 
merely  refer,  for  confirmation  and 
minor  details,  to  Calancha:  Coronica 
Moralizada,  II,  fol.  2 ;  and  Cobo :  Eis- 
toria  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV,  p.  196. 

"  And  on  the  Puna  in  general,  also 
on  the  eastern  slopes,  about  Pelechuco 
and  Charassani. 

"Also  on  the  Peninsula  of  Huata, 
and  in  the  broken  country. 

"Ramos  (Eistoria  de  Copocabana, 
edition  of  1860,  p.  45),  in  connection 
with  sacrifices  of  children,  states: 
"Muchas  veces  solian  sacrificar  estas 
tiernas  victimas  ahogandolas,  despues 
de  haberles  dado  bien  de  comer  y 
beber,  llenandolas  la  boca  de  coca 
molida  y  deteniendoles  el  resuello; 
despues  las  enterraban  con  ciertos 
visajes  y  ceremonias.  Otras  veces  las 
degollaban,  y  con  su  sangre  se  tenian 
el  rostro :  enterraban  con  ellos  los 
vasos  en  que  antes  les  hacian  beber,  y 
por  eso  en  las  sepulturas  se  suelen 
hallar  muchos,  que  cuando  son  de  ma- 
dera  Uaman  Quero,  y  a  !os  de  plata 
Aquillas. "     Torres  Eubio  has   (Arte, 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     243 


fol.  98):  "Quheru— Vaso  de  madera 
en  que  veviaa  la  Chieha";  fol.  75: 
"Aquilla — Vaso  de  plata. "  Ber- 
tonio:  Vocabulario,  II,  p.  24:  "Aquilla 
— Vaso  de  plata  para  beuer,  que  tam- 
bien  llaman  Quero,  y  si  es  a  manera 
de  taqa,  Vichu. ' '    Idem,  p,  290. 

"  There  are,  at  the  American  Mu- 
seum of  Natural  History  (New  York) 
two  wooden  keros,  purported  to  have 
come  from  Cuzco,  with  inlaid  figures, 
painted,  and  partly  very  well  dec- 
orated. In  regard  to  these  drinking 
goblets  it  is  stated  by  Cobo,  Historia 
del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV,  p.  169:  "Los 
mas  comunes  son  de  madera,  de 
hechura  de  nuestros  cubiletes  de  vidrio, 
mas  anchos  de  arriba  que  de  aba  jo, 
que  hacen  un  cuartillo  de  vino.  Pin- 
tanlos  por  de  fuera  con  cierto  barniz 
muy  reluciente  de  varios  colores,  con 
diferentes  labores  y  pinturas;  y  k 
estos  vasos  de  palo  llaman  Queros. ' ' 
The  two  specimens  mentioned  recall 
the  above  description.  They  also  have 
bits  of  tin  incrustated  with  the  fig- 
ures. Bertonio,  in  Vocabulario,  II, 
p.  290,  gives  various  names  in  Aymara 
for  varieties  of  keros,  among  them: 
"Chaantacata  Quero— Vaso  que  en  los 
estremos  tiene  encaxado  estano. ' ' 

"Cobo,  in  Historia,  IV,  p.  227, 
describes  a  way  of  fishing  with  a 
"fisga, "  which  is  a  (three-pronged) 
harpoon  or  a  fishing  spear.  He  says: 
"Indios  hay  que  en  los  rios  mansos  y 
hondos  se  echan  k  nada  con  una  fisga 
en  la  mano  derecha,  nadando  solo  con 
la  izquierda  con  gran  ligereza,  y  za- 
buUendo  tras  el  pescado,  lo  siguen 
hasta  alcanzarlo,  y  clavandolo  con  la 
fisga,  lo  sacan  atravesado  a  la  orilla. ' ' 
He  fails  to  indicate  the  region  where 
this  was  practised.  Swimming  in  Lake 
Titicaca  is  by  no  means  safe  and 
could  hardly  be  sustained  for  longer 
than  ten  or  at  most  twenty  minutes. 

"  The  so-called  ChuUpa  people, 
being  nothing  else  than  the  primitive 
Aymara,  and  it  being  well  established 
that  the  latter  wore  clothing — a  fact 
also    established    by    our    own    finds 


elsewhere  in  Bolivia — there  is  no  need 
of  special  reference  to  authorities. 

"  And  to  various  other  sections  of 
Bolivia  which  we  explored. 

"Squier:  Peru,  pp.  352  and  353, 
picture  of  Chullpas  at  Acora. 

^^  See  the  American  Anthropologist, 
January-March,  1905 :  The  aboriginal 
Ruins  at  Sillustani,  Peru.  The  towers 
at  Kalaki,  on  the  shores  of  Huata, 
fronting  the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana 
were,  like  those  of  Sillustani,  prob- 
ably store-houses. 

'^  Primera  Parte  de  la  Cronica, 
Cap.  c,  p.  443. 

^^  Furthermore,  not  all  of  these 
graves  are  pre-Spanish.  As  shown  in 
Part  III,  the  Island  continued  to  be 
inhabited  by  Aymara,  who,  for  a  cen- 
tury after  the  conquest,  at  least,  lived 
on  it  after  the  fashion  of  primitive 
times. 

'^  Most  of  the  engagements  between 
the  first  Spaniards  in  Peru  and  the  In- 
dians were  fought  in  the  daytime,  even 
when  the  latter  were  the  aggressors. 

■*  Final  Report,  II,  pp.  566  and  568. 

-"Peru,  p.  335:  "The  path  skirts 
the  flanks  of  the  abrupt  hills  forming 
the  island,  apparently  on  the  line  of 
an  ancient  road  supported  by  terraces 
of  large  stones,  at  an  elevation  of 
between  two  and  three  hundred  feet 
above  the  lake,  the  shores  of  which 
are  precipitous. ' '  There  is  no  trace 
of  such  terraces,  but  there  are  ledges 
of  natural  rock  cropping  out  here  and 
there.  Andenes  are  plentiful,  but 
they  are  low  and  bear  no  relation  to 
the  path,  whether  ancient  or  modern. 
The  Inca  remains  at  the  Puncu  are 
not  mentioned  by  any  of  the  early 
authors  at  my  command. 

^Arriaga:  Extirpacion,  p.  11:  "A 
los  Puquios,  que  son  los  manantiales, 
y  fuentes  hemos  hallado  que  adoran 
de  la  misma  manera,  espeeialmente 
donde  tienen  falta  de  agua,  pidien- 
doles  que  no  se  sequen. ' ' 

='  Peru,  p.  333. 

^^  Archaeological  Reconnoissance  into 
Mexico,  chapter  on  Mitla. 


244 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


^  None  of  the  descriptions  of  the 
Island  of  the  seventeenth  century 
at  my  command  mentions  the  Pilco- 
Kayma.  ' '  Pilco  ' '  seems  to  be  a  cor- 
ruption of  ' '  Pirca ' ' — wall,  in  Quichua 
as  well  as  in  Aymara.  Bertonio,  in 
Vocabulario,  II,  p.  49,  says  of 
"Kayma"  that  it  means  "cor- 
rompido, "  decayed — and  is  applied 
to  food  and  drink.  The  silence  of 
the  Augustines  and  Jesuits  who  vis- 
ited the  Island  in  the  second  decade 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  about  the 
Pilco-Kayma,  is  a  matter  of  surprise 
to  me,  since  it  is  one  of  the  best  pre- 
served and  most  striking  ruins  on 
Titicaca. 

'"  See  note  above. 

"  Peru,  p.  368.  In  assigning  to 
the  promontory  of  Llaq'-aylli  an  ele- 
vation of  2000  feet,  the  distinguished 
explorer  has  been  mistaken.  No  point 
of  the  Island  rises  more  than  800  feet 
above  the  Lake. 

'"Squier:  Peru,  p.  368.  Eock  (a) 
on  the  diagram  on  the  page  quoted  is 
manifestly  the  one  designated  to  us 
as  a  sacrificial  stone.  Of  other  blocks 
alluded  to  by  Mr,  Squier  and  which 
he  calls  ' '  Inti-Huatana ' '  there  is  only 
the  one  that  looks  like  an  arm-chair. 

^  Historia  de  Co-pacahana,  p.  44 : 
"El  orden  que  guardaban  los  sacer- 
dotes  en  sacrificarlos  era  este.  Poni- 
anlos  sobre  una  gran  losa,  echados  los 
rostros  al  cielo,  vueltos  al  sol,  y  tiran- 
doles  del  cuello  ponianles  sobre  el  una 
teja  6  piedra  lisa  algo  ancha  y  con 
otra  les  daban  encima  tales  golpes  que 
en  breve  les  quitaban  la  vida;  y  asi 
muertos  los  dejaban  dentro  de  la 
misma  guaca  ..." 

**  Ibidem,  p.  45.  It  seems  also,  that 
human  sacrifices  continued  to  be  made 
after  the  conquest,  in  secret.  On 
page  26  he  mentions  that,  in  1598, 
and  between  Sicasica  and  Oruro,  a 
girl,  ten  years  old,  had  been  rescued 
from  a  tomb  where  she  had  been 
buried  by  the  Curaeaa  of  Sicasica. 
This  manner  of  sacrifice  is  still 
in    vigor    to-day,    and    it    is    made 


at  places  where  "treasure"  has  been 
unearthed.  Cobo:  Historia,  etc.,  IV, 
p.  64:  "Los  sacrificios  que  en  este 
adoratorio  se  hacian  eran  muy  fre- 
quentes  y  costosos,  derramando  tanta 
sangre  de  inocentes  y  ofreciendo  tan 
grandes  tesoros. ' '  He  mentions  four 
modes  of  sacrificing  people:  Strangu- 
lation, cutting  of  the  throat,  burying 
alive,  and  tearing  out  the  heart.  The 
latter  statement  is  suspicious,  as  Cobo 
was  for  a  number  of  years  in  Mexico. 
Pray  Andres  de  S.  Nicolas,  in  Imdgen 
de  N:S:  de  Copacavana,  fol.  30, 
states  that  the  victims  were  mostly 
adults,  and  describes  the  sacrifices  as 
follows:  "Ponian  a  los  muchachos 
sobre  una  losa  grande,  alii  dispuesta; 
y  auiendoles  dado  a  beber  su  breuaje 
hecho  de  maiz,  que  llaman  chicha,  los 
priuauan  de  sentido,  y  luego  les 
Uenauan  la  boca  de  yerba,  que  por 
nombre  de  la  Coca  es  conocido  (cuyo 
vso  vn  Concilio  Limense  justamente 
ha  condenado)  y  poniendoles  mirando 
al  Sol,  apretauan  sus  gargantas  con 
vna  piedra  lisa,  y  algo  ancha,  y  eon 
otra  les  dauan  tales  golpes,  que  dentro 
de  poco  los  priuauan  de  la  vida. ' ' 
Calancha,  in  Coronica,  II,  fol.  18  et 
seq.,  repeats  Eamos  in  the  main,  but 
he  is  positive  that  adult  girls  were 
sacrificed  on  the  Island,  though  he 
insists  that  the  majority  of  victims 
were  children. 

When  Hernando  and  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro  made  their  raid  into  Bolivia  in 
1538  or  1539,  they  lost  one  of  their 
men  who,  as  they  afterward  learned, 
had  been  sacrificed  in  a  shrine  on  the 
Desaguadero.  Belacion  del  sitio  del 
Cuzco,  p.  179:  "Y  de  los  que  prendie- 
ron  se  supo  como  el  Cristiano  tomado 
a  manos  le  habian  sacrificado  en  un 
adoratorio  que  tenian  en  pasando  el 
desaguadero. ' ' 

^'  It  is  not  true,  as  Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega  and  the  author  of  the  anony- 
mous Eelacion  assert,  that  the  Inca 
did  not  practice  human  sacrifices. 
Even  Cieza  admits  it:  Segunda  Parte, 
Cap.  XXV,  p.  100 :  * '  No  digo  yo  que  no 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     245 


sacrificaban  y  que  no  mataban  hombres 
y  niiios  en  los  tales  sacrificios;  pero 
no  era  lo  que  se  dice  ni  con  mucho. ' ' 
(Also  Cap.  XXVIII,  pp.  113, 169,  et  seq.) 
Juan  de  Betanzos:  Suma  y  Narracion, 
Cap.  XI,  p.  66:  "Y  esto  hecho,  mando 
Inca  Yupanqui  a  los  senores  del  Cuzco 
que,  para  de  alii  a  diez  dias,  tuviesen 
aparejado  mucho  proveimiento  de 
maiz,  ovejas  y  corderos,  y  ansimismo 
mucha  ropa  fina,  y  cierta  suma  de 
ninos  y  ninas,  que  ellos  Ilaman  Capa- 
coha,  todo  lo  cual  era  para  hacer 
sacrificio  al  sol.  Y  siendo  los  diez 
dias  cumplidos  y  esto  ya  todo  junto, 
Inca  Yupanqui  mando  hacer  un  gran 
fuego,  en  el  cual  fuego  mando, 
despues  de  haber  hecho  degollar  las 
ovejas  y  corderos,  que  fuesen  echados 
en  el,  y  las  demas  ropas  y  maiz,  of  re- 
ciendolo  todo  al  sol;  y  los  ninos  y 
ninas  que  ansi  habian  juntado,  es- 
tando  bien  vestidos  y  aderezados, 
mandoles  enterrar  vivos  en  aquella 
casa  ..."  Cristoval  de  Molina: 
Fables  and  Bites  of  the  Incas,  p.  54: 
"The  Ccapaccocha  was  instituted  by 
Pachacutec  Ynca  Yupanqui,  and  was 
as  follows:  The  provinces  of  Colla- 
suyu,  Chincha-suyu,  Anti-suyu,  and 
Cunti-suyu  brought  to  this  city  from 
each  lineage  or  tribe  one  or  two  male 
and  female  children  aged  about  ten 
years.  .  .  .  The  children  and  the  other 
sacrifices  walked  around  the  statues 
of  the  Creator,  the  Sun,  the  Thunder, 
and  the  Moon,  which  were  placed  in 
the  square,  taking  two  turns.  ...  So 
the  children  were  strangled  and  buried 
with  the  silver  figures  of  sheep,"  etc. 
(p.  55).  "After  this  prayer  they 
strangled  the  children,  first  giving 
them  to  eat  and  drink,  that  they 
might  not  enter  the  presence  of  the 
Creator  discontented  and  hungry. 
From  others  they  took  out  the  hearts 
while  yet  alive,  and  offered  them  to 
the  Huacas  while  yet  palpitating," 
etc.  The  Indian  Salcamayhua,  in 
Belacion  de  Antigiiedades,  etc.,  p.  359, 
attributes  the  introduction  of  the 
sacrifices  of  children  above  described 


to  one  of  the  earliest  head-chiefs  men- 
tioned by  him:  "Dizen  que  en  tiempo 
deste  (Mayta  Capac)  los  imbentaron 
el  sacrificio  de  Capac  Hucha  Cocuy, 
enterrandoles  a  los  muchachos  sin 
mancha  y  conoro  y  plata,  y  lo  mismo 
an  embentado  el  Arpar  con  sangre 
humana  como  con  corderos  blancos, " 
etc. 

^'  That  there  was  constant  manu- 
facturing of  chicha  going  on  on  Titi- 
caca  is  already  asserted  by  the  first 
two  Spaniards  who  visited  it  in  De- 
cember, 1533:  Relatione  per  Sva 
Maesta,  1534,  Ramusio,  II,  fol.  413: 
"Vi  sono  megli  di  secento  Indiani  al 
seruitio  di  questo  luogo,  &  piu  di 
mille  donne,  che  fanno  Chicca  per 
gettarla  sopra  queUa  pietra  Thichi- 
casa. ' ' 

"Victims  sacrificed  together  were 
also  buried  close  to  each  other. 

^*  The  Belatione  per  Sva  Maesta, 
fol.  413,  states :  * '  due  picciole  Iso- 
lette,  nell '  vna  delle  quali  e  vna  mos- 
chea,  &  casa  del  Sole,  la  quale  e  tenuta 
in  gran  veneratione,  &  in  essa  vanno 
a  fare  le  loro  offerte  &  sacrificij  in  vJia 
gran  pietra  che  e  nell '  Isola  che  la 
chiamano  Thichicasa. ' '  ( Italics  mine. ) 
This  statement  by  persons  who  saw 
the  ceremonials  on  the  Island  in 
primitive  condition  indicates,  as  I 
shall  still  further  develop,  that  the 
"mosque,  and  house  of  the  sun"  in- 
cluded what  is  called  the  Sacred  Rock 
to-day,  hence  the  '  *  temple  of  the  sun ' ' 
cannot  have  been  at  Kasapata. 

^  Eistoria  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV, 
p.  58:  "De  los  Mitimaes,  que  la 
mayor  parte  eran  de  la  sangre  y  linaje 
de  los  Incas,  formo  un  moderado 
pueblo  media  legua  antes  del  templo, 
y  en  el  mando  labrar  casa  de  su  habi- 
tacion. ' ' 

*"  Eistoria  de  Copacabana,  1860,  p. 
16:  "Arreglado  ya  Copacabana,  el 
mismo  monarca  formo  otro  pueblo 
moderado  en  la  isla,  como  a  media 
legua  de  la  pena  sagrada;  y  alii  labro 
su  real  palacio. "  So  far  Ramos,  but 
his  editor,  Father  Sans,  adds:  "cuyas 


246 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


ruinas  son  probablemente  las  que  se 
ven  frente  del  Templo  del  Sol  en  una 
Colina  al  lado  de  Oriente. ' '  Sans  shares 
the  impression  that  the  edifice  at  Kasa- 
pata  was  the  ' '  temple  of  the  sun. ' ' 

"  Coronica  Moralizada,  II,  f  ol.  6 : 
"Tupac  ynga  fundo  un  moderado 
pueblo  casi  media  legua  antes  de 
llegar  a  la  pena,  i  en  el  labro  su  real 
palacio,  pobre  en  la  arquitectura  de  su 
edificio,  pero  riquisimo  en  el  tesoro  de 
su  erario. ' ' 

^  This  is  corroborated  by  Cobo : 
Historia,  etc.,  IV,  p.  55:  "Y  un 
cuarto  de  legua  antes  de  llegar  al  tem- 
plo, un  grandioso  Tambo  6  meson  para 
hospedaje  de  peregrines  ..."  Al- 
though Cobo  places  that  tambo  at 
only  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the 
Sacred  Eock,  it  is  plain  that  the  site 
of  Kasapata  is  meant  by  him.  "Muro 
Kato, ' '  where  the  cluster  of  edifices 
connected  with  the  shrine  begins  in 
the  south  or  southeast,  is  only  a  short 
distance  away,  and  shows  no  traces 
of  an  edifice  large  enough  for  accom- 
modating any  number  of  lodgers, 
even  transient  ones  as  "pilgrims" 
would  be. 

"  That  Tupac  Yupanqui  was  the 
Inca  chief  who  first  visited  the  Island 
is  stated  by  the  majority  of  authors. 
Cieza:  Segunda  Parte,  p.  199:  "Pa- 
sando  adelante  Inca  Yupanqui  cuen- 
tan  que  visito  los  mas  pueblos  que 
confinan  con  la  gran  laguna  de  Titi- 
caca  .  .  .  Entro  en  la  gran  laguna  de 
Titicaca  y  niiro  las  islas  que  en  ella 
se  hacen,  mandando  hacer  en  la  mayor 
de  ellas  templo  del  sol  y  palacios  para 
el  y  sus  descendientes. ' '  Eelacion  de 
la  Provincia  de  los  Pacajes,  p.  58. 
Eamos:  Historia,  Cap.  in,  iv,  vii,  etc. 
Cobo :  Historia,  IV,  Lib.  xiii.  Andres  de 
S.  Nicolas,  Imdgen,  etc.,  f.  25.  Anello 
Oliva:  Historia  del  Perv,  etc.,  1631, 
p.  51,  attributes  the  first  visit  to  the 
Island  to  Topa  or  Viracocha  Inca,  but 
he  is  himself  in  doubt  as  to  the  au- 
thenticity of  the  information,  and  it 
looks  as  if  he  had  interpolated  two 
supposed  war-chiefs  in  his  catalogue. 


To  my  knowledge,  Mr.  Squier  has 
been  the  first  and,  thus  far,  only  one 
to  allude  to  the  comparatively  modern 
origin  of  the  Inca  buildings  on  Titi- 
caca and  Koati.  Peru,  p.  371:  "As- 
suming the  truth  of  these  traditions, 
most,  if  not  all,  the  edifices  on  the 
island  were  built  some  time  between 
1425  and  1470,  which  was  the  period 
when  Tupac  Yupanqui  reigned. ' ' 
Tupac  Yupanqui  was — and  nearly  all 
the  early  sources  agree  in  this — the 
third  last  Inca  war-chief,  taking 
Huascar  as  the  last  one  previous  to 
the  conquest;  Atauhuallpa  was  the 
latter 's  contemporary  and  an  intruder 
from  the  North.  Hence  Tupac  Yu- 
panqui must  have  been  in  ofiiee  be- 
tween 1450  and  1500,  and  the  visit  to 
Titicaca  took  place  within  these  limits 
of  time.  The  extraordinary  longevity 
attributed  to  some  of  these  chiefs 
cannot  be  accepted  as  a  basis  for  de- 
termining the  length  of  a  term.  Even 
allowing  for  a  generation  as  much  as 
forty  years,  the  beginning  of  the 
term  of  Tupac  Yupanqui  would  be 
about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth 
century  only.  With  him  traditions 
of  the  Inca  assume  a  more  positive 
shape. 

"  The  rock,  unfortunately  for  these 
statements,  is  so  situated  that  it  re- 
ceives no  light  at  sunrise  and  very 
little  direct  sunlight  during  the  re- 
mainder of  the  day. 

*^  Relatione  per  Sva  Maesta,  fol. 
413. 

*"  Cobo,  in  Historia  del  Nuevo 
Mundo,  IV,  p.  62,  calls  that  entrance 
' '  Kenti  puncu, ' '  says  it  was  ' '  dos- 
cientos  pasos  distante  de  la  pena, ' ' 
and  adds:  "A  un  lado  de  la  puerta 
sobredicha  se  ven  ciertos  edificios 
viejos,  que,  segun  los  indios  cuentan, 
eran  aposentos  de  los  ministros  y  sir- 
vientes  del  templo;  y  al  otro  lado  hay 
senales  de  un  gran  edificio,  que  era  el 
recogimiento  de  las  Mamaconas,  mu- 
jeres  consagradas  al  Sol,  las  cuales 
Servian  de  hacer  los  brevajes  y  telas 
de  curiosidad  que  en  aquel  ministerio 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     247 


del  adoratorio  se  gastaban. "  Kamos, 
in  Historia  de  Copacabana,  pp.  10  and 
11,  mentions  three  gateways,  the  near- 
est of  which  he  places  200  steps  from 
the  rock,  and  calls  the  first  or  most 
distant  of  these  entrances  "Puma- 
puncu, ' '  the  middle  one  ' '  Kenti- 
puncu, ' '  and  the  last  ' '  Pillcopuncu. ' ' 
He  says  the  three  were  at  twenty 
paces  from  each  other.  Fray  San 
Nicolas  (Imdgen,  etc.,  fol.  23)  agrees 
with  Cobo.  Admission  to  the  cluster 
of  buildings  surrounding  the  rock  was 
to  be  preceded  by  a  "confession." 
That  a  certain  confession  was  in  prac- 
tice among  the  Peruvian  aborigines 
seems  certain,  also  that  it  resulted  in 
expurgation  and  absolution.  On  this 
point  Arriaga  (Extirpacion,  Cap.  iii, 
p.  18)  is  positive  and  detailed:  "Au- 
cachie,  que  en  el  Cuzco  Ilaman  Ichuris, 
es  el  Confesor,  este  oficio  no  anda 
solo  sino  que  siempre  es  annexe,  al 
Villac,  o  al  Macsa  sobre  dicho.  Con- 
fiesa  a  todos  los  de  su  Ayllo,  aunque 
sea  su  muger,  y  hi  jo.  Estas  con- 
fesiones  son  siempre  en  las  fiestas  de 
sus  Huacas,  y  quando  an  de  yr  camino 
largo.  Y  son  tan  cuidadosos  en  su 
oficio,  que  e  topado  yo  algunos  mu- 
chaehos  que  nunca  se  avian  confesado 
con  Sacerdote  alguno  de  Dios  nuestro 
Sefior,  y  se  avian  confesado  ya  tres  6 
quatro  vezes  con  estos  ministros  del 
Demonio  ..."  (P.  28,  Cap.  v.) 
* '  Durante  el  ayuno  se  confiessan  todos 
Yndios  y  Yndias  con  los  que  tienen 
este  oficio,  sentados  en  el  suelo  el  que 
oye,  y  el  que  se  confiessa  en  lugares 
que  suelen  tener  en  el  campo  diputa- 
dos  para  este  efecto. — No  confiessan 
pecados  interiores,  sino  de  haver  hur- 
tado,  de  aver  mal  tratado  a  otros,  y 
de  tener  mas  que  vna  muger  (porque 
tener  vna  aunque  sea  estando  amance- 
bado,  no  lo  tienen  por  pecado)  acu- 
sanse  tambien  de  los  adulterios,  pero 
la  simple  fornicacion  de  ninguna 
manera  la  tienen  por  pecado,  acusanse 
de  auer  acudido  a  reverenciar  el  Dios 
de  los  Espanoles,  y  de  no  auer  acudido 
a  las  Huacas  el  Hechizero  les  dize  que  se 


emiende,  "  etc. — "Y  ponen  sobre  vna 
piedra  liana  de  los  polvos  de  of  rendas, 
y  haze  que  los  sople,  y  con  vna  piedre- 
§uela  que  Ilaman  Pasea,  que  quiere 
dezir  perdon,  que  la  lleva  el  Yndio,  o 
la  tiene  el  que  confiessa  le  refriega  la 
cabecja,  con  maiz  bianco  molido,  y  con 
agua  le  lavan  la  cabe^a  en  algun 
arroyo  6  donde  se  juntan  los  rios,  que 
Ilaman  Tincuna. — Tiene  por  gran 
pecado  el  esconder  los  pecados,  quando 
se  confiessan,  y  haze  grandes  dili- 
gencias,  para  averiguallo  el  Con- 
fessor.— Y  para  esto  en  diversas  par- 
tes tienen  diversas  ceremonias.  En 
vnas  en  llegando  el  Yndio  al  confessor 
dize  oydme  los  Cerros  de  al  derredor, 
las  llanadas,  los  Condores  que  bolays, 
los  Buhos  y  Lechugas,  que  quiero  con- 
fessar  mis  pecados.  Y  todo  esto  dize 
teniendo  vna  quentecilla  de  muUu 
metida  en  vna  espina  con  dos  dedos 
de  la  mano  derecha,  levantando  la  es- 
pina hazia  arriba,  dize  sus  pecados, 
y  en  acabando  la  da  al  confessor,  y 
el  la  toma  y  hincando  la  espina  en 
la  manta  la  aprieta  hasta  que  se 
quiebre  la  quenta,  y  mira  en  quantas 
partes  se  quebro,  y  si  se  quebro  en 
tres  a  sido  buena  la  confesion  y  si 
se  quiebra  en  dos,  no  a  sido  buena  la 
confession,  y  dize  que  torne  a  con- 
f  essar  sus  pecados. ' ' 

* '  En  otras  partes  para  verificar  esto 
mismo  toman  vn  manojillo  de  hicho  de 
a  donde  se  derivo  el  nombre  de  Ichuri, 
que  es  el  que  coje  pajas,  y  lo  divide 
el  confessor  en  dos  partes,  y  va  sa- 
cando  vna  paja  de  vna  parte,  y  otra 
de  otra,  hasta  ver  si  quedan  pares,  que 
entonces  es  buena  la  confession,  y  si 
no  es  mala. — En  otras  lo  devinan  por 
la  sangre  de  los  cuyes,  y  en  vn  pueblo 
cerca  de  aqui  atandole  las  manos  atras 
al  penitente,  quando  acaba  de  confes- 
sar,  y  apretandoselas  con  vn  cordel  le 
hazia  el  confesor  dezir  la  verdad. — Oy 
dixo  delante  de  mi  vn  Yndio  al  Visita- 
dor,  que  dandole  el  confessor  con  vn 
palo  le  apretava  a  que  confessase  to- 
dos sus  pecados,  y  otro  que  dandole 
con  vna  soga.     Dales  por  penitencia 


248 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


los  ayunos  sobredichos  de  no  comer 
sal,  ni  agi,  ni  dormir  eon  sus  mugeres, 
y  vno  dixo  que  le  avian  dado  este 
ayuno  per  seys  meses. ' ' 

"Fuera  de  las  fiestas,  vsan  tambien 
el  confessarse,  quando  estan  enfer- 
mos, "  etc.  I  have  been  thus  prolix  in 
quoting  Arriaga  because  he  is  more 
detailed  on  the  subject  than  any  other 
author,  and  because  he  made  it  a  mat- 
ter of  minute  investigation. 

This  custom  of  "confession" 
among  the  Peruvian  Indians  was  not 
"discovered"  in  consequence  of  the 
official  search  into  the  rites  and  cere- 
monials of  that  people  instituted  in 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury. Fully  sixty  years  previous, 
about  1560,  the  Augustine  monks  who 
established  missions  in  the  region  of 
Huamachuco,  noticed  the  rites  of  con- 
fession. Says  the  Belacion  de  la  Ee- 
ligion  y  ritos  del  Peru,  Doc.  de  Indias, 
III,  p.  44:  "Cosa  es  de  espanto,  que 
estos  indios  tambien  tenian  confesion 
vocal  y  se  confesaban,  la  cual  se 
descubrio  desta  manera:  andando  un 
padre  por  una  xalca  6  tierra  de 
mucha  nieve,  vido  que  entre  la  nieve 
estaba  un  indio  asentado,  y  Uamo  4 
sus  yanaconas  y  criados  y  mandoles 
que  truxesen  aquel  indio,  y  comenzole 
a  suadir  que  le  dijese  que  que  hacia  en 
aquella  sierra  6  xalca,  que  asi  la 
llaman  en  la  lengua  del  Peru  .  .  .  y 
dixo  que  algun  idolo  6  guaca  habia 
por  alii,  pues  que  estaba  asi,  que  debia 
de  adorar  6  mochar,  y  atrayendole  con 
algunas  amenazas,  dixo  que  el  diria 
por  que  estaba  alii,  y  que  era  por 
penitencia  que  le  habia  dado  el  alco, 
ques  el  hechicero;  y  preguntole  que 
por  que  era  aquella  penitencia,  y  dixo 
que  conf  esandose,  y  asi  dixo  quien  era 
el  alco  6  sacerdote,  y  Uamolo,  que  era 
un  indio  vie  jo,  y  de  aqui  se  descu- 
brieron  muchos.  Y  la  manera  de  su 
confesion  era  que  decian  sus  ochas, 
que  en  la  lengua  quieren  decir  culpas, 
y  confesaban  si  habian  hurtado  algo  6 
renido,  sino  habian  servido  bien  a  su 
principal  6  cacique,  sino  tenido  acata- 


miento  al  Zupai  y  demonio  y  a  la 
guaca  6  idolo,  cumplido  con  lo  que  le 
mandaba  el  demonio." — Father  Cris- 
tobal Molina:  Fables  and  Rites  of  the 
Yncas,  p.  15:  "According  to  the  ac- 
counts they  give,  all  the  people  of  the 
land  confessed  to  the  sorcerers  who 
had  charge  of  the  huacas. "  Molina 
obtained  his  information  at  Cuzco, 
about  fifty  years  prior  to  Arriaga. 

"  Eistoria  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV, 
p.  62:  "Entre  esta  puerta  y  los  edifi- 
cios  dichos  estaba  una  pena  viva,  por 
la  cual  pasa  el  camino  que  va  al 
santuario,  y  en  ella  estan  ciertas 
senales  que  parecen  del  calzado  de 
los  indios,  grandisimas,  las  cuales 
creian  los  indios  viejos  ser  pisadas 
milagrosas  que  alii  quedaron  de 
aquellos  mas  que  tenebrosos  tiempos 
de  su  gentilidad,  siendo  como  son 
aguajes  de  la  misma  pena."  Squier: 
Peru,  p.  339:  "They  are  formed  in 
outline,  by  hard,  ferruginous  veins, 
around  which  the  rock  has  been  worn 
away,  leaving  them  in  relief." 

*^  Historia  de  Copacabana,  p.  8: 
"Al  lado  de  una  planicie,  como  a 
treinta  pasos  de  la  pena,"  etc. 
Cobo:  Historia,  TV,  p.  61:  "La  pena 
tan  venerada  estaba  descubierta,  y 
junto  a  ella  el  templo,  con  tal  dispo- 
sicion,  que  venia  a  caer  la  dicha  pena 
como  en  su  cimenterio,  6  por  mejor 
decir,  en  la  capilla  mayor  del,  aunque 
descubierta,  pues  era  el  lugar  de  mas 
veneracion. "  This  is  already  stated 
in  the  Belatione  per  Sva  Maesta, 
1534,  fol.  413,  which  statement  I  re- 
gard as  conclusive. 

*•  Compare  the  description  by  Cobo : 
Historia,  IV,  p.  61:  "El  convexo  es 
de  pena  viva,  cuyas  vertientes  llegan 
a  comunicarse  con  el  agua  en  una 
ensenada  que  la  laguna  haee. "  But 
Cobo  makes  the  mistake  of  placing 
the  face  {f rente)  of  the  rock  to  the 
north  instead  of  to  the  west.  That 
face,  or  cliff,  looks  to  the  Peruvian  or 
western  shore  of  the  Lake. 

^  Belacion  anonima,  p.  164.  In 
regard  to  a  derivation  from  the  Qui- 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     249 


chua  "Titi"— tin,  I  would  remark 
that  the  name  is  Aymara,  and  not 
Quichua;  (2)  that  there  is  neither 
tin  nor  lead  nor  antimony  on  the 
Island,  and  (3)  that  the  rock  is  red- 
dish-brown and  has  not  the  slightest 
resemblance  in  color  with  any  of 
these  metals. 

"'  Eamos :  Eistoria  de  Copacabana, 
p.  8:  "Al  lado  de  una  planicie,  como 
4  treinta  pasos  de  la  pena,  estan  las 
calas(\)  del  sol,  del  trueno  y  del  re- 
lampago,  a  quienes  los  indios  respeta- 
ban  mucho. "  I  italicize  the  word 
' '  calas. ' '  It  may  be  a  misprint  from 
"casas. "  Should  it,  however,  be 
"calas,"  it  may  indicate  excava- 
tions, or  diggings. 

"  See  above.  Cobo,  while  otherwise 
careful  in  his  descriptions,  confounds 
the  directions  of  the  compass.  On  the 
side  toward  Bolivia  (the  north  and 
east)  the  Sacred  Kock  presents  an  al- 
most uninterrupted  slope  on  which  ab- 
solutely no  trace  of  ruins  is  seen. 
Neither  is  there  any  appropriate  site 
for  a  building. 

*'  Historia,  p.  8. 

"  See  plans. 

^  Eelatione  per  Sva  Maesta,  fol. 
413. 

''^ Eamos:  Historia,  p.  8:  "En  la 
Uanada  de  esta  isla  se  han  hallado 
muchos  idolillos  de  oro,  y  curiosos 
vasos  de  barro;  vense  aun  las  catas  o 
rastros  de  excavaciones  que  se  han 
hecho  para  buscar  los  tesoros  que  en 
sus  sepulcros  enterraban  los  antiguos. 
Ahora  todo  esta  cubierto  de  pajonal  y 
maleza. "  There  is  no  ichhu  grass  on 
the  level  immediately  in  front  of  the 
rock  and  the  description  would  rather 
apply  to  the  site  called  Chucaripu- 
pata,  contiguous  almost  to  the  level 
in  question.  Calancha:  Coroniea,  etc., 
II,  fol.  4 :  "  Tiene  de  tierra  una  gran 
panpa,  6  Uanada  que  sirvio  de  cemen- 
terio  es  de  tierra  facil  .  .  .  En 
aquesta  panpa,  6  Uanada,  se  an  al- 
lado  muchos  idolos  de  oro  y  vasos 
curiosos  de  barro  con  otras  menuden- 
cias   del  tiempo  antiguo.     Vense  las 


catas  que  se  an  dado  por  buscar  los 
tesoros,  que  en  sus  sepulcros  enter- 
ravan  los  Yndios, "  etc.  Calancha 
manifestly  copied  from  Eamos. 
Cobo  (Historia,  etc.,  IV,  p.  61)  is  one 
of  those  who  state  that  the  Sacred 
Eock  was  covered  with  handsome 
pieces  of  cloth,  and  adds:  "Delante 
de  la  dicha  pena  y  altar  se  ve  una 
piedra  redonda  al  modo  de  bacin,  ad- 
mirablemente  labrada,  del  tamano  de 
una  piedra  de  molino  mediana,  con 
su  orificio,  que  ahora  sirve  al  pie  de 
una  cruz,  en  que  echaban  la  chicha 
para  que  el  Sol  bebiese. ' '  Of  this 
stone,  circular  in  form,  we  did  not 
hear.  The  sacrifice  or  offering  of 
chicha  is  mentioned  already  in  1534 
(Relatione  per  Sva  Maesta,  fol.  413)  : 
"che  fanno  Chicca  per  gettarla  sopra 
quella  pietra  Thichicasa. ' '  Cobo 
(Historia,  etc.,  p.  61)  says  the  rock 
was  "cubierta  con  una  cortina  de 
cumbi,  el  mas  sutil  y  delicado  que 
jamas  se  vio,  y  todo  el  concave  della 
cubierto  de  laminas  de  oro."  About 
the  word  "cumbi"  Torres  Eubio 
(Arte,  etc.,  fol.  78)  has  "Ccompi  o 
cumpi — ropa  preciosa. "  That  such 
handsome  textures  were  used  for  sac- 
rifice is  frequently  stated.  (Garci- 
lasso:  Comentarios,  I,  fol.  34.)  Treat- 
ing of  the  objects  offered  to  the  sun, 
he  asserts:  "y  ropa  de  vestir  de  la 
muy  fina,  todo  lo  cual  quemaua  en 
lugar  de  encienso,  y  lo  ofrecian  en 
hazimiento  de  gracias. "  Betanzos: 
Suma  y  Narracion,  Cap.  xv,  p.  103: 
"La  cual  fiesta  mando  que  se  hiciese 
en  la  plaza  do  agora  es  el  espital,  en 
la  ciudad  del  Cuzeo  ...  en  la  cual 
fiesta  mando  que  se  hiciesen  grandes 
sacrificios  a  los  Idolos,  do  se  les 
quemase  e  sacrifiease  muchos  ganados 
e  comidas  e  ropa,  y  en  las  tales 
guacas  fuesen  ofrecidos  muchas  joyas 
de  oro  y  plata. "  This  was  in  the 
month  of  May,  according  to  the  au- 
thor. (Also  p.  105.)  Molina:  Fables 
and  Rites,  etc.,  p.  34:  "They  burn  in 
sacrifice  a  sheep,  and  a  vast  quantity 
of   clothes   of  many  colours."     Also 


250 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


pp.  45,  46,  et  seq.  Informacion  de 
las  Idolatrias  de  los  Incas  e  Indios  y 
de  como  se  enterrdban,  1571,  Boc.  de 
Indias,  XXIV,  pp.  133,  140,  154.  Ar- 
riaga:  Extirpacion  de  la  Ydolatria, 
Cap.  VIII,  p.  44:  "Tambien  no  se  a 
reparado  hasta  aora,  en  que  tuviessen 
las  camisetas  antiguas  de  cumbi,  que 
ofrecian  a  sus  Huacas,  o  vestian  a  sus 
Malquis,  o  que  se  ponian,  para  solas 
fiestas  y  sacrificios  de  las  Huacas. ' ' 
Eamos:  Copacabana,  p.  16.  Cobo: 
Eistoria  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV,  p.  84. 
As  to  the  gold  and  silver  figurines 
of  men,  women,  and  llamas  that  were 
(and  still  are,  though  in  a  lesser 
quantity)  dug  up  on  the  level  of 
Tican-aychi  in  front  of  the  Sacred 
Eock  and  at  Chucaripu-pata,  they 
were  votive  offerings,  and  what  the 
Aymara  to-day  call,  if  it  represents  a 
man,  "KoUke-jaque "  (silver  man); 
if  a  woman,  "  Kollke-huarmi "  (silver 
woman).  When  the  figurines  are  of 
gold,  "Kuri"  or  "Curi"  (gold)  is 
substituted  for  "Kollke"  (silver). 
Enough  is  contained  in  quotations 
preceding  to  establish  that  they  were 
found  at  an  early  day  on  the  Island 
and  on  the  sites  above  mentioned. 
Already  the  Relatione  per  Sva  Maesta, 
fol.  413,  states:  "&  gli  offeriscono 
oro  &  argento,  &  altre  cose."  These 
offerings  were  made  to  the  Rock — 
' '  in  vna  gran  pietra  che  e  nell '  Isola 
che  la  chiamano  Thichieasa. ' '  Gar- 
cilasso:  Covientarios,  1,  fol.  80:  "Of- 
recian cada  ano  mucho  oro,  y  plata. " 
Eamos:  Historia  de  Copacabana,  p. 
11.  The  same  author  mentions  that 
Huayna  Capac,  who  died  when  the 
first  Spaniards  reached  the  coast  of 
Ecuador,  went  to  the  island  of  Apin- 
giiila  to  make  offerings  to  a  new 
fetish  called  "Yatiri"  (this  is  proba- 
bly a  misunderstanding,  since  "Ya- 
tiri"  is  the  title  of  a  class  of  sha- 
mans) ;  he  was  dissuaded  from  it  and 
went  to  the  neighboring  island  of 
Pampiti:  "Obstinado  sin  embargo, 
en  su  capricho  creyo  oir  un  oraculo  de 
BUS  idolos  que  le  mandaban  llevase  a 


otra  parte  los  sacrificios  de  oro  y 
plata,  llamas,  cosas  preciosas,  y  aun 
de  ninos;  pero  no  alii  sino  en  Paapiti, 
otra  isla  inmediata. "  It  is  rumored 
that  figures  like  those  dug  up  on  Titi- 
caca  exist  buried  either  on  Apingiiila 
or  its  smaller  neighbor  Pampiti,  or 
Paapiti.  The  figures  were  not  idols 
or  fetishes,  but  substitutes  for  live 
beings,  men  or  animals,  that  should 
have  been  sacrificed.  Since  the  In- 
dians continued  to  perform  primitive 
ceremonials  on  the  Islands  for  about 
a  century  after  the  conquest,  it  is  not 
impossible  that  a  part  of  these  offer- 
ings are  post-conquistorial,  although. 
after  primitive  models. 

^''Eistoria  de  Copacabana,  p.  12: 
' '  En  la  barranca  que  esta  al  f rente 
del  camino  entre  Juli  y  Pomata,  es- 
tuvo  la  despensa  del  sol  .  .  .  Uamada 
vulgarmente  Chingana,  que  quiere  de- 
zir  lugar  donde  se  pierden. ' '  Cobo : 
Eistoria,  etc.,  IV,  p.  62:  "Y  cerca 
del  templo  se  ven  ruinas  de  la  despensa 
del  Sol,  cuyos  retretes  imitan  al  labe- 
rinto  de  Creta. ' ' 

^^  Eamos :  Eistoria,  etc.,  p.  6 :  "  Lo 
que  se  tiene  por  cierto  es,  que  el 
mismo  hizo  plantar  unas  estacas  de 
molles  y  alisos. ' '  Tree-planting  by 
the  Indians  in  primitive  times  is  very 
doubtful.  As  often  as  I  have  been 
shown  such  groves  I  found  them  to  be 
of  natural  growth.  The  Spaniards, 
however,  had  trees  (for  shade  and 
fruit)  planted  in  Peru  at  an  early 
date.  Cutting  down  of  indigenous 
fruit-trees  was  prohibited  at  Lima  by 
ordinance  of  the  first  town-council, 
January  30,  1535,  under  heavy  penal- 
ties; also  February  6,  1535  (Libra 
primero  de  cahildos  de  Lima,  Lima, 
1888,  pp.  18  and  19) .  On  October  29th 
of  the  same  year  it  was  ordained  that 
every  resident  of  Lima  who  owned 
land  should  plant  at  once  from  fifty 
to  three  hundred  trees  on  his  prop- 
erty {Idem,  p.  44)  ;  the  penalty  for 
not  doing  so  was  one  mark  in  gold. 
Among  the  Ordinances  of  Toledo  from 
1574  there  are  two,  in  one  of  which  it 


ANCIENT  KUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     251 


is  ordained  that  the  alcaldes  of  Indian 
communities  have  trees  planted: 
"Iten,  tendran  los  Alcaldes  cuydado 
de  mandar,  que  en  las  partes,  y 
lugares  que  huviere  temple  para  ello 
en  las  quebradas,  y  rayces  de  las 
ezequias,  6  Rios,  se  planten  arboles 
alisos,  y  sauzes,  6  frutales  de  castilla, 
pues  es  negocio  de  que  se  les  sigue,  y 
recrece  tanto  provecho  a  los  naturales 
deste  Reyno. ' '  And  in  the  ordinance 
following,  the  cutting  of  trees  at  the 
foot  is  prohibited  to  the  Indians  (Or- 
denansas  del  Perit,  Lib.  II,  Titulo  ix, 
fol.  146,  Ord.  xiy  and  xv).  Also,  for 
Cuzco:  TestimYO  de  los  Autos  hechos 
For  el  Juez  de  Nles  sobre  la  Planta  de 
las  Arboledas  en  el  Tfno  de  la  Par- 
roquia  de  San  SebastN  por  comision 
del  Ysigne  Cauildo  de  la  Dhd  Ciudad, 
1590,  MSS.  in  possession  of  Don  Car- 
los A.  Romero  at  Lima,  f  oL  34. 

^'Eistoria,  etc.,  IV,  p.  62. 

*"  It  might  be  (this  is  merely  a  sug- 
gestion of  mine)  that  Chucaripu-pata 
was  a  burial  site  for  those  who  died 
in  attendance  of  worship  on  the 
Island.  This  might  explain  the  ab- 
sence of  vestiges  of  buildings.  Some- 
thing like  it  is  insinuated  by  Ra- 
mos Eistoria,  etc.,  p.  11:  "Vense 
auii  las  catas  6  rastros  de  excava- 
ciones  que  se  an  hecho  para  buscar 
los  tesoros  que  en  sus  sepulcros  enter- 
raban  los  antiguos. ' '  Calancha :  Coro- 
nica,  II,  fol.  4:  "Vense  las  catas  que 
se  an  dado  por  buscar  los  tesoros,  que 
en  sus  sepulcroa  enterravan  los  Yn- 
dios. ' ' 

"  Cobo :  Eistoria,  etc.,  IV,  p.  58. 
Ramos :   Copacabana,  p.  6. 

®-  Apingiiila  is  to-day  sometimes 
called  the  "island  of  the  devil." 
From  Titicaca  it  is  plainly  visible, 
as  a  low  truncated  cone  surmounted 
by  a  column  or  pillar.  Pampiti  (or 
Paapiti)  is  close  to  it  on  the  south, 
and  is  low  and  flat.  As  far  as  I 
know,  the  episode  of  the  voyage  of 
Huayna  Capac  to  Apingiiila  is  only 
mentioned  by  three  authors,  all  Au- 
gustines:   Ramos:   Cap.  xxiii;   Calan- 


cha: Coronica,  II,  Cap.  in,  and  Fray 
S.  Nicolas:  Imogen,  Cap.  iv,  fol.  27. 
While  the  latter  has  been  guided,  in 
writing  his  book,  by  Ramos  and  Ca- 
lancha, he  has  enhanced  on  both  in 
the  following  passage  relative  to 
Apingiiila :  * '  Multiplico  Guaina  Capac 
otro  Templo  en  Apinguela,  Isla  no 
menos  bien  cercana  a  la  dicha  Titi- 
caca, y  dedicole  al  Idolo  latiri,  qui- 
tando  en  impuros  sacrificios  tantas 
vidas  a  los  suyos,  que  perdiendo  por 
esso  el  primer  nombre,  se  hallo  con 
aquel  de  Vilacota,  que  significa  Lago, 
6  mar  de  sangre,  en  la  lengua  natural 
de  aquella  tierra. "  "  Uilacota ' ' 
means  "lake  of  blood,"  or  bloody 
lake,  in  Aymara.  Neither  Ramos  nor 
Calancha  mention  the  erection  of  a 
* '  temple ' '  on  Apingiiila,  and  the  lat- 
ter only  applies  the  name  "Vilacota" 
to  portions  of  the  Lake  around  the 
two  islands.  The  whole  story  appears 
to  me  suspicious. 

'^^  The  voyage,  although  long  and 
tedious,  could  be  performed  in  balsas. 
The  Indians  sometimes  make  longer 
ones,  though  involuntarily,  when  east- 
erly or  northerly  storm's  prevail  on  the 
Lake. 

^Peru,  p.  336:  "At  almost  the 
very  northern  end  of  the  Island,  at 
its  most  repulsive  and  unpromising 
part,  where  there  is  neither  inhab- 
itant nor  trace  of  culture,  where  the 
soil  is  rocky  and  bare,  and  the  cliffs 
ragged  and  broken  ...  is  the  spot 
most  celebrated  and  most  sacred  in 
Peru. ' ' 

"*  The  only  bird  we  saw,  during  the 
time  of  our  investigations  about  the 
Sacred  Rock  was  the  alkamari  (called 
in  Peru  "chinalinda "),  a  handsome 
buzzard,  always  stalking  and  flying 
about  in  pairs. 

^Relatione  per  Sva  Maefsta,  fol. 
413:  "&  piu  di  mille  donne,  che 
fanno  Chicca  per  gettarla  sopra  queUa 
pietra  Thichlcasa. ' '  The  number  is, 
of  course,  either  exaggerated,  or  it 
may  be  that  the  Spaniards  were  fol- 
lowed to  the  Island  by  a  large  con- 


252 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


course  from  the  mainland,  which  waa 
often  the  case,  elsewhere,  when  white 
men  appeared  for  the  first  time  and 
in  small  numbers. 

"  The  title  of  * '  virgins  of  the 
sun,"  frequently  given  to  these  clois- 
tered, or  rather  recluse,  females  is 
not  appropriate,  and  it  may  not  be 
amiss  to  enter  here  into  a  preliminary 
discussion  of  the  nature  of  the  cus- 
tom. When,  in  1532,  the  Spaniards 
moved  upon  Cajamarca,  they  met  the 
first  one  of  the  houses  occupied  by 
women  in  the  Sierra  at  Caxas.  The 
anonymous  folio  printed  at  Sevilla 
in  1534,  and  entitled.  La  Conquista 
del  Peru  llamada  la  Nueua  Castilla, 
has  the  following:  "Llegaron  al 
pueblo  q  era  grade:  y  en  unas  casas 
muy  altas  hallaro  mucho  mayz:  y  cal- 
qado,  otras  estaua  Uenas  de  lana  y 
mas  de  quinientas  mugeres  q  no  hazia 
otra  cosa  sine  ropas  y  vino  de  mayz 
para  la  gente  de  guerra:  en  aquellas 
casas  hauia  mucho  de  aquel  vino. ' ' 
Francisco  Xerez  (Verdadera  Belacion 
de  la  Conquista  del  Perv,  pp.  52  et 
seq.)  is  more  detailed:  "y  que  se 
hallo  en  aquel  pueblo  de  Caxas  una 
casa  grande,  fuerte  y  cercada  de 
tapias,  con  sus  puertas,  en  la  cual 
estaban  muchas  mujeres  hilando  y 
tejiendo  ropas  para  la  hueste  de  Ata- 
balipa,  sin  tener  varones,  mas  de  los 
porteros  que  las  guardaban,  y  que  a 
la  entrada  del  pueblo  habia  ciertos 
indios  ahorcados  de  los  pies;  y  supo 
deste  principal  que  Atabalipa  los 
mando  matar  porque  uno  dellos  entro 
en  la  casa  de  las  mujeres  a  dormir 
con  una ;  al  cual,  y  a  todos  los  porteros 
que  consintieron,  ahorco. "  Of  Caja- 
marca, the  Conquista  (fol.  2)  says: 
"En  el  pueblo  auia  muy  poca  gete/ 
q  seria  quatrocetos  o  quinietos  indios, 
q  guardauan  las  puertas  de  las  casas 
del  cacique  Atabalipa /q  estaua  Uenas 
de  mugeres  q  hazian  chicha  para  el 
real  de  Atabalipa."  Xerez:  Verda- 
dera Belacion,  p.  79:  "Entre  la  sierra 
y  esta  plaza  grande  esta  otra  plaza 
mas  pequena;    cercada  toda   de   apo- 


sentos;  y  en  ellos  habia  muchaa 
mujeres  para  el  servicio  de  aqueste 
Atabalipa."  In  his  report  on  the 
journey  to  Pachacamac,  written  No- 
vember, 1533,  Hernando  Pizarro 
speaks  as  follows  of  the  recluse 
women  (Carta  a  la  Audiencia  de 
Santo  Domingo,  Biblioteca  de  Autores 
espanoles.  Vol.  XIX,  Obras  de  Quin- 
tana,  p.  497):  "En  todos  estos  pue- 
blos hay  casas  de  mujeres  encerradas, 
tienen  guardas  a  las  puertas,  guardan 
castidad;  si  algun  indio  tiene  parte 
en  alguna  de  ellas,  muere  por  ello; 
estas  casas  son  unas  para  el  sacrificio 
del  sol,  otras  del  Cuzco  viejo,  padre 
de  Atabaliva:  el  sacrificio  que  hacen 
es  de  ovejas,  e  hacen  chicha  para 
verter  por  el  suelo:  hay  otras  casas 
de  mujeres  en  cada  pueblo  de  estos 
principales,  asimismo  guardadas,  que 
estan  recogidas  de  los  caciques  co- 
marcanos,  para  cuando  pasa  el  senor 
de  la  tierra  sacan  de  alii  las  me j  ores 
para  presentarselas,  e  sacadas  aquellas, 
meten  otras  tantas:  tartbien  tienen 
cargo  de  hacer  chicha  para  cuando 
pasa  la  gente  de  guerra:  de  estas 
casas  sacaban  indias  que  nos  pre- 
eentaban. "  Of  the  coast  Pizarro 
states  (p.  497):  "Asimismo  tienen 
casas  de  mujeres."  Miguel  de  Estete 
(La  Belacion  del  Viaje  que  hizo  el 
Senor  Capitan  Hernando  Pizarro,  etc., 
in  Xerez,  pp.  121-149)  makes  no 
mention  of  the  women,  but  Oviedo 
(Historia  general,  IV,  p.  213)  records 
a  criticism  on  the  statements  of 
Pizarro  by  Diego  de  Molina,  who 
came  to  Santo  Domingo  in  1533,  hav- 
ing been  a  participant  in  the  con- 
quest. Molina  told  him:  "Decia  que 
aquellas  mugeres  castas  que  dice  la 
carta  es  burla,  que  no  son  castas; 
pero  ques  verdad  que  las  guardan 
hombres  castrados. "  To  these  state- 
ments from  the  earliest  days  of  the 
conquest,  that  of  Pedro  Pizarro  must 
be  added.  He  also  was  one  of  the 
first  conquerors,  although  he  wrote 
in  1571.  He  states  (Belacion,  p.  266)  : 
"En  este  buhio  donde  digo  estaba  el 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     253 


Sol,  dormlan  cotidiano  mas  de  docien- 
tas  mugeres  hijas  de  indios  princi- 
pales:  dormian  en  el  suelo,  y  al  bulto 
del  Sol  tenian  puesto  un  escano  alto 
muy  rico  de  mucha  plumeria  de  tor- 
nasol,  y  fingian  ellas  dormir  alii  y  que 
el  Sol  se  ayuntaba  con  ellas. ' ' 

"Tratare  ahora  de  lo  que  son  estas 
mamaconas,  y  este  nombre  que  tienen 
de  mamaconas  era  costumbre  entre 
este  linage  destos  ore j  ones  que  eran 
mucha  gente  y  tenidos  entre  ellos  por 
caballeros,  en  especial  los  que  anda- 
ban  trasquilados,  porque  otros  habia 
que  traian  el  cabello  largo  corriente 
sin  cortarlo  jamas,  aunque  decian  que 
eran  parientes  los  unos  de  los  otros, 
eiendo.  el  principio  de  ellos  dos  her- 
manos  y  que  el  uno  habia  tomado 
traje  de  andar  trasquilado  y  el  otro 
con  el  cabello  largo:  de  la  generacion 
de  los  que  se  trasquilaban  eran  los 
senores  de  este  reino  y  en  mas  tenidos 
los  hijos  e  hijas  de  estos. — Tenian  li- 
bertad  desque  eran  de  edad,  de  escoger 
4  quien  era  su  voluntad  a  llegarse 
para  lo  servir  y  nombrarse  a  su  ape- 
lUdo,  y  dende  chicos  sus  padres  los 
Benalaban  y  dedicaban  6  para  el  Sol 
6  al  Senor  que  a  la  sazon  reinaba,  6 
para  alguno  de  los  muertos  que  tengo 
dicho,  senalabanlos  a  su  servicio ;  y  los 
que  eran  para  el  Sol,  estaban  en  sus 
casas,  que  eran  muy  grandes  y  muy 
cercadas,  ocupandose  las  mugeres  en 
hacer  chicha,  que  era  una  manera  de 
brebaje  que  hacian  del  maiz  que  be- 
bian  como  nosotros  el  vino,  y  en  guisar 
de  comer  ansi  para  el  Sol  como  para 
los  que  le  Servian:  habian  de  estar 
recogidas  de  noche  todas  sin  salir 
fuera  destos  cercados  y  casas,  que 
tenian  muchos  porteros  que  las  guar- 
daban  y  una  sola  puerta  que  en  estas 
casas  y  cercado  vi  yo:  no  habia  de 
dormir  ni  quedar  de  noche  ningun 
varon  so  pena  de  la  vida  porque  si 
ee  supiera  (vi  la  orden  que  era  como 
tengo  dicho)  el  que  todo  lo  dispensaba 
y  mandaba  en  sus  ritos  los  hiciera 
matar,  porque  a  este  obedescian  y 
temian    en    sus    ceremonias    y    ritos. 


De  dia  podian  salir  estas  mugeres,  y 
estas  se  llamaban  mamaconas:  las  que 
eran  para  el  servicio  estaban  ansi  como 
tengo  dicho,  en  otros  lugares  muy 
cercados  teniendo  puertas  y  porteros 
que  las  guardaban:  ocupabanse  ansi- 
mesmo  en  lo  mesmo  que  tengo  dicho 
hacian  las  del  Sol,  y  en  servir  a  las 
hermanas  de  los  Ingas.  Las  que  esta- 
ban con  los  muertos  tenian  mas  li- 
bertad,  porque  aunque  estaban  encer- 
radas  en  sus  casas  no  estaban  tan 
opremidas  como  las  demas  ya  dichas. 
En  todo  este  reino  del  Pirti  habia 
esta  orden  de  mamaconas  en  pro- 
vincias,  juntandose  en  la  mayor  pro- 
vincia  y  cabeza  que  ellos  tenian 
senalada,  trayendo  alii  todas  las  hijas 
de  los  indios  principales;  y  en  sus 
mismos  pueblos,  aunque  fuesen  peque- 
nos  tenian  casas  de  recogimiento  para 
recoger  las  hijas  que  nacian  de  "todos 
los  indios:  en  siendo  de  edad  de  diez 
anos  estas  se  ocupaban  en  ayudar  k 
hacer  las  sementeras  del  Sol  y  del 
Inga  y  en  hacer  ropa  delgada  para 
los  senores,  digo  en  hilar  lana  porque 
el  tejella  varones  no  querian.  Asi 
mismo  estas  se  ocupaban  en  hacer 
chicha  para  los  indios  que  cultivaban 
las  tierras  del  Sol  y  del  Inga,  y  para 
si  pasaban  guarniciones  de  gente  de 
guerra  por  su  tierra  dalles  de  comer 
y  desta  chicha.  La  orden  que  tenian 
para  dar  mugeres  a  los  indios  y  re- 
novar  estas  mamaconas,  era  que  de 
ano  a  ano  el  gobernador  que  gober- 
naba  las  provincias  que  el  Inga  tenia 
puestos,  que  eran  orejones  .  .  .  este 
cada  ano  juntaba  todas  estas  mama- 
conas en  la  plaza  y  las  que  eran  ya 
mayores  para  casar  les  decia  escogie- 
sen  los  maridos  que  querian  de  su 
pueblo,  y  llamados  a  los  indios  les 
preguntaban  que  con  que  indias  se 
querian  casar  de  aquellas,  y  por  esta 
orden  cada  ano  iba  casando,  sacando 
las  mayores  y  metiendo  otras  de  edad 
de  diez  anos  como  tengo  dicho.  Si 
acaso  habia  alguna  India  destas  que 
fuese  muy  hermosa^  la  enviaban  al 
Senor.      Estas    se    llamaban    mama- 


254 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


conas:  esto  era  miiy  comun  en  todo 
este  reino  del  Piru. ' ' 

Thus  far  statements  of  parties  who 
saw  Indian  society  in  Peru  while  in 
its  primitive  condition.  It  shows  that 
the  mamaconas  (literally,  mothers, 
from  "mama" — mother — and  the 
plural  "cuna")  were  in  fact  a  tribute 
in  women  exacted  by  the  Cuzco  tribe, 
and,  secondly,  that  chastity  on  their 
part  was  only  relative,  not  absolute. 
The  buildings  in  which  such  women 
were  kept  under  guard  were  neither 
more  nor  less  than  storehouses  shel- 
tering a  tribute  in  women. 

Juan  de  Betanzos  may  have  come 
to  Peru  with  Pizarro,  but  it  is  more 
prudent  to  suppose  that  he  came  to 
Peru  at  an  early  day,  and  certainly 
prior  to  1542.  In  his  Suma  y  Narra- 
cion,  Cap.  xiil,  p.  85,  he  mentions 
that  women  and  men  of  the  settle- 
ments around  Cuzco  in  the  fifteenth 
century  were  required  to  manufacture 
clothing  for  the  Cuzco  tribe:  "Man- 
daron  que  luego  en  sus  tierras  fuesen 
juntas  muchas  mujeres,  e  puestas  en 
casas  y  corrales  les  fuese  repartida 
mucha  lana  fina  e  de  diversos  colores, 
y  que  ansimesmo  fuesen  puestos  y 
armados  muchos  telares,  e  que  ansi 
hombres  como  mujeres,  con  toda  la 
mas  brevedad  que  fuese  posible,  hicie- 
sen  la  ropa  que  les  habia  cabido  .  .  . 
Y  esta  ropa  ansi  hecha  e  acabada, 
f ue  traida  a  la  ciudad  del  Cuzco. ' ' 
While  (p.  127)  he  uses  the  term 
"mamaconas"  to  designate  women 
destined  to  attend  certain  idols  or 
fetishes,  he  does  not  mention  any 
forcible  or  voluntary  reelusion  on 
their  part.  But  what  we  possess  thus 
far  of  the  work  of  Betanzos  is  un- 
fortunately a  fragment. 

Cieza,  who  came  to  Peru  at  least 
eight  years  later  than  Betanzos,  is 
perhaps  the  most  uncritical  panegyrist 
of  so-called  Inca  "civilization"  of 
the  sixteenth  century.  In  Segunda 
Parte  de  la  Cronica,  p.  106,  he  treats 
of  the  recluse  women  in  the  following 
manner:  "A  las  puertas  destas  casas 


estaban  puestos  porteros  que  tenian 
cargo  de  mirar  por  las  virgenes,  que 
eran  muchas  hijas  de  senores  prin- 
cipales,  las  mas  hermosas  y  apuestas 
que  se  podian  hallar;  y  estaban  en  el 
templo  hasta  ser  vie j as;  y  si  alguna 
tenia  conocimiento  con  varon,  la  mata- 
ban  6  la  enterraban  viva,  y  lo  mismo 
hacian  a  el.  Estas  mujeres  erau 
llamadas  mamaconas;  no  entendian 
en  mas  de  tejer  y  pintar  ropa  de  lana 
para  servicio  del  templo  y  en  hacer 
chicha, "  etc.  Previously  (p.  68), 
among  the  tribute  exacted  by  the 
Inca,  he  enumerates:  "y  de  mugeres 
y  muchachos ;  los  cuales  se  sacaban 
del  pueblo  sin  ninguna  pesadumbre, 
porque  si  un  hombre  tenia  un  solo  hijo 
6  hija,  este  tal  no  le  tomaban,  pero  si 
tenia  tres  6  cuatro,  tomabales  para 
pagar  el  servicio."  Still  previous 
(p.  33)  we  find  the  following  state- 
ment: "No  habia  ninguno  dellos  que 
no  tuviese  mas  de  setecientas  mugeres 
para  servicio  de  su  casa  y  para  su 
pasatiempo;  y  asi,  todos  ellos  tuvie- 
ron  muchos  hijos  que  habian  en  estaa 
que  tenian  por  mugeres  6  mancebas, 
y  eran  bien  tratadas  por  el  y  estima- 
das  de  los  indios  naturales;  y  aposen- 
tado  el  rey  en  su  palacio,  6  por  donde 
quier  que  iba,  eran  miradas  y  guarda- 
das  todas  por  los  porteros  y  camayos, 
ques  nombre  de  guardianes;  j  si  al- 
guna usaba  con  varon,  era  castigada 
con  pena  de  muerte,  dandole  a  el  la 
misma  pena. ' '  It  should  not  be  over- 
looked that  Cieza,  out  of  ignorance 
of  the  rules  of  Indian  relationship  in 
Peru,  also  asserts  that  the  chiefs  inva- 
riably married  their  sisters;  also  that 
in  one  of  the  foregoing  paragraphs 
he  uses  the  term  "virgins"  quite  a 
priori.  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  (Co- 
mentarios,  I,  fol.  78)  denies  there 
were  any  women  inside  of  the  houses 
of  worship  at  Cuzco,  thus  contradict- 
ing Cieza.  While  his  work  is  much 
posterior  to  that  of  Cieza,  he  was  at 
Cuzco  when  the  latter  made  a  com- 
paratively short  visit  to  that  (then 
already   Spanish)    town.     He   asserts 


ANCIENT  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA     255 


(Comentarios,  I,  fol.  78):  "Tampoco 
entraua  mugeres  en  ella,  aunq  fuessen 
las  hijas  7  mugeres  del  mismo  Eey." 
Further  on:  "saluo  q  en  la  casa  del 
Sol  no  aula  seruicio  de  mugeres. ' '  In 
Book  IV,  Cap.  I  and  11,  fol.  81  and 
82,  he  treats  at  length  of  the  "vir- 
gins, ' '  making  the  significant  remark : 
"Porque  auiendo  de  tener  hijos  el 
Sol  como  ellos  imaginauan,  no  era 
razo  q  fueran  bastardos,  mezclados  de 
sagre  diuina  y  humana.  Por  tato 
auian  de  ser  legitimas  de  la  sangre 
Eeal  q  era  la  misma  del  Sol."  When 
Garcilasso  states  the  ' '  virgins ' '  had 
to  have  children,  it  is  not  meant 
figuratively.  Pedro  Pizarro,  while 
stating:  "Eneste  buhio  donde  digo 
estaba  el  Sol,  dormian  cotidiano  mas 
de  docientas  mugeres  hijas  de  indios 
prineipales, ' '  adds :  "j  fingian  ellas 
dormir  alii  y  que  el  Sol  se  ayuntaba 
con  ellas. ' '  For  the  present  I  limit 
myself  to  these  indications  gathered 
from  earliest  sources.  They  seem  to 
establish,  as  already  observed,  that 
the  mamaconas,  including  those  on 
Titicaca  Island,  were  not  vestals,  and 
that  the  institution  was  a  part  of  the 
Inca  system  of  tribute.  It  may  be 
that,  as  some  of  the  recluse  women 
were  occasionally  sacrificed,  they  were 
kept  virgins  for  that  purpose,  as  is 
indicated  by  Kamos:  Eistoria,  etc.,  p. 
12  et  seq. :  ' '  Sabido  es  que  a  seme- 
janza  de  las  Vestales  de  Eoma,  tuvo 
el  Peru  virjenes  dedicadas  al  sol, 
habiendo  muchas  casas  de  ellas  en  el 
imperio,  y  por  lo  menos  una  en  cada 
provincia;  en  que  habia  dos  clases 
de  doncellas,  unas  llamadas  asi,  y 
otros  Mamaconas,  que  eran  las  maes- 
tras  de  novicias :  estas  eran  admitidas 
a  los  ocho  anos  y  se  criaban  en  reco- 
jimiento  hasta  los  quince  o  diez  y 
seis.  En  esa  edad  las  sacaban  para 
desposarlas  con  el  Inca  o  con  sus 
capitanes  favoritos,  aunque  esto  se 
hacia  rara  vez  en  las  fiestas  mui  prin- 
eipales y  con  orden  espreso  del  sobe- 
rano.  Cuando  despues  se  ensangrento 
el    culto,    algunas   tambien   las   sacri- 


ficaban  al  sol." — "Cuando  despues 
en  las  fiestas  prineipales  sacaban  al- 
gunas para  ofrecerlas  en  sacrificio  al 
sol,  esas  mas  infelices  Ifijenias  eran 
degolladas. "  (P.  15.)  "Cuando  es- 
tas ninas  dedicadas  al  sol  llegaban 
a  edad  florida  deblan  guardar  per- 
petua  virjinidad,  viientras  el  Inca  no 
las  escojese,  pues  era  el  interprete 
soberano  y  el  representante  vivo  del 
sol."     (Italics  mine.) 

"'  In  addition  to  the  testimony  pre- 
sented, I  refer  to  Ramos,  p.  13. 

*  The  Chincana  is  the  only  build- 
ing, of  Inca  origin,  on  the  Island 
capable  of  accommodating  a  larger 
number  of  people;  the  ruin  at  Kasa- 
pata  excepted,  which,  as  shown,  was  a 
"tambo. "  The  house  of  the  women 
had  to  be  close  to  the  places  of  wor- 
ship or  shrines,  and  there  is  no  vestige 
of  any  edifice  in  that  vicinity  that 
could  have  been  suitable  for  the  pur- 
pose. 

'''Relatione  per  Sva  Maesta,  fol. 
413. 

"  See  foregoing  notes. 

'- 1  believe  to  have  shown  that  the 
first  occupation  of  the  Island  by  Incas 
occurred  between  1450  and  1500,  hence 
the  constructions  date  from  that 
period,  if  it  is  true  they  were  made 
during  the  term  of  office  of  Tupac 
Yupanqui. 

'^  See  annexed  photograph. 

"Cobo:  Eistoria,  etc.,  IV,  p.  202: 
'  *  La  tinta  dan  a  la  lana  y  algodon 
en  pelo,  antes  de  hilarlo,  y  despues  de 
sacada  del  Telar  la  pieza  no  usan 
darle  ninguna. ' ' 

''^Eistoria,  etc.,  IV,  pp.  57  and  62. 
Eamos,  p.  10. 

"Cobo:  Eistoria,  etc.,  IV,  p.  169. 

"  Pedro  Pizarro :  Eelacion  del  Bes- 
cubrimiento,  p.  266;  Garcilasso:  Co- 
mentarios, I,  fol.  76;  and  others. 

'^  Arriaga :  Extirpacion,  Cap.  11. 

™  Primera  Parte  de  la  Cronica  del 
Peru,  Cap.   cm,  p.  443. 

^"Eistoria  general,  IV,  p.  261. 

*"  The  Relatione,  etc.,  of  1534, 
fol.  413,  already  states  the  sacrifices 


256 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


were  made  ' '  in  vna  gran  pietra. ' ' 
Cieza:  Primera  Parte,  p.  445;  Garci- 
lasso:  Comentarios,  I,  fol.  80;  Ramos: 
Eistoria,  p.  4  et  seq.;  Cobo:  Eistoria, 
IV,  p.  56.  The  latter  states :  * '  Como 
quiera  que  haya  sido  el  Principio  y 
origen  deste  santuario,  el  tenia  muy 
grande  antigiiedad  y  siempre  fue  muy 
venerado  de  las  gentes  del  Collao, 
antes  que  fueran  sujetados  por  los 
Reyes  Incas. ' '    Also,  p.  57. 

^  Aside  from  the  descriptions  of 
the  ceremonials  by  authors  who  saw 
them  after  the  conquest,  like  Cieza 
(Segunda  Parte,  Cap.  xxix  and  xxx), 
eye-witnesses  like  Pedro  Pizarro  (Re- 
lacion,  p.  276)  give  a  fair  picture  of 
the  impressions  made  upon  them  by 
the  ceremonials  when  seen  for  the  first 
time. 

^^  Eistoria,  p.  63.  This  statement 
should  be  taken  with  reserve. 

**  Ibidem,  p.  59. 

^  Relatione  per  Sva  Maesta,  fol. 
413 ;  Pedro  Pizarro :  Relacion,  p.  260. 
Later  authorities  concur.  Already 
Cieza   mentions    a   number   of   places 


where  oracles  were  expected  and  be- 
lieved in,  by  the  Indians — Primera 
Parte,  p.  421,  Pachacamac;  p.  426, 
Cajamarca;  p.  432,  Jauja,  and  others; 
Segunda  Parte,  p.  109,  near  Cuzco; 
p.  110,  Vilcanota;  p.  Ill,  Ancocagua; 
p.  112,  Koropuna.  Relacion  y  declara- 
cion  del  modo  que  este  valle  de  Chin- 
cha  y  sus  comarcanos  se  gobernaban, 
etc.,  Doc.  de  Espana,  Vol.  L,  p.  221: 
"Los  Yungas  no  adoraban  al  Sol  sino 
a  Guacas,  y  no  a  todas  sino  aquellaa 
que  daban  respuesta,  y  no  siempre, 
sino  cuando  las  habian  menester. " 
This  report,  which  bears  date  Febru- 
ary 22,  1558,  is  by  the  Dominican 
Fray  Cristobal  de  Castro;  the  Rela- 
cion de  la  Religion  y  Ritos  del  Peru, 
about  1560,  by  Augustine  monks: 
(Doc.  de  Indias,  III,  pp.  16,  18,  19, 
21,  25,  27,  28,  et  seq.  This  document 
treats,  as  already  stated,  of  Huama- 
chuco;  also,  about  Pachacamac, 
Xerez:  Verdadera  Relacion,  and 
Hernando  Pizarro:  Carta.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  quote  authors  of  a  later 
date. 


*  It   ' 


mv\\ 


'0"|jpr 


-.^,4_i^r^. 


i      J 


> 
« 

•"-" 

X 

■~ 

.5 

9 

k 

< 

C 

a 
1 

►J 

« 

ii 

c3 

<n 

CQ 

<a 

PM 


C5 


THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  KOATI 


■-a^m^y 


"  'ci'\  3"  ■'^"''"y^'^Y^'o^'^^ 


Plate  LXI 

Casket  of  audesite  Tvith  cover  which  contained  ancient  poncho  (see  text) 
from  the  vicinity  of  Muro-Kato 


O/-' 


Pakt  V 
THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  KOATI 

AND  A  GLANCE  AT  ANTIQUITIES  OF  COPACAVANA 


THE  longitudinal  axes  of  Titicaca  and  Koati  are  ap- 
proximately parallel,  and  there  are  analogies  between 
the  two  Islands  that  bear  upon  the  distribution  of  aborigi- 
nal establishments  on  their  surface.  The  northwestern 
extremity  of  each  Island  is  narrow  and  rocky,  especially 
that  of  Koati.  Uila-Peki,  the  "Bed  Head"  of  Koati  (see 
map  of  the  Island,  /),  is  a  sheer  cliff  of  red  sandstone,  and, 
seen  from  the  Lake,  it  is  very  conspicuous.^  On  the  south- 
eastern end  of  Koati  there  are  cliffs  also  but  they  are  not 
as  striking  as  the  bold  promontory  in  the  northwest.  The 
two  main  groups  of  Inca  ruins,  still  extant  on  Koati,  are 
found  at  liiak-Uyu  (house  of  women)  on  the  northern  slope, 
and  on  the  crest  called  ^'Red  Head."  The  former  ruin  (a) 
recalls,  in  situation,  the  Pilco-Kayma  on  Titicaca ;  the  other 
(b)  Kasapata. 

So-called  Chullpa  remains  are  few  on  Koati.  Wliat  we 
were  able  to  discover  were  burial  cysts.  A  few  of  them 
differ  from  those  on  Titicaca  in  that  they  are  double ;  that 
is,  two  graves  superposed  and  separated  by  a  cover  con- 
sisting of  at  least  two  slabs.  They  are  of  a  somewhat  better 
make  than  those  at.Ciriapata  and  elsewhere.  Most  of  them 
had  been  searched  previously,  so  that  the  yield  was  poor, 
and  the  pottery  as  well  as  the  few  skulls  secured  were  of 
Chullpa  type.  We  found  these  graves  on,  or  close  to,  the 
crest  of  the  Island.    This  crest  bears,  along  the  whole  line, 

259 


260  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

the  vestiges  of  a  wall  of  varying  width,  that  seems  to  have 
been  mostly  constructed  out  of  rocky  debris  that  formerly 
covered  the  slopes.  From  this  wall,  others  descend  like 
ribs,  chiefly  on  the  east  side.  Andenes,  ancient  and  modern, 
run  along  the  flanks  of  Koati,  but  it  is  chiefly  the  northeast- 
ern slope,  the  one  exposed  to  the  sun,  that  bears  marks  of 
cultivation.  The  southwestern  declivity  is  so  much  in  the 
shade  as  to  be  notably  colder  than  the  other.  Hence  Inca 
structures  lie,  either  on  the  crest,  like  those  near  Uila-Peki, 
or  on  the  eastern  slope,  as  Inak-Uyu.  Of  Chullpa  buildings 
we  saw  no  traces. 

In  connection  with  the  wall  on  the  crest  we  noticed 
vestiges  of  a  quadrangular  building. ^  The  foundations 
indicate  a  structure  measuring  thirty-six  by  thirty  feet, 
and  the  only  side  wall  still  defined  is  about  four  feet  thick. 
Another  ruin  stands  at  c.  Three  rooms,  divided  from  each 
other  by  (now  ruined)  partitions  two  feet  in  thickness, 
occupy  the  southern  end  of  a  fairly  made  anden  (c).  Their 
aggregate  length  is  fifty-eight  feet,  their  width  nineteen. 
We  could  not  obtain  any  information  concerning  these 
structures;  the  Indians  did  not  even  have  a  name  for  the 
sites.  All  they  said  was,  that  they  were  Inca.  Not  a  pot- 
sherd was  found  about  them  and  excavations  proved  fruit- 
less. Indians  from  the  Island  and  from  Sampaya  had  long 
ago  rifled  both  localities,  although  they  claimed  to  know 
nothing  about  them. 

The  ruin  which  has  attracted  the  attention  of  visitors  to 
Koati  is  the  one  called  Inak-Uyu  (map,  a).  Squier  calls  it 
"Palace  of  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun,"^  but  believes  that  it 
was  a  '* Temple  of  the  Moon."  Wiener  does  not  seem  to 
have  visited  the  Island,  else  he  could  not  have  written: 
''The  monuments  of  the  Island  of  Koati  are  in  a  state  of 
complete  destruction."^  Inak-Uyu  is,  on  the  contrary, 
one  of  the  best  preserved  ancient  buildings  on  the  two 
Islands.  Certain  portions  are  torn  down,  but  the  lines  of 
walls  can  everywhere  be  traced,  and  the  fagades  bear,  in 


s 


M5  W 


o 


tJ       o 


Ph      c 


o 


<5 


THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  KOATI  261 

places,  a  thick  coating  of  plaster,  made  of  mud  with  ichhu- 
grass,  that  gave  to  the  walls  an  appearance  of  neatness 
and  finish  which  the  rough  stonework  now  exposed  is  lack- 
ing. Father  Sans,  following  Ramos,  calls  Inak-Uyu  a 
''Temple  of  the  Moon."  Cobo,  agreeing  with  Ramos  and 
Calancha,  states  (speaking  of  the  deeds  of  Tupac  Yupan- 
qui) :  ''But,  not  satisfied  with  what  had  been  done  for  the 
adornment  and  lustre  of  this  sanctuary  (Titicaca),  thinking 
yet  that  he  was  not  complying  fully  with  his  obligations 
and  was  not  attending  with  sufiicient  care  to  the  worship  of 
the  sun  if  he  did  not  assign  to  it  a  woman,  and  even  women, 
for  its  use  and  service,  he  determined  upon  doing  it.  Wliile 
in  this  frame  of  mind  he  found  a  good  opportunity  which 
was  the  Island  of  Coata  or  Coyata,  so  called  after  Coya 
which  is  the  same  as  queen,  and  he  constructed  on  it  a 
sumptuous  temple,  in  which  he  placed  the  statue  of  a 
woman,  from  the  belt  upwards  of  gold,  and  from  the  belt 
down  of  silver,  which  was  of  the  size  of  a  woman  and  rep- 
resented as  being  the  image  of  the  moon.  So  that  besides 
the  live  women  that  on  Titicaca  were  dedicated  to  the  sun 
for  its  service,  this  idol  was  dedicated  to  it  also  under  the 
name  of  its  spouse,  in  representation  of  the  moon,  al- 
though others  claim  that  this  figure  and  statue  was  called 
Titicaca,  and  say  that  it  represented  the  mother  of  the 
Incas.  Be  it  one  or  the  other,  the  statue  was  carried  to  the 
city  of  Cuzco  by  the  Marquis  D.  Francisco  Pizarro,  who 
sent  three  Spaniards  for  it.  In  presence  of  this  diversity 
of  opinions  it  is  difficult  to  arrive  at  any  conclusion."^ 

The  situation  of  liiak-Uyu  is  very  handsome.  Standing 
on  the  slope  of  the  Island,  it  gets  the  full  benefit  of  whatever 
light  and  heat  the  sun  affords  in  these  altitudes.  The  view 
is  not  as  extensive  as  from  many  points  on  Titicaca,  but 
the  peaks  of  Sorata  are  seen  to  much  greater  advantage. 
The  building  occupies  part  of  the  highest  one  of  four  ter- 
races, carefully  leveled,  and  these  terraces  descend  towards 
the  Lake  in  regular  steps,  each  faced  by  a  wall  of  very  good 


262  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

workmanship.  The  platforms  are  respectively  from  seven 
to  nine  feet  in  height  and  irregularly  quadrangular,  for  as 
they  take  up  the  whole  ravine  they  adapt  themselves  to  its 
sinuosities.  Their  aggregate  depth,  from  the  southern  wall 
of  Inak-Uyu  to  the  northern  margin  of  the  fourth  platform, 
is  340  feet,  and  the  total  elevation,  thirty-four.  From  the 
base  of  the  lowest  platform  to  the  Lake  shore,  the  distance 
is  about  100  feet  more  and  the  difference  in  level,  sixty- 
three  ;  so  that  the  rear  wall  of  the  ruin  stands  ninety-seven 
feet  above  the  lake  and  is  horizontally  440  feet  distant  from 
it.  On  both  sides  of  the  ravine  slopes  are  covered  with 
ancient  andenes,  in  the  same  manner  as  near  Yumani  and 
the  Pilco-Kayma.  The  Indians  call  the  first  platform  and 
the  buildings  on  it  Inak-Uyu,  the  one  next  following  Kalich- 
Pata.  The  wall  of  the  latter  is  the  best  specimen  of  ancient 
masonry  found  either  on  Titicaca  or  on  Koati,  and  many 
of  its  well  cut  blocks  (which  are  fitted  without  any  binding 
or  mortar)  are  said  to  have  been  carried  to  Juli  for  the 
construction  of  one  of  its  churches.  At  the  foot  of  the  same 
wall  (which  is  provided,  besides,  with  good  steps  leading  up 
to  the  terrace)  stand  two  buildings  of  smaller  size,  one  in 
each  corner,  that  recall  the  outhouses  at  the  Pilco-Kayma. 
They  are  reduced  to  low  walls,  so  that  only  size  and 
outline  can  be  ascertained.  From  the  face  of  the  fourth 
terrace,  descent  to  the  beach  is  by  steps  also,  but  the 
andenes  are  less  regular,  much  narrower,  and  considerably 
higher. 

The  main  edifice  occupies  the  approximate  north,  south, 
and  west  sides  of  the  uppermost  platform.  The  western  or 
central  part  has  a  front  of  178  feet,  and  its  width  is  twenty- 
four.  It  is  divided  into  thirteen  compartments,  most  of 
which  would  have  to  be  freed  from  rubbish  in  order  to  dis- 
cover details,  a  work  of  long  time  and  considerable  expense 
which  it  is  hardly  worth  while  to  undertake.  Among  these 
thirteen  subdivisions  are  a  number  of  narrow  ones  similar 
to  gangways,  and  one  of  these,  at  the  southern  end,  is  so 


Plate  LXIII 

Architectural  details  from  the  Chineana 

Doorways  and  niches,  etc.  (see  text) 


— =s^^ 


WlAmmmmn^a 


'^, 


r 


5i 


THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  KOATI  263 

much  lower  than  the  roof  of  the  room  adjoining  that  it 
appears  almost  subterraneous.  The  two  central  rooms  are 
best  preserved.  A  hall  or  passage,  to  which  we  could  find 
no  entrance,  separates  them.  These  rooms  are  the  most 
striking  features  of  the  edifice.  The  doorways  by  which 
they  are  entered  are  each  thirteen  feet  and  four  inches 
wide,  and  in  the  rear  wall  are  very  elaborate  niches,  the 
finest  on  either  island.  They  are  still  partly  plastered,  and 
their  greatest  widths  are  respectively  twelve  and  a  fourth  and 
twelve  and  a  half  feet,  their  greatest  height  being  fourteen. 
They  are,  therefore,  exceptionally  symmetrical,  in  general 
dimensions,  whereas  in  detail  they  differ.  Their  depth  is 
six  feet  in  one  and  six  feet  three  inches  in  the  other.  The 
innermost  recesses  are  respectively  three  and  a  half  and 
four  feet  deep.  Besides  these  very  prominent  niches,  each  of 
the  two  rooms  has  four  smaller  ones,  two  on  the  south  and 
two  on  the  north  side.  The  other  compartments  of  this  part 
of  the  building  are  in  a  state  of  dilapidation,  although  the 
walls  stand  to  a  considerable  height.  The  roofs  are  gone, 
and  while  it  seems  as  if  the  building  had  had  two  stories,  it 
is  impossible  to  determine  their  elevation.  It  appears 
to-day  as  if  the  two  large  doorways  were  the  only  entrances 
to  this  section  from  the  front,  but  the  plan  given  by  Mr. 
Squier,  and  made  when  the  structure  was  in  a  better  state 
of  preservation,  shows  entrances  to  each  of  the  southern 
rooms  and  also  communicating  doors,  of  which,  at  present, 
nothing  is  seen.  He  also  marks  several  flights  of  steps  that 
are  either  destroyed  or  covered  by  rubbish.  A  comparison 
of  his  plan  with  ours  is  therefore  indispensable,  as  .well  as 
with  the  plan  given  by  Kivero  and  Tschudi.  With  the  ex- 
ception of  discrepancies  in  dimensions  (almost  inevitable 
in  measurements  made  by  different  parties)  and  the  error, 
common  to  all  older  surveys,  of  assuming  right  angles, 
whereas  Indian  ruins  are  rarely  rectangular,  the  three  plans 
will  be  found  to  agree  fairly  well,  and  the  two  diagrams 
anterior  to  ours  restore  many  details  no  longer  found.  The 


264  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

same  can  be  said  about  the  two  wings  of  the  building.  Our 
plan  gives  the  same  subdivisions,  the  same  interior  arrange- 
ment, as  those  of  our  predecessor,  but  we  found  them  in  a 
far  more  advanced  stage  of  decay.  Each  of  these  wings 
has  a  niched  doorway  in  the  middle  (about)  of  its  front, 
flanked  by  two  large  niches,  one  on  each  side.  The  south- 
em  wing  resembles  the  main  body,  inasmuch  as  it  has  a 
series  of  rooms;  the  northern  is  divided  by  a  curiously 
irregular  court,  one  wall  of  which  forms  almost  a  curve. 
That  court  occupies  the  corner  of  the  terrace  on  the  north. 
The  south  wing  has  an  annex,  part  of  which  stands  on  the 
platform  of  Kalich-Pata,  hence  on  a  lower  level.  On  our 
plan  we  have  indicated  thirty-nine  compartments  of  every 
description,  including  rooms,  halls,  passages,  and  low  gang- 
ways covered  with  roofs,  besides  the  irregular  court  of 
which  the  people  rightly  say  that  it  has  ' '  eleven  corners. ' ' 

The  rooms  are  not  large,  the  largest  one  measuring  twenty- 
two  by  fourteen  feet.  Small  niches  are  found  everywhere, 
but  only  the  two  middle  apartments  of  the  central  section 
have  tall  and  ornate  recesses.  These  two  apartments  must, 
therefore,  have  served  for  some  special  purpose.  The  walls 
are  of  very  unequal  thickness,  varying  between  two  and  eight 
feet.  Their  height  also  is  unequal  now,  owing  to  decay,  still  we 
found  cornices  at  an  elevation  of  thirteen  feet.  The  cornice 
consists  of  three  slabs  successively  overlapping  or  project- 
ing, and  together  two  and  a  half  feet  thick.  In  another 
place,  a  lower  story,  eleven  and  a  half  feet  high,  is  crowned 
by  a  wall  of  six  feet,  making  the  total  elevation  seventeen 
and  a  half  feet.  It  looks  as  if  most,  though  probably  not 
all,  of  the  building  had  been  two  stories,  thus  making 
Inak-Uyu  the  largest  single  building  on  either  of  the  two 
Islands,  as  far  as  can  be  seen. 

In  the  whole  structure  we  noticed  a  single  tiny  airhole, 
and  that  was  connected  with  a  very  elaborate  niche  in  the 
shape  of  a  lozenge,  similar  to  the  niches  near  the  Pilco- 


c3 
o 


Ph 


!> 


THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OP  KOATI  265 

Kayma.  Lozenge-shaped  recesses  are  in  all  three  fagades 
of  Inak-Uyu,  and  they  increase  the  ornamental  effect.  Un- 
less there  were  openings  in  the  npper  story,  of  which  there 
is  now  no  trace,  the  rooms  of  Inak-Uyn  (except  the  two 
front  ones)  must  have  been  as  dark  as  any  on  Titicaca.  We 
found  no  communication  of  any  kind  from  the  lower  story 
to  the  upper.  Adjoining  a  corner  of  the  central  part,  there 
is  a  small  structure  on  a  lower  level,  descent  to  which  is  by 
a  flight  of  four  steps  three  and  a  half  feet  deep.  West  of  it 
are  walls  indicating  either  rooms  or  small  enclosures.  The 
former  seems  more  probable,  and  it  is  also  possible  that  a 
portion  of  the  space  between  the  rear  wall  and  the  anden 
was  built  over.  At  least  we  noticed  a  row  of  slabs  set  in  the 
wall  at  five  and  one  half  feet  above  the  ground,  and  at  one 
end  of  them  a  beam  protruded.  The  slabs  project  about  six 
inches,  and  between  every  two  of  them  is  inserted  a  smaller 
stone  or  pebble.  Whether  this  indicates  a  ceiling  or  some 
contrivance  for  ascent  it  is  not  possible  to  decide. 

Only  on  the  narrow  and  almost  underground  passages 
are  roofs  still  extant.  These  consist  of  flat  stones  laid  along- 
side of  each  other ;  as  at  the  Kayma  and  at  the  Chincana.  I 
would  call  special  attention  to  the  passage  ways  of  Inak- 
Uyu.  They  are  lower  than  the  floor  of  adjacent  apartments 
and  yet  not  really  subterraneous.  They  are  surprisingly 
narrow.  One  of  them  is  only  two  feet  wide,  the  others 
nowhere  exceed  four  feet.  They  seem  long  recesses  rather 
than  corridors.  There  are  at  least  four  diagonally  opposite 
each  other.^  I  also  call  attention  to  a  curious  niche  in  one 
of  the  rooms,  which  has  the  form  of  a  crescent-shaped  an- 
cient knife  with  a  short  handle.  Of  the  W-shaped  windows 
mentioned  by  Mr.  Squier  there  is  as  little  left  as  of  pointed 
gables.'^  We  cannot  affirm,  still  less  deny,  their  former 
existence. 

Although  the  southeastern  corner  is  considerably  ruined, 
it  is  clear  that  the  three  wings  of  the  edifice  were  connected. 


266  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

The  dimensions  are,  therefore,  on  the  side  towards  the 
terrace:  southern  wing,  seventy-seven  feet,  central  part, 
178  feet,  northern  wing,  retreating  part,  fifty-six  feet,  to 
which  succeeds  a  room  advancing  twenty  feet  to  the  east  and 
with  a  fagade  twenty-two  feet  in  width,  so  that  the  northern 
side  of  the  structure  is  nearly  symmetrical  with  the  south- 
ern. The  distance  between  the  corners  of  outhouses  along 
the  edge  of  the  platform  is  134  feet.  Adding  to  these 
twenty-two  feet  for  the  length  of  the  northern,  and  twenty- 
eight  for  that  of  the  southern  projection,  we  find  that  the 
southern  and  northern  wings  are  six  feet  wider  apart  on  the 
eastern  end  of  the  terrace  than  on  the  western.  Hence, 
while  there  is  a  certain  symmetry,  the  building  still  shows 
the  usual  imperfections  of  "rule  of  thumb." 

Koati  has  been,  as  well  as  Titicaca,  the  seat  of  desultory 
excavations.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  Island  was  visited 
in  1533,  although  alluded  to  in  the  report  of  July,  1534.^ 
Statements  concerning  a  possible  visit  to  Koati  in  1538,  by 
order  of  Francisco  Pizarro,  are  vague  and  contradicted  by 
documents  that  purport  to  be  from  the  time.  Father  Cobo 
states.  He  says:  *'He  [the  Inca  chieftain  Tupac  Yupan- 
qui]  found  a  good  occasion  [place]  to  carry  out  his  inten- 
tion, which  was  the  Island  of  Coati  or  Coyata,  thus  called 
from  Coya  which  is  the  same  as  queen.  And  he  erected 
(worked)  in  it  a  sumptuous  temple  where  he  placed  the 
statue  of  a  woman,  of  gold  from  the  waist  up  and  from  the 
waist  down  of  silver,  which  (statue)  was  of  the  size  of  a 
woman  and  represented  the  image  of  the  moon.  .  .  .  Some 
say  that  this  figure  and  statue  was  called  Titicaca,  and  also 
that  it  represented  the  mother  of  the  Incas.  Whichever 
may  be,  the  statue  was  carried  to  the  city  of  Cuzco  by  the 
Marquis  D.  Francisco  Pizarro,  who  sent  three  Spaniards 
for  it."®  Eamos  says  the  idol  at  Koati  was  ''after  the 
shape  of  a  Coya ' '  and  of  gold,  but  he  makes  no  mention  of 
its  translation  to  Cuzco  by  the  conquerors.  In  the  volumi- 
nous set  of  documents  embodying  the  accusation  of  Almagro 


•^Jh:U(r.-idb^.'#ift':<(ftr.^.'~'.-     ?fii..'' 


^ 

a 

^ 

zj 

_c 

3 

o 

> 

-3 

X 

^ 

"o 

w 

a! 

H 

g 

3 

■3 

3; 

Oh 


THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  KOATI  267 

the  younger  against  Pizarro,  Hernando  Pizarro  is  accused 
of  attempting  to  "rob  the  gold  and  silver  that  was  in  the 
lagune  of  Titaca  [Titicaca],"  and  that  in  consequence  of  it 
ten  Spaniards  were  drowned.  No  mention  is  made  of  the 
metallic  treasure  being  on  an  island}^  That  an  attempt 
of  some  sort  was  made,  is  as  good  as  proven  by  other 
sources  from  the  time,  also  that  it  occurred  in  1539.^^ 

If  the  documents  collected  and  published  in  abstracts  by 
J.  M.  Vizcarra  in  1900  are  not  spurious,  we  may  conclude 
that  no  attempt  was  made  by  the  Spaniards  to  reach  Koati 
in  the  year  1539  even.  The  reason  why  is  given  as  follows : 
"And  when  there  came  to  the  peninsula  the  captains  Al- 
zures  and  the  Illescas  with  the  Franciscan  Fathers,  although 
they  intended  it  in  1536,  they  could  not  get  to  it  by  reason 
of  lack  of  time  and  because  they  thought  it  was,  like  that  of 
the  sun,  deserted  and  abandoned.  "^^  The  date  of  1536  is, 
as  I  have  already  shown,  doubtful,  to  say  the  least.  I  hold 
(until  otherwise  informed)  the  year  to  be  1539.^^ 

As  far  as  the  sources  at  my  command  go,^^  an  official 
search  of  the  Island,  or  rather  of  the  Peninsula  of  Copa- 
cavana  and  insular  dependencies,  took  place  in  1617.  The 
object  seems  to  have  been  the  gathering  of  buried  metallic 
wealth,  to  be  employed  in  the  construction  of  a  basilica  at 
the  sanctuary  of  Our  Lady  of  Copacavana.  It  is  not  devoid 
of  interest  to  note  the  results  of  this  search.  According  to 
inventory,  Titicaca  Island  yielded  thirty- three  "plates"  in 
gold  weighing  nine  pounds  and  ten  ounces,  Koati  180  ob- 
jects representing  a  total  weight  of  eleven  pounds  fifteen 
ounces  three  grains,  and  the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana 
eighty-four  objects  weighing  eleven  pounds  fifteen  ounces. 
To  these  were  added  367  in  silver,  weighing  419  marks  and 
seven  ounces.  The  silver  was,  in  part,  obtained  from  other 
islands  also.  The  total  value  of  these  objects  in  gold  and 
silver  did  not  exceed  12,000  pesos  and  70  maravedis.^^ 

The  report  on  the  visit  to  Koati  is  stated  as  bearing  the 
date  of  June  3,  1618,  and  having  been  executed  and  signed 


268  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

on  the  Island.^  ^  It  is  certified  to  by  Fray  Baltasar  de 
Salas,  author  of  the  strange  chronicle  of  Copacavana  men- 
tioned in  the  third  part  of  this  monograph.  It  contains  a 
fanciful  description  of  the  main  ruins  on  Koati  (rendered 
worse  by  changes  and  additions  from  the  pen  of  Vizcarra) 
and  the  report  on  some  few  diggings  made  by  direction  of 
the  ecclesiastic  visitors. 

The  first  indication  of  some  value  which  we  meet  is  that 
in  1610  Koati  was  inhabited  by  ''three  or  four  families  of 
from  ten  to  twelve  younger  souls."  Hence  the  Island  was 
occupied  in  the  first  decade  of  the  seventeenth  century.  The 
dwellings  of  these  Indians  stood  on  one  of  the  terraces 
below  Inak-Uyu.  The  description  of  the  ruins  alludes  to 
three  doorways  "antemural  of  the  temple,"  and  says  that 
the  "castle  of  the  virgins"  was  to  accommodate  "two  hun- 
dred souls  consecrated  to  the  sun;  (and  had)  fourteen 
compartments  of  lower  and  upper  stories,  with  as  many 
turrets  of  house  idols,  on  a  platform  300  ells  long  by  200  in 
width."  A  temple  of  "the  moon"  is  also  mentioned.  There 
are  a  few  vague  indications  of  features  visible  at  the  pres- 
ent day.^^ 

The  diggings  brought  to  light  a  stone  chest  apparently 
similar  to  the  chests  found  on  Titicaca  and  which  contained 
human  remains  supposed  to  be  those  of  a  female.  It  was 
accompanied  by  "various  amulets,  kippos  and  coins  of  gold 
and  silver."    The  latter  were  manifestly  bangles.^^ 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  official  investigation  of  1618 
really  occurred,  but  statements  about  details  are  so  involved 
in  fanciful  rhetoric  and  modern  addition  and  interpretation 
that  little  rdore  than  the  fact  of  the  visit  can  be  relied  upon. 
It  should  not  be  overlooked,  that  Father  Cobo  was  at  and 
near  Copacavana  in  1617,  but  makes  no  allusion  to  the  pre- 
tended visit  of  1618,  although  it  was  already  being  organ- 
ized. Also  that  neither  Ramos  nor  Calancha  nor  S.  Nicolas 
have  a  word  to  say  concerning  Fray  Baltasar  de  Salas.^® 
This  does  not,  however,  justify  denial  of  the  visit.^^ 


m 


•isqqoD  fli  a:fo9i,cfO 


•yft-g!:,  ^;''yv''?yiM--:y-^^ 


Plate  LXVI 

Objects  in  copper  or  bronze  from  Titicaca  Island 

1,  2,3.  Copper  bangles.       -1,  5,  6,  7,  8.  Beads.        9,  10,  11.  Battles. 

12.  Finger-ring  of  bronze.       13,  14.  Pendants. 

15.  Bronze  implement,  possibly  awl 


THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  KOATI  269 

Yet,  Cobo  alludes  to  an  attempt  to  search  Koati  for 
treasure  made  in  1617 :  * '  The  report  I  heard  while  being  in 
this  province  in  the  year  one  thousand  and  six  hundred 
and  seventeen  is,  that  there  are  great  riches  (wealth)  on 
the  island  of  Coatd,  whither  at  the  time  certain  Spaniards 
went  in  a  bark  (boat)  and  could  not  find  anything. "^^ 

In  modern  times,  Koati  and  its  ruins  have  been  and  are 
overturned  and  ravaged  at  intervals.  The  Indians  from 
the  village  of  Sampaya  on  the  mainland  and  two  former 
occupants  of  the  isle,^^  have  done  much  damage  to  the  ruins 
and  we  were  advised  not  to  excavate  the  interior  of  liiak- 
Uyu,  or  of  any  other  building  in  general,  since  they  were 
completely  ransacked,  a  statement  supported  by  appear- 
ances. The  terraces  in  front  of  the  buildings  were  said  to 
have  suffered  less,  but  of  these  jDlatforms  only  one  was 
available— Kalich-pata.  The  others  were  covered  with 
ripening  maize  and  could  not  be  disturbed.  After  probing 
the  soil  on  the  flanks  of  the  ravine  at  various  places  we 
moved  on  to  that  terrace. 

The  first  diggings  disclosed  two  stone  cysts  both  of  which 
were  very  well  made.  Only  one  of  them  contained  some- 
thing, the  other  was  empty.  The  first  was  rectangular, 
measuring  thirty-six  inches  by  twenty-one,  inside.  It  had 
no  cover  and  was  found  forty  inches  below  the  surface.  Its 
depth  being  twenty-seven  inches,  the  bottom  lay  more  than 
five  and  a  half  feet  beneath  the  surface.  The  sides  consisted 
each  of  five  regularly  laid  courses  of  prismatic  stones, 
breaking  joints,  and  the  best  work  we  have  seen  in  any  cyst 
with  the  exception  of  the  grave  Ciriapata,  on  Titicaca,  con- 
spicuous for  its  rectangular  shape.  From  the  cyst  on  Koati 
five  clay  vessels  of  Chullpa  type  were  obtained.  The  other 
was  forty-two  inches  below  the  ground  and  thirty-two 
inches  deep,  polygonal,  and  measured  thirty-three  and 
thirty  inches  across.  The  Indians  declare  that  these  cysts 
are  Chullpa ;  and  their  great  depth  beneath  the  sod  indicates 
that  they  were  made  at  an  earlier  date  than  the  platforms. 


270  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

These  were  the  only  burials  on  Kalich-Pata.  Excavations 
were  then  continued  on  the  uppermost  terrace.  The  ground 
was  opened  to  a  depth  of  two  feet,  on  an  area  of  about  200 
square  feet.  Lower  down  nothing  was  found.  But  in  that 
space  of  200  feet  square  a  surprising  number  of  objects 
were  brought  to  light.  They  had  been  thrown  together 
without  order,  as  at  Kea-KoUu-Chico  on  Titicaca,  but  there 
were  no  human  remains  among  them,  and  the  objects  were 
all  declared  by  the  Indians  to  be  Inca.  Prominent  among 
them  were  two  bowls,  most  beautifully  decorated  in  paint, 
and  with  handles  representing  each  a  puma  with  open 
mouth  and  the  body  of  a  snake.  The  heads  of  the  animals 
with  teeth,  tongue,  and  palate,  are  very  well  executed.  These 
bowls  are  the  handsomest  specimens  of  Inca  ceramics 
which  we  have  seen  so  far,  and  they  are  alike  in  size  and 
decoration.  Several  other  fine  specimens  of  pottery  were 
exhumed,  together  with  six  hollow  silver  figurines,  repre- 
senting women,  which  the  Indians  call  ' '  CoUque-Huarmi, '  * 
or  silver  women;  and  three  figures  of  a  non-descript 
animal,  of  thick  beaten  gold  (not  gold-leaf)  with  finely 
executed  incisions  bearing  a  remote  resemblance  to  some 
of  the  carvings  on  the  great  gateway  of  Tiahuanaco.^^  A 
large  number  of  stones  and  stone  implements,  fetishes,  etc., 
of  all  shapes  and  sizes,  were  taken  out,  among  which  the 
following  deserve  particular  mention : 

A  human  head  of  andesite,  which  rock  is  found  only  on 
the  Peninsula,  and  not  on  the  Islands ;  this  head  appears  to 
have  been  without  body.^^ 

Several  toads  of  stone.  Of  such  toads  Ramos  states: 
"Also  they  placed  on  the  rocks  some  small  idols  of  toads 
and  other  filthy  animals,  believing  that  by  this  they  would 
obtain  water.  "^^  The  quotation  shows  that  they  were 
''intercessors  for  rain,"  like  similar  figures  used  for  that 
purpose  by  the  pueblo  Indians  of  New  Mexico.^^ 

Two  objects  that  appear  at  first  sight  to  be  smoking- 
pipes.    "What  these  pipe-like  articles  were  used  for,  except 


eS 

P^ 

i 

.^ 

> 

§ 

X 

^ 

J 

O 

H 

;:i 

< 
►J 

1 

cu 

(B 

cc 

(S 

t» 

eS 

THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  KOATI  271 

for  smoking,  I  am  unable  to  surmise.  In  regard  to  smoking 
among  the  aborigines  before  the  conquest,  I  find  the  follow- 
ing in  the  edition  of  the  work  of  Ramos  arranged  by  Father 
Sans :  * '  It  is  true  that  the  Incas  were  very  fond  of  agricul- 
ture, and  at  Airaguanca,  a  village  of  Omasuyos,  an  old 
Indian  showed  me  a  plant  called  Topasaire,  the  leaves  of 
which  the  Indians  use  like  tobacco,  assuring  me  that  the 
Incas  had  caused  it  to  be  brought  from  a  great  distance. ' ' 
This  passage,  however,  may  be  from  the  pen  of  the  editor, 
hence  modern,^'^  as  Calancha  has  no  reference  to  it.  The 
topasaire  is  a  species  of  wild  tobacco,  for  tobacco  in  Qui- 
chua  is  "sayri,"  and  was  known  in  Peru  before  the  con- 
quest as  a  medicinal  plant.^^  Sayri  was  taken  in  the  form 
of  powder  (snuff)  "to  free  the  head."^^  Peru  has  at  least 
three  varieties  of  indigenous  tobacco,  according  to  Rai- 
mondi,^°  but  all  three  grow  in  warmer  climates.  Of  smok- 
ing I  find  no  trace  as  yet,  and  still  the  stone  objects  found 
in  this  "cache"  on  Koati  can  hardly  have  been  anything 
else  but  pipes. 

A  great  number  of  minerals,  fossils,  probably  used  as 
fetishes.  Among  the  minerals  are  beautiful  pieces  of 
mamillary  chalcedony,  among  the  fossils,  trilobites,  etc. 

Coiled  snakes  of  stone,  that  is,  concretions  which  seem  to 
have  been,  with  a  few  slight  artificial  touches,  converted 
into  shapes  recalling  the  coiled  snakes  of  stone  from 
Mexico. 

Fragments  of  silver  leaf  were  found  in  considerable 
abundance.  As  stated,  these  objects  were  heaped  together 
in  the  soil,  without  order  or  regularity,  just  as  the  deposits 
of  human  remains  and  artefacts  at  Kea-Kollu-Chico.  Of 
many  of  them  it  may  safely  be  assumed  that  they  were 
votive  offerings.  In  regard  to  others  it  is  not  easy  to  sur- 
mise why  they  were  buried  there.^^  Hardly  had  we  made 
these  discoveries  when  the  Indians  of  the  Island  gathered 
on  the  spot  and  began  to  dig  at  random  all  around,  with  a 
greed  that  beggars  description.    We  had  found  silver,  gold, 


272  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

and  handsome  pottery,  and  that  was  sufficient  for  them  to 
take  hold  of  the  premises  and  oust  us  if  possible.  They 
forthwith  sent  runners  to  Copacavana  informing  the  owner 
of  our  find,  at  the  same  time  exaggerating  its  importance. 
He  prohibited  further  diggings  by  them,  but  we  saw  that 
there  was  nothing  more  to  do,  as  the  cupidity  of  the  aborig- 
ines and  their  jealousy  would  leave  us  no  peace,  and 
eventually  provoke  a  conflict  with  the  owner  himself.  So 
we  abandoned  further  work,  with  the  deepest  regret.  The 
Indians  confessed  afterward  to  Dr.  del  Carpio,  the  pro- 
prietor of  Koati,  that  they  found  more  gold  and  silver, 
among  it  a  number  of  what  they  called  rayos  or  thunder- 
bolts. These,  according  to  description,  must  be  slices  of 
metallic  leaf  cut  in  the  form  of  snakes.^^  j  recall  here  the 
snake-like  additions  to  crosses  on  housetops,  described  in 
Part  III.  Dr.  Carpio  writes  to  me  from  Copacavana,  that 
he  caused  further  excavations  to  be  made  on  Kalich-Pata, 
and  that  a  few  articles  of  gold  and  silver  were  found 
similar  to  those  which  we  obtained,  also  pottery  and  stones, 
but  in  no  considerable  quantities. 

The  finds  on  this  platform  of  Kalich-Pata  seem  to  indi- 
cate that  Inak-Uyu  was  a  shrine  where  sacrifices  took  place 
like  those  performed  before  the  Sacred  Rock  on  Titicaca. 

Of  textures  no  considerable  piece  was  found  on  Koati,^^ 
for  the  same  reason  as  on  Titicaca,  namely,  excessive 
moisture.  On  the  crest,  a  female  figurine  of  massive  silver 
was  found  by  us  in  a  stone  cyst,  and  a  few  shreds  of  rather 
coarse  cloth  were  attached  to  the  feet  of  that  figurine.  It 
hints  at  the  probability  that  this  ''silver  woman"  had 
originally  been  wrapped  in  cloth.  This  recalls  the  custom, 
mentioned  by  Cobo,  of  dressing  or  clothing  fetishes  or  idols, 
at  certain  times  and  on  certain  occasions.^^ 

The  other  ruin  of  importance  on  Koati  stands,  as  already 
mentioned,  on  the  neck  immediately  in  the  rear  of  the  ex- 
treme northwestern  point  of  the  Island;  the  bold  prom- 
ontory of  Uila-Peki,  or  Red  Head.    The  neck  is  a  plateau, 


uriBOX/riO 


Plate  LXVIII 
Inca  andenes  and  details  of  Chucaripu 


THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  KOATI  273 

not  quite  three  hundred  feet  long,  from  south  to  north,  and 
not  over  seventy  feet  across.  The  declivity  on  the  west  is 
very  steep,  and  even  sheer  toward  the  end.  On  the  eastern 
side  the  slope  is  not  as  rapid,  and  terraces  go  down  to 
almost  the  water's  edge.  These  terraces  sweep  around  to 
the  northward,  abutting  against  precipitous  cliffs.  Seen 
from  the  height  of  Chicheria  Pata  (a),  the  tall  and  well 
built  andenes  present  a  striking  appearance.  The  big  wall 
along  the  whole  length  of  the  crest  of  the  Island  terminates 
against  the  southern  end  of  these  ruins.  The  Red  Head 
itself  bears  some  andenes,  but  its  top  is  quite  small,  and  we 
saw  no  traces  of  buildings  on  it.  What  this  northwestern 
extremity  of  Koati  had  in  the  shape  of  buildings,  seems  to 
be  confined  to  the  remains  now  called  ''La  Chicheria,"  a 
Spanish  term  of  the  country,  used  to  designate  a  place  for 
raising  and  enclosing  goats  and  sheep. 

Father  Sans,  the  editor  of  Ramos,  regards  these  ruins  as 
those  of  a  house  for  secluded  women,  calling  it  ''Accla- 
guasi,"  or  ''house  of  the  selected. "^^  Neither  Calancha 
nor  Cobo  makes  any  mention  of  the  place,  hence  the  designa- 
tion may  or  may  not  be  appropriate.  The  ruins  are  partly 
obliterated,  much  more  so  than  the  cluster  at  Inak-Uyu,  the 
Pilco-Kayma,  and  the  Chincana.  If  I  were  to  compare  them 
with  any  ruins  on  Titicaca  I  would  select  the  Kasapata 
cluster,  to  which  they  bear  considerable  resemblance. 

The  analogy  in  location  between  these  two  ruins,  the 
Chicheria  of  Koati  and  Kasapata  on  Titicaca,  is  note^ 
worthy.  A  glance  at  the  general  plans  must  satisfy  any  one 
of  the  truth  of  this  remark.  Both  occupy  the  highest  plane 
of  a  neck  of  land,  both  are  divided  into  two  groups  sepa- 
rated by  a  level,  and  even  the  size  and  arrangement  of  what 
is  left  of  the  buildings  display  much  similarity.  The 
northern  group  of  the  Chicheria  recalls  the  eastern  of 
Kasapata,  and  the  southern  the  western,  with  the  so-called 
"temple."  The  long  rectangular  edifice  adjoining  the 
court  called  to-day  ^^Canchon  de  los  Bailes  de  los  Incas"^^ 


274  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

(enclosed  area  of  the  dances  of  the  Incas),  on  the  west  is, 
on  a  smaller  scale,  a  copy  of  the  ''temple,"  or,  as  we 
should  call  it,  the  tambo,  of  Kasapata.  The  proportions  of 
length  to  width  are  nearly  the  same  (about  one  to  five). 
They  are,  unlike  all  the  other  edifices,  long,  narrow,  and 
devoid  of  ornamental  niches.  If  we  compare  the  plan  of 
the  buildings  uncovered  by  excavation  at  Kasapata  with 
the  northern  group  of  the  Chicheria,  we  find  more  analogies 
yet.  In  short  it  seems  as  if  the  two  clusters  had  been  con- 
structed for  the  same  purpose.  In  that  case  the  Chicheria 
would  have  been,  on  Koati,  a  small  Inca  settlement  and  this 
seems  very  likely.  Its  situation  is  such  as  to  command  an 
extensive  view  and  it  is  the  spot  on  that  Island  that  lies 
nearest  to  Titicaca.  It  is  probable  that  it  was  the  original 
landing-place,  where  visitors  to  Koati  found  quarters  dur- 
ing their  stay. 

Excavations  at  the  Chicheria  yielded  as  good  as  nothing. 
The  Indians  had  cleaned  it  out  completely.  On  the  western 
slope  were  a  few  graves  with  pottery  and  skulls  of  Chullpa 
type.  The  walls  of  the  ruin  have  been  sadly  wrecked,  and 
the  southern  part  especially  transformed  as  much  as  pos- 
sible into  lots  for  goats  and  sheep.  Hence  it  may  be  that  I 
have  left  out  on  the  plan  vestiges  which  are  ancient,  because 
I  regarded  them  as  modern  on  account  of  transformation. 
Of  ornamentation  nothing  remains,  if  it  ever  existed.  There 
is  one  small  niche,  perhaps  two,  and  two  doorways,  both  in 
the  same  building.  At  the  edge  of  the  middle  level  stands 
a  small  rectangular  structure  recalling  the  well-made  small 
houses  of  Ciriapata,  Kea-Kollu,  and  the  one  in  the  bottom 
of  Mama-Ojlia,  close  to  the  Sacred  Kock.  The  masonry  of 
the  Chicheria,  as  far  as  seen,  is  like  that  of  Kasapata,  and 
the  walls  have  about  the  same  thickness. 

From  what  precedes  it  becomes  apparent  that  on  Koati 
we  find  the  same  architectural  features  of  Inca  origin  as  on 
Titicaca.  But  at  liiak-Uyu,  not  only  are  details  better  pre- 
served, but  there  is  greater  elaborateness  and  decoration.^'^ 


a- 

5 

o 


o 
o 


eg 


'T3 


O 


o 

i 


^::"0-  <» 


m^<^ 


^  * 


^  -p 


^    .    <^        ^       <!•       <► 


O 


<3 


0-    <^ 


«•        ♦       «• 

h      <K      ^     ^ 


W     ^^    ^    -^ 


M^    *« 


i''*ft. 


THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  KOATI  275 

Inak-Uyn  was  probably  the  largest  and  most  handsome 
edifice  which  the  Incas  caused  to  be  reared  on  either  Island. 
Tradition  has  it  that  it  is  also  more  recent  than  most,  if  not 
all,  of  the  structures  on  Titicaca.  It  is  stated  that  after  the 
Incas  had  established  an  elaborate  ceremonial  on  Titicaca 
they  caused  the  buildings  at  Kak-Uyu  to  be  constructed  as 
accessories  to  the  former.^^  Our  investigations  have  shown 
that  so-called  Chullpa  remains  on  the  Island  of  Koati  are 
limited  to  a  few  scattered  burial  sites.  The  reason  for  this 
may  have  been  the  distance  from  the  mainland,  absence  of 
good  water,  for  Koati  has  only  one  spring  (on  the  south 
or  shady  side)  and  that  spring  is  insufficient  even  for  a 
small  family.  Of  Chullpa  buildings  there  is  no  trace,  for 
the  two  smallest  ruins  have  scarcely  any  resemblance  to 
Chullpa  structures.  It  is  therefore  probable  that  the  Ay- 
mara  paid  little  attention  to  this  Island  previous  to  the 
coming  of  the  Incas,  and  that  only  the  latter  made  of  it  a 
shrine.  But  that  shrine  was  an  accessory  to  the  principal 
one  at  the  Sacred  Rock. 

In  the  preceding  chapter  I  have  suggested  that  the  date 
of  the  Inca  establishments  on  Titicaca  was  approximately 
1475.  In  regard  to  Koati  a  still  later  date  must  be  adopted, 
and  it  is  therefore  doubtful  whether  the  ancient  buildings 
on  that  Island  had  in  1533  been  in  existence  fifty  years.^® 

I  have  called  attention  to  a  certain  resemblance  between 
the  buildings  at  Inak-Uyu,  their  location  and  surroundings, 
and  the  cluster  of  the  Pilco-Kayma  on  Titicaca.  Both  ruins 
stand  near  the  eastern  shores,  and  both  occupy  about  the 
same  position  in  relation  to  the  peaks  of  Sorata.  Both 
edifices  face  directly  not  sunrise,  but  the  Nevados  men- 
tioned. The  two  principal  apartments  in  each  ruin  (with  the 
most  elaborate  entrances  and  the  tall  and  prominent  niches, 
such  as  no  other  ancient  building  on  either  Island  contains) 
open  toward  these  peaks,  not  to  the  east !  From  the  Kayma 
it  is  distant  Illimani,  the  extreme  southern  pillar  of  the 
Andes,  behind  which  both  sun  and  moon  first  appear  above 


276  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

the  horizon.  From  Koati,  sunrise  lies  south  of  the  Sorata 
group.  The  fact  that  both  buildings  are  provided  with 
exceptional  niches  shows  that  certain  sections  of  them 
served  for  some  kind  of  worship,  whereas  the  remainder 
may  have  been  reserved  for  attendants,  male  or  female. 
The  Pilco-Kayma  was  not  the  adoratory  of  the  sun;  so 
much  appears  certain.  Neither  do  the  old  chroniclers  men- 
tion any  adoratory  of  the  moon  on  the  Island  of  Titicaca.^^ 
The  agreement,  in  position  and  disposition,  between  the 
only  apartments  of  each  ruin  that  bear  marks  of  having 
been  destined  to  religious  purposes  is  significant,  and  if  the 
Pilco-Kayma,  as  appears  likely,  was  not  a  ''temple  of  the 
moon, ' '  the  same  was  the  case  with  Inak-Uyu.  I  venture  to 
suggest  that  both  buildings  were  constructed  for  the  same 
purpose,  selection  of  the  sites  being  governed  by  their  posi- 
tion with  regard  to  the  most  prominent  and  awe-inspiring 
object  of  nature  within  view,  far  and  near,  the  majestic 
''Crown  of  the  Andes."  The  "Royal  Cordillera,"  as  the 
Bolivian  Andes  are  sometimes  called,  has  three  specially 
prominent  landmarks,  prominent  through  elevation,  striking 
form,  and  massiveness.  These  are,  in  the  north  the  Sorata 
group,  in  the  center  the  Ka-Ka-a-Ka  ("Karka-Jaque"), 
and  in  the  south  Illimani.  Intermediate  summits,  while 
bold,  are  less  imposing.  Of  these  three  pillars  of  the  chain 
we  know  that  Illimani  was  the  object  of  special  worship  on 
the  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  its  surroundings ;  Hila-uma-ni 
(as  its  true  name  seems  to  be)  being  regarded  as  the  most 
powerful  fetish  by  the  Indians  around  La  Paz.^^  At  the 
base  of  Ka-Ka-a-Ka,  the  tribes  of  Pucardni  had  their 
special  shrine  with  a  large  stone  idol.^^  To  the  Indians  of 
the  shores  of  Lake  Titicaca  (especially  of  the  two  Islands) 
Illampu  and  its  twin  brother  are  as  impressive  as  the  two 
first-named  are  for  their  vicinity.  Therefore  it  is  not  im- 
possible that  among  the  people  on  the  Lake  the  Sorata 
peaks  were  the  most  prominent  fetishes  together  with  Titi- 
kala,  and  that  the  Incas,  who  already  had  adopted  the  Acha- 


Plate  LXX 

1.  Ground-plan  of  ruins  in  the  bottom  of  southern  Kona.     2.  Niches. 
3.  Ceilings  of  niches 


'^ 


r>  ;,T£jr:^;:-»i^3H^*.\ 


THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OP  KOATI  277 

chila  cult  of  the  Sacred  Rock,  still  further  yielded  in  regard 
to  those  mountains,  by  establishing  shrines  where  they  are 
seen  to  greatest  advantage.^ ^  These  points  are  certainly 
Pilco-Kayma  and  liiak-Uyu! 

This  suggestion  by  no  means  conflicts  with  the  statements 
that  at  Inak-Uyu  a  colony  of  female  attendants  to  worship 
had  been  established.  On  the  contrary,  the  situation  of 
Koati  and  its  comparative  inaccessibility  render  it  very 
probable.  Such  females  were,  as  we  have  seen,  not  exclu- 
sively dedicated  to  the  sun,  neither  were  they  consecrated 
to  the  moon.  Every  place  of  worship  of  importance,  every 
prominent  settlement,  had  a  house  of  such  women.  Thus, 
for  example,  they  were  established  at  Irma  (known  as 
Pachacamac),  on  the  coast,  where  the  principal  shrine  was 
not  dedicated  to  the  sun,  but  to  some  particular  oracle  of 
that  valley.^*  The  Incas  did  not,  as  often  alleged,  ''en- 
force" sun-worship  wherever  they  extended  their  sway, 
they  merely  added  to  already  existing  shrines  of  great 
importance  places  of  worship  dedicated  to  their  own  tribal 
cult.^^ 

In  the  preceding  chapter  I  have  stated  that  Titicaca  is 
frequently  called  "Island  of  the  Sun,"  and  Koati  "Island 
of  the  Moon."  It  is  abundantly  proved  that  the  Incas  did 
not  worship  the  sun  as  sun,  nor  the  moon  as  moon.  They 
considered  both  to  be  material  and  created  objects.  But  it 
appears  also  that  they  conceived  each  orb  to  be  the  resi- 
dence or  ahode  of  some  spiritual  being,  and  there  are 
indications  that  the  sun  was  looked  upon  as  Father  and  the 
moon  as  Mother,  one  being  the  husband  and  the  other  the 
wife.'*^  This  is  exactly  the  primitive  belief  of  the  pueblo 
Indians  of  New  Mexico.  Hence  we  find,  in  descriptions  of 
Inca  idols,  a  certain  contradiction.  Sometimes  it  is  stated 
that  the  figure  of  the  sun  was  a  circular  or  elliptical  plate, 
again  that  it  was  a  human  figure,  just  according  as  the  sun 
or  the  sun-father  is  meant. 

It  is  very  likely  that  on  Titicaca  a  chapel  existed,  in 


278  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

which  stood  an  effigy  of  the  sun-father,  and  on  Koati  one 
containing  a  statue  of  the  moon-mother.  The  circumspect 
remark  of  Cobo  that  some  say  the  latter  was  the  '*  mother 
of  the  Incas"'*'^  is  significant.  The  reverence  paid  to  both 
was,  on  Titicaca  and  on  Koati,  a  specific  Inca  ceremonial. 
Hence  Sans  states  that  on  the  Island  the  "great  temple  of 
six  doorways ' '  was  closed  to  all  Indians  that  were  not  Incas, 
and  to  the  Collas  especially.^^  But  there  are  indications 
that  to  the  Sacred  Rock  on  Titicaca,  even  the  idols  of  the 
Incas  were  made  to  give  special  tokens  of  respect.  Father 
Sans,  the  editor  of  Ramos,  describes  a  ceremony  performed 
on  Titicaca  which,  if  his  statements  are  accurate,  is  a  very 
good  illustration  of  what  I  have  suggested  in  regard  to  the 
worship  paid  to  the  spirits  inhabiting  sun  and  moon.  He 
says,  ' '  when  celebrating  the  solar  feasts,  particularly  those 
of  Caparaime  (Capac-Raymi)  and  of  the  Intipraime  (Yn- 
tip-Raymi),  which  months  we  shall  explain  when  treating 
of  the  calendar,  those  of  the  partiality  of  the  Incas  placed 
all  their  idols  on  litters,  called  'rampas,'  decorating  them 
with  many  flowers,  plumage,  and  plates  of  gold  and  silver ; 
and  with  great  and  many  dances  carried  them  to  the  Island 
in  procession ;  there  they  put  them  in  a  large  square  called 
'Aucaypata,'  where  the  festival  was  celebrated.  There 
was  the  great  temple  of  six  doors,  where  no  Colla  Indian 
was  allowed  to  enter  or  assist  at  the  feast. 

"After  having  placed  the  idols  they  took  off  their  foot- 
gear, their  mantles,  and  prostrating  themselves  before  them 
they  worshiped,  the  principal  one  beginning  and  the  others 
following,  all  taking  off  their  'Llautos'  or  diadems.  First 
they  worshiped  the  statue  of  the  sun,  then  that  of  the  moon, 
afterward  that  of  thunder  and  the  other  idols;  since  each 
one  had  its  particular  effigy.  The  sun  they  represented  in 
the  form  of  an  Inca  of  gold,  of  so  much  jewelry  and  bril- 
liancy as  to  cause  awe;  the  moon  as  a  queen  of  silver; 
thunder  as  an  Indian  of  silver,  also  very  brilliant.  When 
the  prostrations  and  adorations  were  over  they  raised  their 


lA/^J.    dlV.J"! 


Plate  LXXI 

1.  Map  of  the  Island  of  Koati.     2.  Longitudinal  and  transverse 
profile  of  Koati 


THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  KOATI  279 

hands,  making  with  the  lips  as  if  kissing  them,  just  as  chil- 
dren do  when  they  wave  a  kiss  to  some  beloved  person. 
Thereupon  followed  the  dances,  banquets,  and  amusements, 
which  were  the  end  and  aim  of  all  their  efforts ;  and  to-day 
even  they  have  not  improved  much."^^ 

The  square  called  "Aucaypata"  must  have  been  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  the  Sacred  Rock,  and  the  word  is  a 
Quichua  name,  for,  very  probably,  the  level  at  the  foot  of 
the  cliff,  or  the  square  called  by  the  Aymara  "Tican- 
Aychi."  The  procession  started  from  Copacavana,  hence 
there  was,  at  Copacavana  also,  a  statue  of  the  sun-father 
and  one  of  the  moon-mother ;  aside  from  that  of  the  princi- 
pal idol  called  Copacavana  and  described  as  a  head  like  that 
of  a  sphinx  without  hands  or  feet.^*'  The  two  effigies  were 
regarded  as  those  of  man  and  wife,  and  superior  to  other 
Inca  idols,  but  their  peregrination  to  the  Island  was  a 
tribute  of  respect  to  the  shrine  established  there,  hence  to 
the  rock  which  constituted  that  shrine!  This  proves  that 
the  supreme  oracle  on  Titicaca  was  believed  to  reside  in 
that  rock.^i 

A  similar  visit,  but  from  the  Island  of  Koati  to  that  of 
Titicaca,  is  described  by  Cobo :  ' '  The  priests  and  ministers 
of  this  adoratory  and  of  that  of  Coata  had  a  great  deal  of 
intercourse,  and  there  were  many  and  frequent  missions 
from  one  Island  to  the  other,  with  great  reciprocity,  feign- 
ing the  ministers  of  one  and  the  other  sanctuary  that  the 
wife  of  the  sun,  as  according  to  their  opinion  the  moon 
might  do  it,  sent  her  respects,  which  the  sun  returned  with 
demonstrations  of  attachment  and  mutual  love;  and  in  this 
they  employed  much  time,  and  a  great  number  of  balsas 
that  went  back  and  forth  between  the  two  Islands ;  and  in 
order  to  represent  this  naturally,  the  principal  minister 
in  one  of  the  adoratories  dressed  himself  like  the  sun,  and  in 
the  other  an  Indian  woman  played  the  part  of  the  moon. 
They  saluted  each  other,  and  she  who  represented  the  moon 
caressed  him  who  represented  the  sun,  asking  of  him  with 


280  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

many  flatteries  to  appear  every  day  clear  and  benign  and  to 
never  conceal  its  rays,  so  that  he  might  fertilize  the  planta- 
tions until  the  time  when  rains  would  become  necessary. 
Besides  this,  she  asked  that  he  might  preserve  the  Inca, 
his  life  and  health,  and  that  of  those  who  with  such  faith 
and  devotion  occupied  themselves  in  his  service  and  wor- 
ship. He  of  the  sun  responded  with  loving  words  and  in  a 
satisfactory  manner ;  and  in  such  vanities  and  crazy  doings 
the  wretches  spent  the  time  of  their  blind  and  idle  existence, 
and  all  terminated  in  drinking,  which  was  their  greatest 
bliss."  Ramos  alludes  with  less  detail  to  the  same  cus- 
tom.^2 

It  appears,  therefore,  that  Koati  was  in  constant  inter- 
course with  the  religious  establishments  on  Titicaca.  The 
pilgrims  who  visited  the  latter  Island  went  from  it  to  Koati 
and  the  crossing  was  effected  not  from  the  Peninsula  of 
Copacavana  (Sampaya),  as  to-day,  but  from  some  point  on 
Titicaca.  As  the  pilgrims  had  to  go  first  to  the  Sacred 
Rock,  their  journey  to  Koati  started  necessarily  from  there 
or  from  Kasapata.  But,  from  either  place,  a  voyage  by 
balsa  is  almost  twice  as  long  as  from  Titicaca 's  eastern 
shores!  The  most  convenient  point  for  embarking  would 
have  been  the  little  Bay  of  Pucara.  It  is  hence  possible 
that  in  view  of  these  frequent  voyages  the  buildings  at 
Pucara  were  erected,  for  Pucara  is  as  well  the  natural  port 
for  Koati  on  Titicaca  as  the  foot  of  the  crest  on  which  the 
buildings  now  called  ' '  Chicheria ' '  stand  is  the  landing-place 
nearest  to  Titicaca  on  the  Island  of  Koati. 

This  frequent  intercourse  formerly  carried  on  between 
Koati  and  Titicaca  may  enable  us  to  form  some  idea  of  the 
probable  object  of  those  buildings  on  the  latter  Island,  to 
which  their  present  condition  affords  no  clue.  The  re- 
semblance between  Inak-Uyu  and  Pilco-Kayma  in  position 
and  arrangement,  not  in  size,  leads  to  the  inference  that 
both  may  have  been  shrines  dedicated  to  the  ''Achachila" 
worship  of  the  peaks  of  Sorata.^^     The  Chicheria,  while 


Plate  LXXII 
Ruins  on  eastern  slope  of  Koati 

-n.    It 


THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  KOATI  281 

resembling  architectural  vestiges  at  Kasapata  and  prob- 
ably destined  to  the  same  end,  hints  at  the  possible  purpose 
of  the  buildings  at  Pucara.  The  latter  stood  near  a  land- 
ing-place on  Titicaca,  for  the  frequent  communications 
from  one  to  the  other  Island. 

The  number  of  residents  on  Koati  during  the  time  the 
Incas  maintained  their  establishments  there  was  certainly 
greater  than  it  is  to-day.  The  buildings,  admitting  that 
Inak-Uyu  had  two  stories,  may  have  contained  as  many 
as  two  hundred  permanent  occupants.^^  If,  as  is  stated  by 
some,  most  of  these  attendants  were  females,  the  number 
may  have  been  even  somewhat  greater.  For  an  abode  of 
secluded  women,  Koati,  especially  the  site  of  Inak-Uyu,  was 
very  well  chosen.  The  long  wall  that  ran  along  the  crest 
barred  access,  and  the  little  ruin  {d,  on  map)  served  as  a 
lookout;  the  Chicheria,  and  especially  the  Red  Head,  cov- 
ered a  vast  extent  of  horizon.  Distance  from  the  mainland 
at  Sampaya  is  more  than  three  times  that  from  Yampupata 
to  the  Island  of  Titicaca,  and  whereas  there  are  said  to 
exist  Inca  ruins  not  far  from  the  village  of  Sampaya  on  the 
heights,  I  find  no  evidence  that  there  was  any  settlement  or 
landing  in  front  of  Koati,  on  the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana. 

The  settlements  on  Titicaca  and  on  Koati  made  by  the 
Incas  for  the  purpose  of  worship,  are  intimately  connected. 
But  they  do  not  stand  alone.  To  them  pertained  also  what- 
ever establishments  the  Incas  had  on  the  Peninsula  of 
Copacavana.  Unfortunately,  circumstances  did  not  permit 
us  to  investigate  the  ruins  on  that  Peninsula  as  it  should  be 
done.  We  know,  by  ocular  inspection,  that  ruins  of  Inca 
type  exist  at  Cusijata,  about  a  mile  to  the  east  of  Copaca- 
vana.^^ From  sources  which  seem  to  us  worthy  of  cre- 
dence we  ascertained  that  Locca,  on  the  Peruvian  boundary, 
three  miles  from  Copacavana,  bears  traces  of  ancient  Inca 
occupation.^*'  At  Yunguyu  the  abundance  of  handsome 
pottery  of  Cuzco  type  corroborates  the  statements  that  on 
certain  sites,  now  occupied  by  dwellings  and  church  struc- 


282  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

tures,  Inca  ruins  were  formerly  extant.^'^  At  Yampupata 
blocks  of  cut  stone,  (andesite),  like  those  near  the  Sacred 
Eock,  were  taken  out  of  nondescript  ruins.  Lastly  the  site 
of  Copacavana  itself  was  partly  occupied  by  Inca  build- 
ings.^* From  all  these  places  the  Museum  has  received, 
through  us,  antiquities  of  Inca  type.  There  are,  on  the 
Peninsula  of  Copacavana,  seats  cut  in  the  rock.  A  large 
cluster  of  these  lies  at  the  very  doors  of  the  village.  The 
Aymara  Indians  of  to-day  call  them  "Inti-Kala,"  stone  of 
the  sun.  Among  the  Spanish-speaking  inhabitants,  the 
term  ''Tribunal  of  the  Inca"  is  current,  and  to  the  curious 
lookout  on  the  rocky  summit  west  of  the  place  the  name 
"Gallows  of  the  Inca"  is  given.^^  In  short,  there  is  no 
doubt  that  Copacavana  was  an  ancient  settlement,  with 
possibly  more  inhabitants  than  the  two  Islands  together, 
and  not  of  as  exclusively  Cuzco  or  Inca  character.  Tradi- 
tion has  it  that  "colonists"  from  various  Peruvian  tribes 
had  been  settled  there,^^  and  what  gives  some  color  to  this 
assertion  is,  among  others,  the  name  of  Chachapoyas,  ap- 
plied to  a  site  on  the  western  shore  of  the  Peninsula.®^ 
Several  family  names  of  Indians  about  Copacavana  are 
clearly  Quichua,  and  may  even  be  called  specifically 
"Inca,"  like  " Inca-Mayta, "  " Sinchi-Roca, "  and  "Sucso." 
Of  the  latter  there  is  conclusive  evidence  that  they  are  of 
Inca  descent,  the  original  personal  names,  as  was  very 
often  the  case  among  Indians  in  Spanish  America,  having 
been  converted  into  family  appellatives.'^^  Hence  the 
existence  of  an  Inca  settlement  on  that  Peninsula  cannot  be 
doubted.  If  subsequent  researches  should  confirm  the 
truth  of  the  statement,  made  by  Cobo  and  contemporaries, 
that  the  very  narrow  neck  of  land,  separating  at  Yunguyu 
the  northwestern  body  of  the  Lake  from  the  Lagune  of 
Uina-Marca,  was  traversed  by  a  wall  constructed  by  the 
Inca  (and  this  is  not  impossible), ^^  that  wall  barred  ac- 
cess to  the  Peninsula  from  the  mainland  and  made  of  it 
and  of  the  two  Islands  a  completely  secluded  cluster  in 


s 

I 


•^     '3 


a 
a 
o 


THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OP  KOATI  283 

the  midst  of  vast  regions  inhabited  by  Indians  speaking  the 
Aymara  language. 

Very  little  is  known  as  yet  of  the  archaeology  of  Bolivia 
and  southeastern  Peru.  But  of  Inca  settlements,  beyond 
that  on  Copacavana  and  the  Islands,  there  are  few  archi- 
tectural remnants.  Hence  we  may  regard  the  clusters  at 
Copacavana,  on  Titicaca,  and  on  Koati  as  possibly  the  last 
outposts  of  permanent  Inca  occupation  in  the  direction  of 
the  southeast.  Inca  sway,  overawing  tribes  into  tribute 
and  occasional  military  assistance,  may  have  gone  farther ; 
and  through  inroads,  barter,  or  exchange,  articles  of  Inca 
manufacture  have  penetrated  beyond  the  territory  swayed 
over.  It  must  be  remembered  that  independent  Quichua 
tribes  occupied  southern  Bolivia.^^  It  is  also  worthy  of 
note  that  between  Copacavana  and  Cacha  near  Sicuani, 
where  Inca  structures  appear,  there  are  comparatively 
few  traces  of  permanent  occupation  by  the  conquering 
Cuzco  tribe.  It  is  asserted  that  the  Islands  of  Apingiiila 
and  Pampiti,  on  the  Peruvian  side  of  the  Lake,  near  Huan- 
cane,  contain  Inca  ruins,  but  these  remains  are,  according 
to  Spanish  chroniclers  after  local  traditions,  those  of  places 
of  worship  also,  established  by  the  Incas  on  the  two  rather 
inaccessible  islands,  in  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury.*'^  Inca  establishments  on  the  Lake  bore  chiefly  a 
religious  character,  and  were  maintained,  on  Titicaca  and 
vicinity,  alongside  of  a  worship  of  much  older  date,  which 
the  Incas  not  only  suffered  to  exist,  but  actually  adopted, 
even  subordinating  their  tribal  worship,  on  certain  occa- 
sions, to  a  cult  extant  previous  to  their  coming.  This  is 
still  further  exemplified  on  the  Peninsula  of  Copacavana. 
The  worship  of  the  Sun-father  and  Moon-mother  is  stated 
as  having  been  established  at  that  place,  also;  but  the 
fetishes  "Copacavana,"  '^Copacati,"  and  others,  remained 
for  the  Aymara  the  principal  idols,^®  just  as  the  Sacred 
Rock  was  the  main  shrine  on  Titicaca. 

This  concession,  made  by  conquerors  to  the  religious  be- 


284  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

liefs  of  the  conquered,  appears,  on  the  part  of  the  former, 
as  an  act  of  unusual  wisdom.  It  consolidated  the  supremacy 
of  the  Incas  far  more  than  any  military  establishment.  It 
is  also  stated  that  the  Incas  were  induced  to  worship,  on 
Titicaca,  by  very  ancient  traditions  which  made  that  Island, 
and  especially  the  rock  of  Titi-Kala,  as  sacred  to  them  as 
to  any  Aymara  tribe.  An  investigation  of  this  entails  the 
treading  of  very  unsafe  ground,  the  field  of  aboriginal  lore, 
of  traditions  and  myths. 


NOTES 
THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  KOATI 

AND  A  GLANCE  AT  ANTIQUITIES  OF  COPACAVANA 

PARTY 


^  The  vertical  height  of  the  cliff  is 
170  feet.  By  rounding  the  "head," 
a  balsa  or  boat  from  Titicaca  Island 
very  soon  reaches  a  point  on  the  east 
shore  where  ascent  to  the  ruins  is 
quite  gradual.  From  the  west,  ascent 
is  more  abrupt.  The  view,  especially 
of  Titicaca,  is  magnificent. 

*  The  spot  on  which  this ,  ruin 
stands  is,  within  a  few  feet,  the 
highest  on  Koati.  The  Aymara  call 
it:  "Uila-Ke,"  from  "uila"— red. 
The  view  is  even  more  extensive  than 
that  from  the  "Red  Head"  and  in 
the  daytime  approach  to  the  Island 
can  be  observed  in  every  direction. 
Uila-Ke  is  also  one  of  the  "Acha- 
chUas"  of  Koati.  The  others  are 
Inak-Uyu,  Inca  Parqui,  Taj -Save, 
Uito  Pampa  (the  beach  in  front  of  the 
hacienda),  Lambamani,  Cheje-Puju, 
Vincalla,  Choju  Uintu,  Cantutani, 
Acha  Cunde,  Isca  Cunde,  Tara-Ke, 
Uichin  Pata,  Tunas  Pata,  Uirta 
Kochu,  Uaytir  Pata,  Hacha  Putuncu, 
Inca  Pampa,  Anut  'hem  Pata,  Areu 
Puncu,  Calvario  Pata.  I  give  these 
names  as  they  were  told  us,  without 
guaranteeing  their  exactness,  and  be- 
cause every  one  of  these  "Achachi- 
las"  had  to  be  addressed  during  the 
incantations  ("tinka")  that  pre- 
ceded our  excavations. 


'Peru,  p.  336:  "The  principal 
monument  of  antiquity  on  the  Island, 
and  which  lends  to  it  its  chief  inter- 
est, is  the  edifice  called  the  Palace  of 
the  Virgins  of  the  Sun,  but  which 
might  probably  better  be  called  the 
temple  of  the  Moon. ' '  Rivero  and 
Tschudi  (Antigiiedades  peruanas, 1851, 
text,  p.  297)  treat  of  these  ruins 
without  having  seen  them,  else  they 
could  not  have  stated :  "  Su  arquitee- 
tura  [that  of  ruins  on  Titicaca]  es 
inferior  a  la  de  las  ruinas  del  edificio 
mas  destruido  de  la  isla  de  Coati,  en 
la  misma  laguna,  sin  que  se  pueda 
descubrir  si  fue  un  palacio,  6  un 
templo. ' '  What  remains  of  Inak-Uyu 
is  better  preserved  in  part  than  most 
of  the  ruins  on  Titicaca,  the  outer 
coating  of  clay  still  being  visible  in 
places. 

*  Perou  et  Bolivie,  p.  441. 

°  Historia  de  Copacahana,  p.  56, 
et  seq.,  edition  of  1880,  La  Paz.  His- 
toria  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV,  p.  59. 

'^  Peru,  p.  362.  He  describes  a 
single  one  of  these  narrow  passages, 
the  one  with  a  tiny  airhole.  It  is  not 
' '  vaulted, ' '  but  covered  with  flat 
stones  or  slabs. 

^Peru,  pp.  361  and  362. 

"Relatione  Per  Sva  Maesta,  fol. 
413 :     "in    mezzo    d  'esso    sono    due 


285 


286 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


picciole  Isolette,  nell '  vna  delle  quali 
e  vna  moschea,  &  casa  del  Sole. ' ' 
Also,  fol.  410.  The  Spaniards  had 
already  heard  of  the  "due  Isole"  at 
Cuzco,  but,  it  appears,  visited  only 
Titieaca. 

°  I  have  quoted  this  passage  re- 
peatedly, but  refer  to  it  again  here, 
on  account  of  the  word  ' '  Coyata. ' ' 
The  etymology  of  the  name  Koati  is 
not  unfrequently  derived  from 
' '  Coya ' '  which  is  said  to  be  "  queen. ' ' 
That  this  name  was  applied  to  the 
wife  of  the  head  war-chief  is  posi- 
tively stated  by  Garcilasso  (Comen- 
tarios,  I,  fol.  86),  together  with  the 
notice  that  the  wife  had  to  be  the 
sister  of  her  husband:  "con  su  her- 
mana  mayor,  legitima  de  padre  y 
madre,  y  esta  era  su  legitima  muger 
llamauanle  Coya,  que  es  tanto  como 
Eeyna,  o  Emperatriz. "  Juan  de 
Betanzos,  however,  who  lived  at  Cuzco 
already  twenty  years  previous  to  the 
birth  of  Garcilasso  and  was  married 
to  an  Inca  woman,  positively  states 
(Suma  y  Narracion,  p.  113):  "4  la 
cual  mujer  llaman  ellos  Pi  ui  uarmi  y 
por  otro  nombre  Mamanguarmi ;  y  la 
gente  comun,  como  k  tal  mujer  princi- 
pal del  Senor,  llaman,  cuando  ansi  la 
entran  4  saludar,  Pocaxa  Intichuri 
Capac  Coya  Guaco-Chacuyac  que  dice 
'Hija  del  Sol  e  sola  reyna  amigable 
a  los  pobres. '  ' '  He  repeats  the  word 
"  Pihuihuarmi "  on  page  115,  calling 
her  "mujer  principal."  The  deriva- 
tion of  * '  Koati "  I  do  not  venture  to 
investigate  as  yet.  It  seems  probable 
that  Coya  was  only  an  endearing  title 
and  not  an  official  one.  It  appears 
first  in  Cieza:  Segunda  Parte,  Cap.  X, 
p.  33,  and  thence  has  passed  into 
many  older  and  modern  books.  Cieza 
is,  however,  by  no  means  as  reliable 
an  authority  as  Betanzos.  He  was  at 
Cuzco  but  a  short  time,  and  was  not 
in  any  manner  proficient  in  the  Qui- 
chua  language.  The  Indians  of 
Sampaya  pronounced  "Koiti, "  not 
Koati.  The  word  is  (like  Titieaca) 
Aymara,  and  not  Quichua. 


^'^  Acusacio7i  contra  Don  Francisco 
Pizarro  a  S.  M.  por  Don  Diego  de 
Almagro,  Doc.  de  Indias,  XX,  pp.  331 
and  455. 

"  Ulan  Suarez  de  Carvajal,  Carta 
al  Emperador,  November  3,  1539,  Doc. 
de  Indias,  III,  pp.  200  and  201. 

"  Copacahana  de  los  Incas,  p.  33. 
See  Parts  III  and  IV  of  this  mono- 
graph. 

"  Everything  points  to  1539  as  the 
year  when  the  Peninsula  of  Copaca- 
vana  was  visited  by  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
and  his  officers,  with  an  armed  force. 

"  There  exist  certainly,  in  Spanish 
archives,  papers  relative  to  the  prov- 
ince of  Omasuyos,  from  the  second 
half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  but  I 
am  unable  to  consult  them.  Copaca- 
vana  and  the  Islands  pertained,  as 
to-day,  to  that  administrative  district. 

"  Vizcarra :  Copacahana  de  los 
Incas,  pp.  70  to  72.  He  claims  this 
to  be  taken  literally  from  the  Inven- 
tario  No.  1,  signed  by  the  "Justicias 
mayores"  Santalla  and  Galvez.  One 
of  the  "golden  plates"  was  assayed. 
Its  weight  being  nine  ounces  and  one 
grain,  it  was  found  to  contain  four 
ounces  eight  grains  in  gold,  three 
ounces  six  grains  silver,  and  one  ounce 
three  grains  copper  (p.  44). 

"  Copacahana  de  los  Incas,  p.  54. 
Vizcarra  says  the  report  is  signed  by 
twelve  persons  and  that  it  bears  three 
ecclesiastic  seals. 

"  Ibidem,  pp.  30  to  55. 

"  Ibidem,  p.  51. 

"  Andres  de  S.  Nicolas,  Imdgen, 
etc.,  Prologo:  "no  obstante  el  auer 
ya  escrito  desta  Efigie  soberana,  los 
Padres  Fray  Alonso  Eamos  Gauilan; 
Maestro  Fray  Fernando  de  Valverde, 
Maestro  Fray  Antonio  de  la  Calancha, 
Padre  Hipolito  Maraccio,  y  agora 
poco  ha  el  Padre  Fray  Gabriel  de 
Leon:  fuera  de  los  que  en  sus  obras 
han  hecho  memoria  de  tan  prodigioso 
Retrato. "  Not  only  is  Father  Salas 
not  mentioned,  but  there  is  not,  either 
in  Ramos,  Calancha,  or  S.  Nicolas,  any 
allusion  to  the  official  search  of  1618. 


THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  KOATI 


287 


""These  chroniclers  might  (?)  not 
have  considered  the  results  of  the 
visit  to  be  of  sufi&cient  importance 
for  a  mention. 

"^  Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV, 
p.  64:  "La  fama  que  yo  oi  estando 
en  esta  provincia  el  ano  de  mil  y 
seiseientos  y  diez  y  siete,  es  que  hay 
gran  riqueza  en  la  isla  de  Coat  a;  a 
la  cual  fueron  entonces  ciertos  espa- 
noles  en  un  barco  y  no  pudieron  hallar 
cosa. ' ' 

"^  The  latter  even  had  parts  of  the 
walls  scraped  to  ascertain  whether  the 
plaster  contained  pulverized  precious 
metal.  The  parties  were  not  Boliv- 
ians. 

^  The  resemblance  is  not  very 
marked,  still  it  recalls  to  a  certain 
extent  the  Tiahuanaco  carvings  on 
both  sides  of  the  central  figure  on  the 
gateway.  There  is  the  following 
curious  passage  in  Vizcarra :  Copaea- 
bana,  p.  171:  "Gran  sorpresa  hemos 
recibido  al  eneontrar  cincelados  en 
planchas  de  tumbaga  los  monstruos 
descriptos  por  el  sancto  Job  .  .  . 
Cuyas  formas  eseulpidas  en  bajo  re- 
lieve, son  de  las  misteriosas  bestias 
Behemoth  y  Leviathan. ' '  This  is 
from  Vizcarra  himself. 

"  Ramos :  Copacabana,  p.  47 : 
"Este  idolo  Copacabana  estaba  en  el 
mismo  pueblo,  por  el  lado  de  Tiquina 
...  el  era  de  una  piedra  azul  vistosa, 
y  no  tenia  mas  que  la  figura  de  una 
cara,  como  una  cabeza  de  esfinje,  sin 
pies  ni  manos.  Estaba  como  mirando 
a  Titicaca,  como  dios  inferior  que 
miraba  al  principal. ' '  This  fetish  or 
idol  seems  to  have  been  Aymara,  not 
Quichua  or  Inca.  The  large  head 
found  by  us  on  Koati  does  not  fully 
agree  with  the  description  of  Ramos. 
It  is  of  trachyte  or  andesite,  and  not 
"azul  vistosa." 

"^lUd.,  p.  71,  edition  of  1880: 
* '  Tambien  ponian  sobre  las  penas 
unos  idolitos  de  sapos  y  de  otros  ani- 
males  inmundos,  creyendo  que  con  eso 
ya  alcanzaban  agua. ' ' 

^'  Final  Eeport,  I,  p.  312. 


'~  Historia  de  Copacabana  1880, 
p.  9. 

'^  In  the  note  that  follows  I  shall 
refer  to  what  Garcilasso  says  about 
the  use  of  tobacco  in  primitive  times 
of  Peru.  Cobo :  Historia,  etc.,  I,  p. 
403 :  "A  la  raiz  del  tabaco  silvestre 
llaman  los  indios  del  Peru,  Coro,  de 
la  cual  usan  para  muchas  enferme- 
dades.  Contra  la  detencion  de  orina 
dar  a  beber  en  cantidad  de  dos  gar- 
banzos  de  sus  polvos,  en  un  jarro  de 
agua  muy  caliente,  en  ayunas,  por 
tres  6  cuatro  dias.  Tomados  estos 
polvos  en  moderada  cantidad  por  las 
narices,  quitan  el  dolor  de  cabeza  y 
jaqueca  y  aclaran  la  vista:  y  el  coci- 
miento  desta  raiz  hecho  con  vino, 
echando  en  el  un  poco  de  Sal  de 
compas  y  aziicar  candi  .  .  .  Bebida 
de  ordinario  el  agua  desta  raiz,  vale 
contra  los  dolores  de  bubas, ' '  p. 
405:  "De  otra  yerba  Uamada  Topa- 
sayri  hacen  otros  polvos  en  el  Peru 
para  estornudar,  que  son  mas  eficaces 
para  esto  que  los  del  Tabaco. ' ' 

'•Garcilasso,  Comentarios,  I,  fol. 
51:  "De  la  yerua  6  planta  que  los 
Espanoles  llaman  tabaco,  y  los  Indios 
Sayri,  vsaron  mucho  para  muchas 
cosas;  tomaua  los  polvos  por  las 
narices  para  descargar  la  cabeza." 
Also  fol.  212. 

^"Antonio  Raimondi:  Elementos  de 
Botdnica,  Parte  ii,  p.  158. 

^^  Even  the  shreds  of  silver-leaf 
may  have  been  offerings.  Pedro  Pi- 
zarro  (Belacion,  p.  273)  mentions 
gold-leaf,  but  not  as  an  object  of 
sacrifice.  At  Chavin  de  Huantar,  not 
far  from  Huanuco  in  eastern  Peru  an 
altar  made  of  adobe  was  found  by 
Mr.  Beer,  a  French  explorer,  which 
altar  was  covered  with  silver-leaf  torn 
to  shreds.  Silver-leaf  is  mentioned  by 
Calancha  as  an  offering  of  the  coast 
Indians.  Coronica  moralizada,  I,  p. 
413:  "I  cada  ano  ofrecian  oja  de 
plata,  chicha  i  espinco. ' ' 

"  It  may  be  that  by  these  the 
coarse  imitations  of  plumes  were 
meant,   of  which  several  were  after- 


288 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


wards  produced  at  La  Paz  as  coming 
from  Koati.  These  ornaments  are 
found  in  copper,  silver  and  gold,  and 
were  worn  on  headdresses  of  the 
same  material. 

^'  Nor  have  we  heard  of  any  find 
of  that  nature  on  Koati. 

^*  Eistoria  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV, 
p.  84. 

^°  From  "acllani" — select,  and 
' '  huasi ' ' — house.  Torres  Eubio : 
Arte  y  Vocabulario,  fols.  125  and 
117,  et  seq. 

^'"Enclosure  of  the  dances  of  the 
Incas. ' '  The  phrase  may  be  of  some 
significance.  The  space  looks  like  a 
square  where  public  dances  could  be 
performed.  In  connection  we  might 
ask:  Was  not  the  open  plateau  be- 
tween the  tambo  called  now  "temple 
of  the  sun"  at  Kasapata  and  the 
ruins  at  the  base  of  Llaq'-aylli  per- 
haps put  to  the  same  use  on  Titicaca? 

"  Possibly,  nay,  probably,  owing  to 
more  recent  date  of  erection  as  well 
as  to  fewer  visits  to  the  Island. 

''  Ramos :  Hist,  de  Copacdbana, 
1880,  p.  56:  "Como  los  gentiles  y 
poetas  dieron  mujeres  a  sus  dioses, 
asi  Topa  Ynga  Yupanque  quiso  darle 
Coya  al  Sol,  y  esa  fue  la  luna:  a  la 
cual  dedico  un  famoso  templo,  con 
ministros  y  doncellas  a  su  servicio,  en 
la  pequena  isla  de  Coati,  en  este 
mismo  lago,  dos  leguas  al  Oriente  de 
Titicaca;  .  .  .  Entre  un  bosque  de 
esos  frondosos  arboles,  en  una  que- 
bradita  cerca  de  la  playa,  erigio 
Yupanque  el  adoratorio  lunar,  en 
cuj'a  ara  puso  un  bulto  de  oro,  a  la 
traza  de  una  Coya,  que  representaba 
a  la  esposa  del  Sol. ' '  Fray  Andres 
de  S.  Nicolas:  Imdgen,  fol.  27: 
' '  Para  complemento  de  las  f alsedades 
del  famoso  adoratorio  decreto  el 
Tupac,  que  en  otra  isla,  apartada  vna 
legua  de  la  primera,  se  fabricasse 
templo,  consagrado  a  la  Luna,  con  el 
nombre  de  Coata. "  Gutierrez  de 
Santa  Clara:  Eistoria  de  las  guerras 
ciuiles  del  Peru,  III,  Cap.  Lvi,  p.  486: 
"y  por  acesores  tenian  al  Sol  y  a  la 


Luna  (diciendo)  que  eran  marido  j 
muger  y  que  estos  eran  multiplicado- 
res  de  toda  la  tierra. " 

^'  Inca  chronology  is  far  from 
trustworthy  previous  to  the  time  of 
the  chief  Tupac  Yupanqui,  but  from 
his  time  on  a  reasonable  approxima- 
tion to  dates  becomes  possible. 

'"Cobo  (Eistoria,  etc.,  IV,  p.  62) 
makes  no  mention  of  any  shrine 
dedicated  to  the  moon  on  Titicaca, 
nor  does  he  mention  the  Pilco-Kayma 
at  all.    Neither  does  Eamos. 

*'■  Bescripcion  y  Eelacion  de  la  Ciu- 
dad  de  La  Paz,  p.  71. 

*^  Calancha :  Coronica,  I,  p.  867 : 
' '  En  los  que  gastavan  mas  sacrificios, 
i  estremavan  el  culto  era  en  el  cerro 
Illimani  CuUcachata,  i  en  el  mas 
frontero  del  Pueblo  Cacaaca, "  etc. 

"  Cieza :  Segunda  Parte,  Cap. 
XXVIII :  "Muehos  fueron  los  templos 
que  hobo  en  este  reino  del  Peru,  y 
algunos  se  tienen  por  muy  antiguos, 
porque  fueron  fundados  antes,  con 
muchos  tiempos,  que  los  Incas  reina- 
sen,  asi  en  la  serrania  de  los  altos, 
como  en  la  serrania  de  los  llanos;  y 
reinando  los  Incas,  se  edificaron  de 
nuevo  otros  muchos  en  donde  se 
hacian  sus  fiestas  6  sacrificios." 

**  This  is  already  hinted  at  in  Be- 
latione  per  Sva  Maesta,  fol.  413:  "& 
in  essa  vanno  a  fare  le  loro  offerte  & 
sacrificij  in  vna  gran  pietra  che  e 
nell '  Isola  che  la  chiamano  Thichi- 
casa,  done  6  perche  il  Diavolo  vi  si 
nasconde,  &  gli  parla,  6  per  costume 
antico,  como  glie,  6  per  altro  che  non 
s  'e  mai  charito,  la  tengono  tutti 
quelli  della  prouincia  in  grande  stima, 
&  gli  offeriscono  oro  &  argento,  & 
altre  cose."  Cieza:  Primera  Parte, 
Cap.  cm,  p.  445 :  * '  La  gran  laguna 
del  CoUao  tiene  por  nombre  Titicaca, 
por  el  templo  que  estuvo  edificado  en 
la  m'sma  laguna;  de  donde  los  natu- 
rales  tuvieron  por  opinion  una  vanidad 
muy  grande,  y  es,  que  cuentan  estos 
indios  que  sus  antiguos  lo  afirmaron 
por  cierto,  como  hicieron  otras  burle- 
rias    que    dicen,    que    carecieron    de 


THE  RUINS  ON  THE  ISLAND  OF  KOATI 


289 


lumbre  muchos  dias,  y  que  estando 
todos  puestos  en  tinieblas  y  obscuri- 
dad,  salio  desta  isla  de  Titicaca  el  sol 
muy  resplandeciente,  por  lo  cual  la 
tuvieron  por  cosa  sagrada. "  In  re- 
gard to  Pachacamac,  the  fact  is  too 
well  established  to  require  additional 
testimony, 

^'Cieza:  Primera  Parte  (p.  445): 
"y  los  ingas  hicieron  en  ella  el 
templo  que  digo,  que  fue  entre  ellos 
muy  estimado  y  venerado,  S,  honra  de 
su  eol. ' '    See  note  43. 

<"  See  note  38. 

"  IV,  p.  59. 

*^  Hist,  de  Copacdbana,  1880,  p.  31. 

*^  Ibidem. 

"^"Eamos:  Copacabana,  1860,  p.  48. 

^^  Relatione  Per  Sva  Maesta,  fol. 
413.  The  story  told  by  Anello  Oliva 
(Historia  del  Perv,  etc.,  p.  33)  may 
be  of  Indian  origin,  but  it  is  hardly 
primitive. 

^■Historia,  etc.,  IV,  p.  63:  "Los 
sacerdotes  y  ministros  deste  adorato- 
rio  y  del  de  Coati  tenian  muy  grande 
comunicacion,  ^  habia  muchas  y  muy 
frecuentes  misiones  de  la  una  isla  a 
la  otra  con  grandes  retornos,  fingiendo 
los  ministros  del  un  santuario  y  del 
otro  que  la  mujer  del  Sol,  asi  como  lo 
pudiera  a  su  parecer  hacer  la  Luna,  le 
enviaba  sus  recaudos;  los  cuales  el 
Sol  le  retornaba  con  caricias  de  tierna 
aficion  y  reciproco  amor;  y  en  esto 
gastaban  mucho  tiempo,  ocupando  en 
su  ministerio  gran  cantidad  de  balsas, 
que  iban  y  tornaban  de  una  isla  d 
otra;  y  para  representar  esto  al  vivo, 
se  componia  en  el  un  adoratorio  el 
ministro  mayor,  que  representaba  la 
persona  del  Sol,  y  en  el  otro  una 
India,  que  haeia  el  persona je  de  la 
Luna.  Brindabanse  el  uno  al  otro,  y 
la  que  representaba  a  la  Luna  acari- 
eiaba  al  que  figuraba  al  Sol,  pidien- 
dole  con  caricias  se  les  mostrasse  cada 
dia  claro  y  apacible  y  que  nunca 
ocultase  sus  rayos,  para  que  fertili- 
zasen  los  sembrados  hasta  el  tiempo 
en  que  fuesen  necesarias  las  lluvias. 
Demas  desto,  le  pedia  que  conservase 


en  vida,  salud  y  reposo  al  Inca  y  k 
los  demas  que  con  tanta  f  e  y  devocion 
se  ocupaban  en  su  servicio  y  culto;  y 
el  que  en  nombre  del  Sol  se  fingia, 
respondia  con  regaladas  palabras, 
suficientes  a  satisfacer;  y  en  este 
desvaneo  y  locura  gastaban  los  mise- 
rables  el  tiempo  de  su  ciega  y  ociosa 
vida,  y  todo  paraba  en  beber,  que 
era  su  mayor  felicidad. " 

"  This  is,  of  course,  a  mere  sug- 
gestion. 

"  I  base  this  estimate  on  the  pres- 
ent condition  of  the  ruins  and  on  the 
situation  of  Inak-Uyu.  It  is  not 
likely  that  there  were  any  buildings 
except  those  now  seen. 

°°  This  is  especially  indicated  by 
some  walls  included  in  those  of  the 
present  hacienda  and  by  a  tank  made 
of  one  block  of  stone,  circular  in 
form,  and  in  existence  at  Cusijata. 
This  tank  is  a  work  of  great  patience, 
but  not  regularly  shaped.  See  de- 
scription in  Squier :  Peru,  p.  325,  with 
illustration.  The  dimensions  given 
by  Mr.  Squier  fairly  agree  with  our 
own  measurements. 

'*"  This  is  also  stated  by  Eamos : 
Copacabana,  1860,  p.  27:  "Antes  de 
llegar  a  Copacabana  puso  el  Inca  en 
el  lugar  de  Locca  unos  graneros,  que 
llamaban  Colcas,  donde  se  almacena- 
ban  viveres  para  el  sustento  de  los 
peregrines,  de  los  ministros  y  del 
ejercito. ' '  The  Colcas  or  Collcas 
were  mostly  circular. 

"  Cobo :  Historia,  etc.,  IV,  p.  58. 

■^Kamos:  Historia,  etc.,  edition  of 
1860,  pp.  47  and  52. 

'» Eamos:  Historia,  1860,  p.  31.  I 
am  in  doubt  as  to  whether  the  great 
slab  lying  across  the  gap  in  the  rocks 
of  Serocani  has  been  placed  there  by 
hand  of  man  or  whether  it  is  natural. 

^°  Eamos :  Copacabana,  pp.  9  and 
10,  et  seq.  Cobo:  Historia,  etc.,  IV, 
p.  58. 

*^  Eamos,  p.  9. 

"^  Just  as,  in  Peru,  the  names  Hiia- 
man,    Condorcanqui,    Tupayachi,    etc. 

^  It    is    mentioned   by    Cobo :    His- 


290 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


toria,  IV,  p.  58:  "j  segun  los  indios 
cuentan,  tuvo  el  Inca  voluntad  de 
abrir  la  tierra  y  que  el  agua  de  una 
parte  y  otra  cercase  6  cerrase  este 
promontorio,  y  que  hiciese  el  efecto 
que  la  cerca. "  Of  the  wall  there  are 
several  mentions,  by  Cobo  as  well  as 
by  Eamos. 

"^  The  allusions  to  ' '  Inca  con- 
quests" are  not  very  reliable. 

"•"  Our  information  about  these 
ruins  is  from  hearsay.  The  state- 
ments   about    the    visit    of    Huayna 


Capac  to  the  Islands  are  in  Eamos 
(1860,  Cap.  XXIII,  pp.  42  to  44).  Ca- 
lancha  and  S.  Nicolas  copied  him. 
The  Jesuit  writers  make  no  mention 
of  it.  Neither  is  there  any  allusion 
to  buildings,  in  the  works  of  the 
Augustines.  The  whole  matter  is 
rather  vague  and  doubtful. 

"'Eamos:  Copacabana,  1860,  p.  48: 
' '  Tambien  era  de  piedra  de  una  fi- 
gura  malisima  todo  ensartijada  de 
culebras  .  .  .  Lo  imploraban  para  las 
Iluvias  en  tiempo  seco. " 


5 


10 


6 


':f^il^ 


Plate  LXXIV 
Architectural  details  of  ruius  of  the  Ii5ak-Uyu 

1,  2,  3.   Stone  steps.     4,  5.  Ornamented  niche  and  section.     6,  7.  Ceiling  and 
niche.     8,  9,  10,  11.   Details  of  walls 


7IXZJ  aTAjq 

bxi^SailieO  .ibra  baJaamfimO  .-  i5  ,8  ,2  il 

tsQ  .II  ,01  ,e  ,8     .ea-nu  ' 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS 
CONCERNING  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA 


Paet  VI 

ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS 
CONCERNING  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA 


THE  most  authentic  sources  for  aboriginal  Indian  tradi- 
tions are  songs,  orations,  and  tales,  known  to  the  mem- 
bers of  religious  or  other  societies  of  which  every  tribe  has 
at  least  rudiments.  Such  societies  sometimes  preserve 
records  from  very  remote  times,  through  oral  transmission. 
The  substance  changes  but  little  in  the  course  of  centuries, 
but  form  may  suffer  modifications  which  distort  the  origi- 
nal picture  or  even  shroud  it  almost  completely. 

On  the  Island  of  Titicaca  the  changes  which  its  Indian 
population  has  undergone,  and  the  promiscuous  origin  of 
the  present  inhabitants,  made  it  very  doubtful  if  any  origi- 
nal folklore  was  still  to  be  found.  Esoteric  clusters  exist, 
but  they  are  not  originally  from  Titicaca.  Their  present 
members  may  have  been  born  there,  but  the  lore  with  which 
they  are  acquainted  is  not  indigenous  to  the  Island ;  at  least 
in  all  likelihood.  Its  original  occupants,  Inca  as  well  as 
Aymara,  forsook  Titicaca  soon  after  the  Spanish  conquest, 
and  the  Island  was  repeopled  only  after  several  decades. 

Therefore,  at  the  very  beginning  of  our  residence  on  Titi- 
caca Island  we  were  assured  that  there  was  no  trace  of 
ancient  folklore  in  the  recollections  of  its  inhabitants.  Not- 
withstanding these  assertions,  we  obtained  several  tales 
which,  while  liable  to  objections,  still  refer  to  pre-Spanish 
times  and  conditions.  In  so  far  as  their  main  secrets  of 
magic  and  their  most  important  dances  are  concerned,  the 

293 


294  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

Indians  of  Titicaca  confessed  they  were  derived  from  two 
points  on  the  shores  of  the  Lake— Sampaya  and  Huaicho. 
It  is,  therefore,  possible  that  the  folktales  which  we  gath- 
ered on  the  Island  have  come  from  one  or  both  of  these 
points.  It  is  also  possible  that  what  the  Indian  of  to-day 
gives  as  primitive  traditions  were  related  to  his  ancestors 
by  Spaniards  and  especially  by  priests,  and  from  data  pre- 
served by  writers  of  the  sixteenth  centuries.  I  shall  record 
the  few  tales  gathered  by  us,  adverting  that  it  was  only 
little  by  little  and  with  reluctance  that  the  Indians  became 
somewhat  communicative  on  these  topics.  Their  reticence 
might  lead  to  suppose  that  what  they  told  contains  some 
authentic  and  primitive  elements. 

The  belief  that,  in  times  far  beyond  distinct  recollection 
of  man,  the  sun  first  rose  from  the  Sacred  Rock,  or  Titi- 
Kala,  was  mentioned  to  us  by  several  Indians  on  the  Island, 
one  of  whom,  an  aged  blind  man,  also  stated  that  the  moon 
was  created  there.  The  large  nodules  of  limonite,  which  are 
said  to  be  tracks  of  the  sun  and  moon,  bear  some  rela- 
tion to  this  belief.  One  of  our  informants,  an  old  wizard, 
told  us  that  ''the  sun  rose  into  the  heavens  from  the  Sacred 
Rock,  in  the  shape  of  a  big  flame. ' '  But  he  also  added  that 
**the  sun  was  the  child  of  a  woman"  whom  he  called 
"Mama-Ojllia,  who  was  the  mother  of  Manco  Capac." 
About  the  origin  of  the  moon  he  professed  to  be  ignorant. 

''In  very  ancient  times,"  said  he,  "the  Island  was  in- 
habited by  gentlemen  (caballeros)  similar  to  the  vira- 
cochas"  (name  given  to  whites  by  the  Indians  to-day). 
Whence  these  "gentlemen"  came  he  knew  not.  "They  had 
intercourse  with  the  women  of  the  people,  and  the  children 
were  deposited  in  caves,  where  they  were  kept  alive  by 
water  dripping  from  the  rock  of  the  ceiling.  After  a  certain 
time  the  mothers  went  to  look  after  their  offspring  and 
found  them  alive  and  well.  These  children,  who  had  thus 
been  exposed,  became  the  Inga-Re  (Incas),  and  they  drove 
out  the  gentlemen  and  held  the  Island  thereafter. ' '  Whither 


o 

M 

a 
o 


Oh 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  295 

tlie  expelled  "viracoelias"  retreated,  the  tale  sayetli  not.^ 
The  narrator  mentioned  the  names  of  two  women  who  ac- 
quired some  note  on  the  Island,  one  of  whom  he  called 
''Maria  Ka,"  the  other  "Mama  Chocuayllo."  About  the 
Inca  he  remembered  the  names  of  Manco  Capac,  Viracocha, 
Huayna  Capac,  Eoca,  Huascar,  and  Atahuallpa,  saying  of 
Huascar  that  the  Spaniards  killed  him  near  the  Island.^ 

In  a  subsequent  conversation  the  wizard  stated  that 
Atauhuallpa  lived  on  the  Island  and  Huascar  at  Cuzco,  and 
that  after  the  time  of  the  '*Inga-Re"  the  Lake  once  dried  up 
so  completely  that  people  from  Huaicho  came  over  on  foot 
and  killed  the  ''Chullpa"  then  living  on  Titicaca.  From 
one  or  the  other  Indian  we  obtained  at  least  partial  con- 
firmation of  this.  All  seemed  to  agree  that  the  sun  had 
made  its  first  appearance  on  the  Sacred  Eock,  and  that  the 
' '  Inga-Ee ' '  originated  on  the  Island. 

While  we  were  at  the  pueblo  of  Tiquina,  the  parish  priest. 
Father  Nicanor  Vizcarra,  related  to  us  the  following  tale 
which  had  been  told  him  by  an  Indian  from  Copacavana : 

"The  Peninsula  of  Copacavana  was  inhabited  prior  to 
the  time  of  the  Inca  by  a  tribe  of  rude  Indians  who  owned 
flocks  of  llamas.  Every  evening  the  herders  returned  the 
flocks  to  the  care  of  the  chief  of  the  tribe,  and  among  their 
number  was  a  dumb  girl.  For  several  months  this  girl 
failed  to  put  in  an  appearance.  The  fact  of  the  matter  was 
that  she  had  given  birth  to  a  male  child  in  some  cave  on  the 
Peninsula,  and  that  a  female  deer  was  nursing  it.  The 
fatherless  boy  grew  up  in  that  cave,  his  mother  visiting  him 
daily  toward  evening.  This  went  on  for  a  number  of  years, 
until  at  last  somebody  followed  her  stealthily.  He  saw  her 
approach  the  cave.  A  boy  rushed  out  of  it  to  embrace  her 
and  she  returned  his  caresses.  When  this  boy  reached  the 
age  of  manhood  he  begged  his  mother  to  give  him  a  club 
and  to  make  him  three  slings.  With  the  aid  of  these 
weapons  he  soon  became  powerful,  and  this  was  the  origin 
of  the  Incas."^ 


296  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

This  tale  has  a  slight  resemblance  to  the  Montezuma 
story  as  told  in  New  Mexico.^  But  the  bringing  up  of  the 
child  in  a  cave,  and  with  the  assistance  of  a  female  deer, 
also  recalls  the  legend  of  Saint  Genoveva  and,  in  a  way, 
that  of  Romulus  and  Remus!  Legends  of  the  saints,  also 
bits  of  classical  history,  were  frequently  told  the  Indians  by 
priests  of  the  Catholic  Church.^  The  tales  from  Titicaca 
and  Tiquina  agree,  as  we  shall  see  further  on,  with  Titicaca 
lore  as  represented  by  the  majority  of  older  sources  in 
more  than  one  respect,  only  the  story  of  the  hind  is  found 
nowhere  else.  Hence  we  may  be  permitted  to  ask,  is  it  per- 
haps a  post-conquistorial  aggregate  to  primitive  tales'? 

Turning  now  to  the  earliest  mentions  of  Titicaca  lore  by 
Spanish  writers,  I  must  premise  that  the  first  report  on  the 
Island,  the  one  so  often  quoted  by  me  (of  July  15,  1534), 
makes  no  mention  of  ancient  lore.®  Gonzalo  Fernandez 
de  Oviedo  y  Valdes,  who  for  many  years  carefully  collected 
the  data,  written  and  oral,  which  his  contemporaries 
brought  back  from  the  New  World,  and  especially  from  such 
sections  of  it  as  were  not  known  to  him  by  personal  inspec- 
tion, makes  no  mention  of  Titicaca  lore,  limiting  himself  to 
a  brief  statement  of  a  Cuzco  tradition,  according  to  which 
the  Incas  had  come  to  Cuzco  from  the  outside  and  were  not 
originally  from  that  valley.'^ 

Pedro  Pizarro  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  conquest  and 
took  an  active  part  in  it.  His  report  on  Peru  was  finished 
in  1571,  but  is  the  result  of  observation  and  experiences  in 
that  country  since  1532.  I  therefore  place  him  here,  as  one 
of  those  who  held  earliest  communication  with  the  natives 
and  saw  Peruvian  society  while  it  was  yet  in  its  primitive 
condition.  He  briefly  remarks :  ' '  These  Indians  say  that  an 
Inga  was  the  first  lord.  Some  say  he  came  from  the  island 
of  Titicaca,  which  is  an  island  in  a  lagoon  of  the  Collao. 
.  .  .  Other  Indians  claim  that  this  first  chief  came  forth  at 
Tambo.  This  Tambo  is  in  Condesuios,  six  leagues,  more  or 
less,  from  Cuzco. "^ 


117  ZZ J  aTAj4 


>n  the 


Plate  LXXVII 

Objects  of  stoue  from  Island  of  Koati,  resembling  tobacco-pipes, 
and  excavated  at  Inak-Uyu 


jiiitin^ 


•onque: 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  297 

In  1542  the  Licentiate  Cristoval  Vaca  de  Castro,  then  de 
facto  Governor  of  Peru,  instituted  the  first  official  inquiry 
into  ancient  lore  of  the  Cuzco  Indians,  the  proceedings  of 
which  are  given  in  a  document  entitled:  Discurso  sohre  la 
Descendencia  y  Gobierno  de  los  Ingas,  and  published  by  the 
late  Don  Marcos  Jimenez  de  la  Espada.  That  investigation, 
carried  on  with  a  great  deal  of  care  and  much  sound  dis- 
crimination, contains  no  allusion  to  lore  about  Titicaca, 
but  places  the  origin  of  the  Inca  at  Pacaritambo  (Tambo) 
near  Cuzco.^  Aside  from  the  value  this  document  has  for 
specific  ''Inca"  history,  it  is  important  for  mentioning  the 
name  of  an  author  who  is  of  great  importance  in  connection 
with  Peruvian  Indian  lore — Juan  de  Betanzos.  He  was  one 
of  the  two  Spaniards  who  controlled  the  examination  of 
the  Indian  witnesses,  being  in  1542  already  ''one  of  the 
persons  who  knew  very  well  the  general  language  of  this 
kingdom,  and  who  wrote  down  what  was  declared  by  means 
of  the  Quipos."^^ 

Betanzos  is  generally  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  earlier 
companions  of  Pizarro.^^  He  spent  the  rest  of  his  life  at 
Cuzco,  having  married  an  Indian  girl  from  the  Inca  tribe. 
He  wrote  a  Doctrina  chripstiana  accompanied  by  two  vo- 
cabularies, previous  to  1550,  and  which  are  still  unpublished 
at  the  National  Archives  at  Lima.  While  at  work  on  the 
Doctrina,  etc.,^^  he  also  composed  a  history  of  the  Inca 
entitled :  Suma  y  Narracion  de  los  Incas,  finishing  it  about 
1551.^^  The  manuscript  was  intact  in  the  early  part  of  the 
seventeenth  century,^^  but  was  lost  sight  of  afterward 
until,  in  1875,  the  indefatigable  and  judicious  student  of 
Spanish- American  history,  Jimenez  de  la  Espada,  found  the 
first  eighteen  chapters  of  it  at  the  Library  of  the  Escu- 
rial.^^  Of  the  rest  of  the  book  no  trace  has  as  yet  ap- 
peared. Fortunately  the  fragment  published  contains  what 
is  of  greatest  importance  here:  the  early  traditions  of  the 
Indians  of  Cuzco  and  especially  of  the  Collas  or  Aymara, 
gathered  by  Betanzos  within  ten,  or  at  most  fifteen,  years 


298  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

after  1532.  At  such  an  early  date  Indian  folk-tales  and 
myths  could  not  have  been  much  contaminated  through  con- 
tact with  the  whites  and,  while  there  are,  in  some  of  the 
traditions  recorded  by  Betanzos,  inklings  of  extra- American 
influence,  the  substance  appears  to  be  authentic  and  primi- 
tive. The  connection  of  Betanzos  with  the  Inca  through 
marriage,  while  of  great  advantage  in  many  respects,  ex- 
posed him  to  a  serious  danger ;  the  same  that  lessened  the 
value  of  works  written  half  a  century  later  by  Indian  writers 
in  Mexico  and,  in  a  still  higher  degree,  the  value  of  the  book 
of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega.  His  informants,  being  Inca,  told 
only  their  side  of  the  story,  with  a  tendency  to  extol  to 
the  conquerors  (whose  favor  they  were  beginning  to  court) 
the  importance  of  their  tribe  and  of  its  culture.  Even 
traditions  and  myths,  when  told  by  people  thus  inclined, 
lose  some  of  their  purity.  But  Betanzos  has  also  preserved 
to  us  traditions  that  originated  away  from  Inca  influence. 
He  tells  us : 

*'In  ancient  time,  they  say,  the  country  and  province  of 
Peru  was  in  darkness,  having  neither  light  nor  day.  There 
were,  at  that  time,  certain  people  in  it,  which  people  had  a 
certain  chief  who  commanded  them  and  to  whom  they  were 
subjected.  Of  the  name  of  the  people  and  of  the  chief  who 
commanded  them  they  have  no  recollection.  And  in  those 
times,  when  all  was  night  in  this  land,  they  say  that  from  a 
lagune  in  this  country  of  Peru,  in  the  province  of  CoUasuyo, 
there  came  a  chief  called  Con  Tici  Viracocha  who,  they  say, 
had  with  him  a  certain  number  of  people,  which  number 
they  do  not  recollect.  And  after  he  had  sallied  from  this 
lagune,  he  went  from  there  to  a  site  that  is  close  to  this 
lagune,  where  to-day  is  a  village  called  Tiaguanaco,  in  the 
aforesaid  province  of  the  Collao.  And  as  he  went  thither, 
he  and  his  own,  forthwith  there  improvisedly,  they  say,  that 
he  made  the  sun  and  day,  and  ordered  the  sun  to  move  in 
the  course  it  now  moves  and  afterward,  they  say,  he  made 
the  stars  and  the  moon.    Of  this  Con  Tici  Viracocha  they 


J  .i\\  a1 


Plate  LXXVIII 
Objects  in  gold  from  the  Islands  of  Titicaca  and  Koati 

Bangles  of  gold-leaf  from  the  vicinity  of  the  Sacred  Rock.       3,  4,  Golden  pins  from 
the  level  in  front  of  the  Sacred  Rock.      5,  6.  Llamas  of  gold  from  above  site. 
7.  Human  figure,  of  gold  (offering)  from  same  place.     8.  Animal  fig- 
ure of  solid  gold-leaf  from  the  Island  of  Koati  (see  text). 


f 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  299 

say  he  had  appeared  once  before,  on  which  occasion  he 
made  the  sky  and  the  earth,  leaving  everything  in  obscurity, 
and  then  he  made  the  people  who  lived  in  darkness  as  afore- 
told,  which  people  did  some  sort  of  wrong  to  this  Viracocha, 
and  being  angered  by  it,  he  turned  to  come  out  again  this 
last  time  and  came  forth  as  on  the  first  occasion,  and  those 
first  people  and  their  chief  he  converted  into  stones,  in  pun- 
ishment for  the  anger  they  had  caused  him."^^ 

The  substance  of  the  above  is  that  there  was,  at  the  time 
of  first  contact  between  the  Spaniards  and  the  Indians  of 
southern  Peru  and  adjacent  parts  of  Bolivia,  a  tradition  to 
the  etfect  that  there  had  been  two  successive  ''creations," 
and  both  by  the  same  being,  represented  as  a  man  endowed 
with  supernatural  faculties.  After  the  first  creation,  that 
personage  came  out  of  Lake  Titicaca  and  went  to  Tiahua- 
naco,  where  he  dispelled  the  darkness  (in  which  he  had  left 
the  world  after  his  first  creative  effort)  by  making  the  sun, 
moon,  and  stars,  and  regulating  their  course  in  the  heavens. 
Thus  far  the  tales  connected  with  Titicaca  Island.^ '^  It  is 
well  to  note,  that  the  manuscript  of  Betanzos  has  "Titi 
Viracocha,"  not  '^Tici"  as  Espada  changed  it,  in  order  to 
conform  with  later  spellings.  It  would  have  been  preferable 
to  retain  the  spelling  of  the  original. 

Contemporary  with  Betanzos,  although  not  participants 
in  the  conquest,  were  two  writers,  whose  role  in  South 
America  was  very  similar— Pedro  de  Cieza  (of  Leon)^^  and 
Pedro  Gutierrez  de  Santa  Clara.  Both  were  soldiers  and 
made  the  campaigns  of  the  civil  wars  among  the  Spaniards. 
Gutierrez  arrived  in  Peru  at  least  three  years  earlier  than 
Cieza  and  remained  in  the  country  (probably)  longer  than 
the  latter.  But  he  finished  his  voluminous  work  only  after 
1603,^^  whereas  Cieza  completed  the  First  Part  of  his 
Chronicle  in  1550,  and  the  remainder  between  that  year  and 
ISGO.^*^  Hence  he  deserves  precedence,  in  that  he  wrote 
under  more  recent,  hence  more  vivid,  impressions.  But 
Cieza  is  by  no  means  an  infallible  guide.    He  was  certainly 


300  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

a  close  observer  and  a  painstaking  recorder,  but,  as  is  the 
case  with  many,  he  lacked  time  and  knowledge  of  the  Indian 
languages.  He  freely  acknowledges  the  latter .^^  Hence 
his  information  on  Indian  traditions,  compared  with  that 
of  Betanzos,  is  in  reality  ''second-hand."  But  it  agrees 
quite  well  with  that  furnished  by  the  latter,  thus  corroborat- 
ing in  a  measure  its  authenticity.  It  is  also  possible  that  he 
obtained  his  information  through  Betanzos,  or  at  least  from 
Indian  sources  the  latter  consulted,  although  he  mentions 
what  may  appear  to  be  independent  authority.  In  the  First 
Part  of  his  Chronicle  he  relates  a  myth  to  the  effect  that, 
after  many  years  of  darkness,  the  sun  rose  from  the  Island 
of  Titicaca  in  great  splendor;  thenceforth  that  Island  was 
regarded  as  sacred,  and  the  Inca  reared  on  it  a  temple 
dedicated  to  ' '  their ' '  sun.  In  another  place  he  says  that  one 
of  the  principal  chiefs  of  the  Collao  went  to  the  ' '  lagune  of 
Titicaca,  and  met  on  its  principal  Island  white  men  with 
beards  with  whom  he  fought  in  such  a  manner  as  to  succeed 
in  killing  them  all."^^  Should  this  event  prove  true,  then 
Cieza  furnishes  an  approximate  date  for  its  occurrence  by 
placing  it  during  the  term  of  office  of  the  chief  Viracocha, 
hence  in  the  fourteenth  century.^^  In  the  Second  Part  he  is 
more  definite  and  alludes  to  the  source  whence  he  got  his 
information:  "They  also  tell  what  I  have  written  in  the  First 
Part:  that  on  the  Island  of  Titicaca,  in  the  past  centuries, 
were  white  people,  with  beards,  and  that,  coming  forth  from 
the  valley  of  Coquimbo  a  captain  by  the  name  of  Cari,  he 
reached  where  now  is  Chucuito  from  where,  after  having 
made  some  new  settlements,  he  passed  over  to  the  Island 
with  his  people,  and  made  such  war  upon  that  people  of 
which  I  speak,  that  he  killed  them  all.  Chirihuana,  gov- 
ernor of  those  pueblos  (which  pertain  to  the  Emperor)  told 
me  what  I  have  written.  .  .  ."^^  Tlie  name '' Chirihuana " 
recalls  one  of  the  older  societies  of  dancers  still  extant 
among  the  Aymara,  and  if  the  traditions  should  be 
proven  as  coming  from  such  a  source,  seventeen  years  after 


■^::^m^: 


^ 

^ 

^ 

ta 

£. 

Oi 

^ 

0) 

1^ 

M- 

N 

E 

tK 

CO 

o 

fU 

^73 


M 

X 

H^ 

E 

<^ 

P^ 

&^ 

>> 

fi 

^ 

^ 

o 

p< 

c3 

ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  301 

the  arrival  of  Pizarro  and  sixteen  after  his  occupation  of 
Cuzco,  they  might  be  primitive  lore  of  considerable  authen- 
ticity and  purity. 

The  first  and  second  chapter,  also  the  greatest  portion 
of  the  third,  of  Cieza's  Second  Part  of  the  "Chronicle  of 
Peru, ' '  are  unfortunately  missing.  In  Chapter  IV  he  states : 
''Many  times  have  I  asked  the  inhabitants  of  these  prov- 
inces what  they  knew  about  what  there  was  in  them  before 
the  Incas  ruled  over  them  .  .  ."^s  Cieza  had  a  compara- 
tively short  time  for  his  investigations,  and  was  dependent 
upon  interpreters,  still  what  he  ascertained  in  this  manner 
concerning  Titicaca  lore  corresponds  in  the  main  with  what 
is  stated  by  Betanzos.  He  says :  "Before  the  Incas  ruled  in 
these  kingdoms  and  were  known  in  them,  the  Indians  tell 
another  much  more  important  thing  than  all  the  rest,  for 
they  affirm  that  for  a  long  time  they  were  without  seeing  the 
sun,  and  that  suffering  a  great  deal  on  that  account,  they 
prayed  and  made  vows  to  those  on  whom  they  looked  as 
their  gods,  begging  them  for  the  light  of  which  they  were 
deprived.  And  while  this  was  going  on  the  sun  rose  in 
great  splendor  from  the  Island  of  Titicaca,  which  is  within 
this  great  lagune  of  the  Collao,  so  that  all  were  delighted. 
And  after  this  had  happened,  they  say  that  from  the  part 
of  midday  there  appeared  and  came  a  white  man  of  large 
size  who  showed  great  authority  and  inspired  veneration 
by  his  person  and  presence ;  and  that  this  man,  of  whom  they 
say  he  had  so  much  power  that  of  heights  he  made  levels 
and  of  plains  great  heights,  creating  springs  in  live  rock. 
And  as  they  recognized  in  him  such  power,  they  called  him 
Maker  of  all  Created  Things,  Beginning  Thereof,  Father 
of  the  Sun,  for  they  say  that  besides  these  he  performed 
other  and  greater  deeds,  because  he  gave  to  men  and  ani- 
mals their  existence  and  that  finally  they  derived  from  him 
great  benefits. ' '  ^^ 

This  Being  the  Indians,  according  to  Cieza,  call  Ticivira- 
cocha,  also  Tupaca  and  Arnauan  or  Aranauan.^^  It  is  easy 


302  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

to  recognize  in  him  the  ''Con  Tici  Viracocha"  of  Betanzos. 
Only  the  latter  makes  him  come  from  Titicaca  Island, 
whereas  Cieza  states  he  came  from  the  South.  There  might 
be,  in  the  tales  gathered  by  Cieza,  a  confusion  with  the  first 
appearance  of  the  ''Viracocha"  mentioned  by  Betanzos, 
and  of  which  Cieza  does  not  seem  to  have  been  informed. 

Pedro  Gutierrez  de  Santa  Clara,  as  stated,  is  not  as 
original  a  source  as  Cieza.  The  information  he  conveys  is 
at  variance  with  that  of  the  preceding  authors,  but  it  recalls 
the  remark  of  Pedro  Pizarro :  ' '  These  Indians  say  that  an 
Inga  was  their  first  lord.  Some  say  he  came  from  the 
Island  of  Titicaca.  "^^ 

Gutierrez  attributes  Creation  to  two  distinct  beings,  the 
first  of  which  was  called  "Cons,"  the  other  "Pachacama," 
the  second  destroying  what  the  first  had  done  to  remake  it 
after  his  own  pleasure.  After  these  two  deities :  ' '  The  first 
Indian  lord  who  began  to  enter  foreign  lands  was  called 
Mango  Ynga  Zapalla  and  this  Indian  initiated  the  wars. 
He  went  forth  with  armed  people  from  a  large  island  called 
Titicaca,  which  is  inmidst  of  a  lagune  that  is  very  large  and 
quite  deep,  in  the  great  province  of  Atun  Collao.  This 
Mango  Ynga  Zapalla  succeeded  in  becoming  a  very  re- 
nowned and  preferred  lord,  more  than  all  the  small  chiefs, 
curacas,  that  were  around  of  that  lagune;  on  account  of 
which  he,  by  advice  of  the  fiend  and  of  the  sorcerers,  sought 
to  occupy  their  lands  in  a  thousand  ways,  modes  and  man- 
ners he  could,  and  to  place  them  under  his  lordship  and  com- 
mand. And  with  this  intention  he  went  forth  with  many 
people  from  the  Island,  in  many  rafts  made  of  canes  and 
dry  wood.  Forthwith,  by  flatteries  and  threats  he  drew  unto 
him  some  curacas  and  small  chiefs,  and  those  who  would 
not  obey  his  bidding  he  made  war  upon  until  he  put  them 
under  his  dominion  and  command.  When  he  found  himself 
lord  of  this  great  province,  and  that  all  the  curacas  and 
principal  Indians  served  him  as  their  natural  lord,  he 
founded  a  settlement  which  he  called  Atuncollao  which  is  to 


45     (U 


se 

iU 

o 

_o 

14 

'+3 

o 

o-i 

<D 

o 

m 

'O 

'^ 

^ 

a 

cS 

oS 

yj 

® 

'~' 

rCj 

^ 

o 

O 

►^ 

U 

>-. 

^^ 

?H 

h3 

P 

rs 

o 

a> 

g 

'cS 

o 

o 

^ 

:fi 

e(-l 

,^ 

O 

;-i 

_o 

o 

c3 

OJ 

.^ 

00 

•^ 

® 

aj 

*? 

V 

cb 

> 

■ji 

-pH 

O 

H 

>> 

fO 

o    h 


d5 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  303 

say:  the  great  Collao.  In  this  settlement  he  established  his 
seat  and  royal  court  in  order  that  the  Indians  he  had  con- 
quered might  not  rebel,  and  after  he  had  them  well  subjected 
and  pacified,  his  days  came  to  an  end.  .  .  ."^^  He  further 
states  that  the  seventh  Inca  war-chief,  whom  he  calls  Topa 
Ynga  Yupangue,  conquered  the  settlement  of  Cuzco  and 
established  there  the  tribe  of  the  Inca.^*^ 

The  list  of  Inca  chiefs  furnished  by  Gutierrez  does  not 
agree  with  that  of  Betanzos  in  some  respects,  neither  does 
it  with  the  list  of  Cieza,  whereas  it  fully  agrees  with  that  of 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega.^^  But  it  does  not  seem  possible  that 
the  book  of  the  latter  could  already  have  been  consulted  by 
Gutierrez.  The  agreement  in  the  names  and  the  sequence 
of  the  war-chiefs  points  to  a  common  source  of  information. 
On  the  other  hand  traditions  about  the  conquest  of  the 
Collao  from  Titicaca  Island,  in  the  tenth  century,  about, 
recall  the  statements  of  Oviedo  and  Pedro  Pizarro,  in  a 
general  way.  In  other  respects  (for  instance,  in  regard  to 
the  creation  by  Cons  and  re-creation  by  Pachacamac)  there 
is  an  analogy  between  Betanzos  and  Gutierrez.  Close 
agreement  in  Indian  tradition  gathered  by  distinct  sources 
can  never  be  expected,  but  the  conquest  of  Cuzco  by  Indians 
of  Aymara  stock,  part  of  whom  originally  came  from  Titi- 
caca Island,  is  not  mentioned  by  the  two  elder  Spanish 
chroniclers,  Betanzos  and  Cieza. 

Agustin  de  Zarate,  royal  treasurer  in  Peru,  whither  he 
came  in  1543,^^  earlier  than  both  Cieza  and  Gutierrez,  states 
in  his  History  of  the  Discovery  and  Conquest  of  Peru, 
the  first  edition  of  which  appeared  at  Antwerp  in  1555: 
''These  lords  kept  their  Indians  at  peace  and  were  their 
captains  in  the  wars  they  had  with  their  neighbors,  and 
there  was  no  general  lord  of  the  whole  land,  until  from  the 
region  of  the  Collao,  from  a  great  lagoon  there  is  (in  it), 
called  Titicaca,  which  has  eighty  leagues  in  circumference, 
there  came  a  very  warlike  people  which  they  called  ingas. 
These  wore  the  hair  short  and  had  the  ears  perforated,  with 


304  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

pieces  of  gold  in  the  holes  which  enlarge  the  apertures. 
These  called  themselves  [are  called]  ringrim,  signifying 
ear.  And  the  principal  among  them  they  called  Zapalla 
inga,  (the)  only  chief,  although  some  mean  to  say  that  he 
was  called  inga  Viracocha,  which  is  'froth  or  grease  of  the 
sea, '  since,  not  knowing  where  the  land  lay  whence  he  came, 
(they)  believed  him  to  have  been  formed  out  of  that  lagune. 
.  ,  .  These  ingas  began  to  settle  the  city  of  Cuzco,  etc."^^ 

Substantially,  this  is  what  Gutierrez  has  stated,  and  it 
may  have  been  recorded  about  the  same  time. 

Three  years  prior  to  the  appearance  of  the  book  of  Zarate, 
the  first  issue  of  the  Chronicle  of  Francisco  Lopez  de  Go- 
mara  was  published,  but  as  the  author  never  was  in  America 
and  obtained  his  information  at  second  hand,  I  place  him 
after  the  former.  Treating  of  the  Inca  Gomara  states: 
* '  Their  origin  was  from  Tiquicaca,  which  is  a  lagune  in  the 
Collao,  forty  leagues  from  Cuzco,  the  name  of  which  signi- 
fies Island  of  Lead.  ...  It  is  eighty  leagues  in  circum- 
ference. The  principal  Inca  who  took  away  from  Tiquicaca 
the  first  ones  and  led  them,  was  called  Zapalla,  signifying 
only  chief.  Some  aged  Indians  also  say  that  he  was  called 
Viracocha,  which  is  to  say  'grease  of  the  sea,'  and  that  he 
brought  his  people  by  sea.  They  finally  affirm  that  Zapalla 
peopled  and  settled  Cuzco,  whence  the  Incas  began  to  make 
war  upon  the  surroundings."-^^ 

The  similarity  of  the  above  and  the  text  of  Zarate  is 
striking,  yet  it  is  hardly  possible  that  one  copied  the  other, 
unless  Gomara  obtained  access  to  the  manuscript  of  Zarate. 
The  latter  had  good  opportunities  of  securing  knowledge 
about  Indian  folk-lore  at  what  we  may  consider  first-hand ; 
hence,  if  there  has  been  any  plagiarism,  it  is  more  likely  to 
have  been  committed  by  Gomara,  after  the  return  of  Zarate 
to  Spain.  The  author  of  the  Chronicle,  and  chaplain  of 
Hernando  Cortes,  however,  lived  in  official  disgrace  and 
obscurity  at  the  time,  and  his  book  was  not  well  received  at 
Court,  whereas  Zarate,  who  had  no  intention  of  publishing 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  305 

his  work  himself,  but  intended  it  for  posthumous  issue,  was 
compelled  to  have  it  printed  by  pressure  from  Court. 

There  is  still  another  and  similar  version,  from  the  same 
period,  apparently: 

An  anonymous  document,  already  mentioned  by  Prescott, 
but  hardly  noticed  since,  entitled  Conquista  y  Pohlacion  del 
Peru,  states  the  following:  "After  this  was  done,  these 
large-eared  people  (Orejones)  say  that  the  manner  in  which 
theygotachief  among  themselves  was,  that  (from)  a  lagune 
which  is  thirty  leagues  from  Cuzco,  in  the  land  of  Collao, 
and  (which)  is  called  Titicacaea,  the  principal  of  them,  who 
called  himself  Viracocha,  came  forth,  who  was  very  shrewd 
and  wise  and  said  he  was  a  child  of  the  sun.  And  of  this  one 
they  say  that  he  gave  them  polity  in  dress  and  in  building 
houses  of  stone,  and  he  it  was  that  built  the  Cuzco  and  made 
stone-houses  and  the  fortress  and  house  of  the  sun.  .  .  ," 
This  document  is  not  complete,  hence  no  certainty  exists  as 
yet  regarding  its  date,  although  there  are  indications  that  it 
was  written  during  the  period  of  early  colonization  in 
Peru.^^ 

Leaving  aside  the  short  notice  which  Oviedo  has  preserved 
to  us,  and  in  which  Titicaca  is  not  mentioned,  we  have  thus 
far,  in  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  what  appear  to 
be  two  distinct  versions  of  traditions  concerning  the  remote 
past  of  that  Island.  Betanzos  and  Cieza  are  silent  on  the 
subject  of  a  "conquest"  of  Cuzco  by  people  originally  issued 
from  Titicaca.  Still  even  they  hint  at  something  akin  to  it. 
Betanzos  states :  "And  from  there  (speaking  of  the  journey 
of  Viracocha  from  the  country  around  the  Lake  northward) 
the  Viracocha  departed  and  came  on,  making  people  as  you 
have  heard,  until  he  came  to  Cuzco  where,  upon  arriving, 
they  say,  he  made  a  chief,  to  whom  he  gave  the  name  of 
Alcauiza,  and  also  named  the  place  of  that  chief  (he)  made, 
Cuzco,  and,  leaving  directions  how,  after  he  would  be  gone, 
the  'large  ears'  should  come  forth,  he  went  on  performing 
his  task."    He  goes  on  to  relate  how,  while  Alcauiza  was 


306  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

chief  of  the  little  hamlet  of  thirty  houses  that  then  con- 
stituted the  settlement,  four  men  came  out  of  a  cave  at 
Pacaritambo,  among  them  Ayar  Mango  who  afterward  be- 
came Manco  Capac  and  the  first  Cuzco  chieftain  of  the 
Inca.^*' 

Cieza  also  mentions  the  preponderance  of  the  tribe  at 
Hatun  Colla  of  which  Gutierrez  treats,  but  without  con- 
necting its  origin  with  the  people  of  the  Island,  and  he 
describes  the  ''creation"  of  the  Inca  as  independent  from 
Viracocha  or  from  any  conquest  by  Colla  Indians.  I  have 
alluded  to  the  character  of  his  information  and  manner  in 
which  he  obtained  it. 

In  the  second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  the  number  of 
writers  that  gathered  Indian  lore  is  considerably  greater 
than  in  the  first,  but  they  obtained  it  at  a  period  more 
remote  from  first  contact,  and  when  Indian  society  was 
already  disturbed  and  the  teachings  of  the  church  had 
penetrated  the  mind  of  the  natives,  creating  lasting  im- 
pressions. 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  who  lays  particular  stress  on  his 
Inca  descent  from  the  Mother's  side{ !)  while  pretending  that 
succession  was  in  the  Male  line,  was  born  at  Cuzco  in  1540, 
and  remained  in  his  mother's  care  until  1560,  when  he  went 
to  Spain  for  the  remainder  of  his  life.^^  He  spoke  Quichua 
perfectly,  being  in  constant  contact  with  his  Indian  rela- 
tives. He  also  kept  up  connections  with  Inca  descendants 
at  Cuzco  by  correspondence,  in  his  later  years.^^  At  least 
part  of  the  object  he  had  in  writing  his  Comentarios  was,  to 
assist  in  the  presentation  of  certain  claims  which  his  Indian 
relatives  had  or  believed  they  had  on  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment.^^ In  order  to  press  these  claims  more  effectively, 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  wrote  a  History  of  the  Inca,  with  a 
description  of  their  general  degree  of  culture,  society,  and 
creed,  very  palatable  to  the  notions  of  the  times,  especially 
in  that  it  supplies  primitive  Peru  with  a  monarchical  and 
theocratic  organization  which  Europe  could  understand, 


^       N 


to 


X 

•IH 

X 

O 

X 

W 

^ 

<:m 

a 

O 

t^ 

r^ 

<i 

rt 

J 

^ 

Ph 

X 

cT 

>. 

t:^ 

ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  307 

and  by  means  of  which  ancient  birthrights  and  claims  to 
succession  based  upon  supposed  heredity  could  be  not 
merely  insinuated,  but  introduced.  His  statements  on  the 
religion  of  the  Inca  are  colored  by  the  desire  to  eliminate 
from  their  creed  and  customs  as  much  as  possible  facts 
clashing  too  harshly  with  Christian  principles.  Garcilasso 
is  (and  for  interested  motives)  constantly  endeavoring  to 
push  primitive  Peruvian  culture  as  near  as  possible  to  the 
European  of  his  time.  Much  of  his  detailed  information  is 
of  the  highest  value,  but  he  has  woven  it  into  a  picture 
(by  using  terminology  of  the  so-called  Old  World  and  its 
social  condition)  that  is  misleading.  While  this  may  not 
be  absolutely  germane  to  the  subject,  it  is  necessary  for  a 
due  appreciation  of  Garcilasso 's  writings,  which  contain 
considerable  material  for  ancient  folk-lore,  of  the  Quichua 
as  well  as  of  the  Aymara  Indians. 

Garcilasso  conveys  the  following  information  concerning 
the  manner  in  which  he  secured  the  traditions,  which  he 
gives  as  authentic : 

**It  struck  me  that  the  best  plan  and  way  was  to  relate 
what,  in  my  childhood,  I  heard  many  times  from  my  mother, 
and  from  her  sisters  and  uncles,  and  from  other  and  elder 
people,  about  their  origin  and  beginning.  .  .  .  My  mother 
residing  at  Cuzco,  her  home,  there  came  to  visit  her  nearly 
every  week  the  few  relatives,  male  and  female,  who  had  sur- 
vived the  cruelty  of  Atauhuallpa.  During  these  visits  their 
usual  conversation  was  about  the  origin  of  their  kings,  of 
their  supremacy,  of  the  greatness  of  their  empire,  of  their 
conquests  and  great  deeds  in  governing,  in  war  as  well  as 
in  the  laws  they  made,  so  beneficial  to  their  vassals. 

* '  During  these  discourses  I,  who  was  a  boy,  often  ran  in 
and  out,  amusing  myself  with  parts  of  the  story  as  children 
do  with  the  tales  of  nurses.  In  this  manner  days  and  years 
went  by,  until  I  had  come  to  the  age  of  sixteen  or  seventeen. 
Being  one  day  present  with  my  kindred,  who  were  discours- 
ing of  their  kings  and  ancestors,  it  came  to  my  mind  to  ask 


308  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

the  most  elderly  person  amongst  them,  and  so  I  interrupted 
his  speech  in  this  manner:  'Inca,'  said  I,  'and  my  uncle, 
how  is  it  possible,  since  you  have  no  writings,  that  you  have 
been  able  to  preserve  the  memory  of  things  past,  and  of  the 
origin  of  our  kings?'  "^^  The  aged  Indian  whom  he  thus 
addressed  and  who  afterward  became  his.  chief  informant, 
made  the  following  statement  in  regard  to  the  origin  of  the 
Inca: 

''You  must  know,  therefore,  that  in  ages  past  all  this 
region  and  country  you  see  around  us  was  nothing  but 
mountains  and  wild  forests,  and  the  people  in  those  times 
were  like  so  many  beasts,  without  religion  or  government; 
they  neither  sowed,  nor  ploughed,  nor  clothed  themselves, 
etc.,  etc.  Our  Father  the  Sun,  beholding  men  such  as  before 
related,  took  compassion  on  them,  and  sent  a  son  and  a 
daughter  of  his  own  from  heaven  to  earth  to  instruct  our 
people  in  the  knowledge  of  Our  Father  the  Sun,  that  they 
might  worship  and  adore  him  and  esteem  him  for  their  God, 
giving  them  laws  and  precepts  whereunto  they  might  con- 
form their  lives,  like  men  of  reason  and  civility.  .  .  .  "With 
these  commands  and  instructions.  Our  Father  the  Sun 
placed  his  two  children  in  Lake  Titicaca,  which  is  about 
eighty  leagues  hence,  giving  them  liberty  to  go  and  travel 
wherever  they  pleased ;  and  in  whatsoever  place  they  stayed 
to  eat  or  sleep,  they  should  strike  into  the  ground  a  little 
wedge  of  gold  which  he  had  given  them,  being  about  half  a 
yard  long  and  two  fingers  thick,  and  where  with  one  stroke 
this  wedge  would  sink  into  the  earth,  there  should  be  the 
place  of  their  habitation  and  the  court  unto  which  all  people 
should  resort.  .  .  .  Thus  Our  Father  the  Sun,  having  de- 
clared his  pleasure  to  these  his  two  children,  he  dispatched 
them  from  him,  and,  taking  their  journey  from  Titicaca 
northward,  at  every  place  where  they  came  to  repose  they 
tried  to  strike  their  wedge  into  the  ground,  but  it  took  no 
place,  nor  would  it  enter.  At  length  they  came  to  a  poor  inn, 
or  place  wherein  to  rest,  about  seven  or  eight  leagues  south- 


ABOEIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  309 

ward  from  this  city,  wliich  to  this  day  is  called  Pacarec 
Tampu,  which  is  as  much  as  to  say,  '  The  Shining  or  Illumi- 
nated Dormitory.'  This  is  one  of  those  colonies  which  the 
Prince  planted,  the  inhabitants  whereof  boast  of  this  name 
and  title  which  our  Inca  bestowed  upon  it;  whence  he  and 
his  queen  descended  to  the  valley  of  Cozco,  which  was  then 
only  a  wild  and  barren  mountain. "  ' '  This  was  the  relation 
made  to  me  by  this  Inca,  brother  of  my  mother,  concerning 
the  origin  of  the  kings  of  this  country.  I  afterward  tried  to 
translate  it  faithfully  from  my  mother-tongue,  which  is  the 
Inca,  into  Spanish.  "^^ 

Garcilasso  then  proceeds  to  tell  other  traditions,  from 
other  parts  of  Peru : 

''Having  to  report  the  most  current  opinions  touching 
the  origin  of  the  Inca  kings,  I  will  say  that  most  of  the 
people  of  Peru,  that  is,  the  Indians  from  south  of  Cozco, 
what  they  call  Collasuyu,  and  those  in  the  west,  called 
CuntisujTi,  tell  about  it  a  very  pleasing  fable.  In  order  to 
make  it  more  authoritative  through  time  (antiquity),  they 
say  it  happened  after  the  deluge,  of  which  they  know  noth- 
ing beyond  that  it  really  took  place.  .  .  .  Thus  they  say 
that  after  the  waters  of  the  deluge  had  subsided,  a  certain 
man  appeared  in  the  country  of  Tiahuanacu,  which  is  to  the 
south  of  Cozco.  This  man  was  so  powerful  that  he  divided 
the  world  into  four  parts,  and  gave  them  to  four  men  whom 
he  honored  each  with  the  title  of  king,  the  first  of  which  was 
called  Manco  Capac,  the  second  Colla,  the  third  Tocay,  and 
the  fourth  Pinahua.  To  this  they  add  that  he  gave  the 
northern  part  to  Manco  CajDac,  that  of  the  south  to  Colla 
(after  whom  that  great  province  has  ever  since  been 
called),  to  Tocay  that  in  the  east,  and  to  Pinahua  that  of 
the  west.  They  further  assert  that,  after  having  thus 
favored  them,  he  sent  each  one  to  the  land  pertaining  to 
him,  to  conquer  and  govern  all  the  people  there  found. 

''The  Indians  who  live  east  and  north  of  the  town  of 
Cozco  report  another  origin  of  the  Incas,  similar  to  the 


310  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

preceding.  For  they  say  that  in  the  beginning  of  the  world 
four  men  and  four  women,  who  were  brothers  and  sisters, 
came  out  of  the  windows  in  certain  rocks  that  are  near  the 
city,  in  a  place  called  Paucartampu.  .  .  .  The  first  of  these 
brothers  is  called  by  them  Manco  Capac,  and  his  wife  Mama 
Ocllo.  They  believe  that  this  one  was  the  founder  of  this 
town." 

All  the  tales  except  the  first  one  (told  him  by  his  rela- 
tives) Garcilasso  regards  as  silly  fables,  while  acknowledg- 
ing that  they  are  authentically  Indian  and  primitive. 

It  is  easy  to  recognize  in  the  tales  recorded  by  Garcilasso 
the  substance  of  those  contained  in  the  sources  preceding 
him.  But  it  is  manifest  that,  since  Garcilasso  was  told  of 
them  while  he  was  yet  a  youth,  his  aged  Indian  relative 
adapted  them  to  the  age  of  his  listener.  An  Indian  of  ex- 
perience, and  really  versed  in  ancient  lore,  will  never  dis- 
close such  matters  in  their  real  aspect  to  younger  men, 
except  after  their  discretion  has  stood  an  exceptionally 
severe  test.  To  such  a  test  Garcilasso  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  subjected,  hence  the  stories  which  he  repeats  have 
not  the  merit  of  the  results  of  serious  investigation  like 
those  of  Betanzos  and  even  of  Cieza. 

Garcilasso  acknowledges  also  other  sources  of  informa- 
tion. The  writings  of  Father  Bias  Valera,  partly  destroyed 
at  the  sacking  of  Cadiz  by  the  English  in  1596,  are  quoted  by 
him  repeatedly.  Valera  was  a  native  of  Chachapoyas  in 
northeastern  Peru  and  received  in  the  Jesuit  order  at  Lima 
in  1568,  whence  he  went  to  Cuzco  three  years  later,  so  that, 
the  date  of  his  birth  being  1551,  he  must  have  begun,  like 
Garcilasso,  his  investigations  about  the  Indians  at  quite  an 
early  age.^^  This,  the  fewer  opportunities  he  may  have 
had  for  cultivating  intimacy  with  the  aborigines,  and  his 
early  death  in  Spain,  lessens  the  value  of  Father  Valera 's 
data.  Nevertheless  it  should  not  be  overlooked  that  he  ar- 
rived at  Cuzco  at  a  time  when  special  investigations  were 
being  carried  on  there  on  the  subject  of  Indian  historical 


a 
> 


XI 

P4 

X 

o 

M 

o 

(^ 

=1-1 

o 

w 

a> 

< 

(In 

7:3 

> 

© 

-^ 

H 

ABORIGINAL  MYTHb  AND  TRADITIONS  311 

lore,  both  by  order  of  the  Viceroy  Don  Francisco  de  Toledo 
and,  separately,  by  instructions  of  the  Bishop  of  Cuzco, 
then  Sebastian  de  Artaun  or  Lartaun.^^ 

Through  the  former,  no  information  relative  to  Titicaca 
Island  was  revealed  as  far  as  known.  Neither  is  there  any 
mention  of  the  Island  in  the  investigation  reported  upon  by 
the  Licentiate  Polo  de  Ondegardo  in  the  same  year  of  1571. 
The  latter  merely  alludes,  in  terms  very  brief,  to  some 
stories  according  to  which  Cuzco  had  been  originally  settled 
from  other  parts,  but  he  adds:  "This  is  of  small  impor- 
tance, because  they  say  it  happened  before  the  Deluge,  and 
they  connect  it  with  certain  fables  that,  being  very  old,  it 
is  not  necessary  to  dwell  upon."'^^  I  would  add,  that  the 
"Deluge"  appears  first  almost  simultaneously  in  the  writ- 
ings of  Cristoval  de  Molina,  of  which  I  am  now  to  treat.^'^ 

The  result  of  the  clerical  investigation  was  reported  upon 
by  a  secular  priest,  Father  Cristoval  de  Molina,  who  resided 
at  Cuzco  between  the  >ears  1570  and  1584  as  priest  of  the 
hospital  founded  in  1557  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  Indians 
and  afterward  converted  into  a  municipal  infirmary.^^ 
Father  Molina,  in  his  treatise  entitled  Relacion  de  las  fdhu- 
las  y  ritos  de  los  Yngas,  of  which  only  the  translation  by 
Sir  Clement  R.  Markham  is  at  my  command,  treats  at 
length  of  ancient  lore  of  the  Cuzco  tribe  and  adjacent  clus- 
ters.   He  states: 

"And  first  with  regard  to  their  idolatries,  it  is  so  that 
those  people  had  no  knowledge  of  writing.  But  in  a  house 
of  the  Sun  called  Poquen-Cancha,  which  is  near  Cuzco,  they 
had  the  life  of  each  one  of  ^.he  Yncas,  with  the  land  they 
conquered,  painted  with  figmes  on  certain  boards,  and  also 
their  origin.  Among  these  paintings  the  following  fable 
was  represented :  In  the  life  of  Manco  Ccapac,  who  was  the 
first  Inca,  and  from  whom  they  began  to  be  called  Children 
of  the  Sun  and  to  worship  the  Sun,  they  had  a  full  account 
of  the  Deluge.  They  say  that  all  people  and  all  created  things 
perished  in  it,  in  as  far  as  the  water  rose  above  all  the  high- 


312  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

est  mountains  in  the  world.  No  living  things  survived  except 
a  man  and  a  woman,  who  remained  in  a  box,  and  when  the 
waters  subsided,  the  wind  carried  them  to  Huanaco,  which 
will  be  over  seventy  leagues  from  Cuzco,  a  little  more  or 
less.  The  Creator  of  all  things  commanded  them  to  remain 
there  as  Mitimas,  and  there  in  Tiahuanaco  the  Creator 
began  to  raise  up  the  people  and  nations  that  are  in  that 
region,  etc.  .  .  .  They  say  that  the  Creator  was  in  Tiahua- 
naco and  that  there  was  his  chief  abode.  .  .  .  They  say  that 
it  was  dark,  and  that  there  he  made  the  sun,  the  moon,  and 
stars,  and  that  he  ordered  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars  to  go  to 
the  Island  of  Titicaca,  which  is  near  at  hand,  and  thence  to 
rise  to  heaven.  They  also  declare  that  when  the  sun  in  the 
form  of  a  man  was  ascending  to  heaven,  very  brilliant,  it 
called  to  the  Incas  and  to  Manco  Capac  as  their  chief,  and 
said : '  Thou  and  thy  descendants  are  to  be  Lords  and  are  to 
subject  many  nations.  Look  upon  me  as  thy  father  and 
thou  shalt  be  my  children  and  thou  shalt  worship  me  as  thy 
father. '  And  with  these  words  it  gave  to  Manco  Ccapac  for 
his  insignia  and  arms  the  Suntur  Paucar  and  the  Champi 
and  the  other  insignia  that  are  used  by  the  Incas,  like 
sceptres.  And  at  that  point  the  sun  and  moon  and  stars 
were  commanded  to  ascend  to  heaven  and  to  fix  themselves 
in  their  place,  and  they  did  so.  At  the  same  instant  Manco 
Ccapac  and  his  brothers  and  sisters,  by  command  of  the 
Creator,  descended  under  the  earth  and  came  out  again  at 
the  cave  of  Paccari-Tambo,  though  they  say  that  other  na- 
tions also  came  out  of  the  same  cave,  at  the  point  where  the 
sun  rose  on  the  first  day,  after  the  Creator  had  divided  the 
night  from  the  day.  Thus  it  was  that  they  were  called  Chil- 
dren of  the  Sun,  and  that  the  Sun  was  worshiped  and 
revered  as  a  father.  "^^ 

In  the  first  place,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  Molina 
refers  to  "figures  on  certain  boards"  as  his  principal  source 
for  the  above  tales.  These  boards  he  says  were  kept  at  a 
shrine  called  "Poquen-Cancha,"  near  Cuzco.    The  proper 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  313 

name  for  this  shrine,  which  was  one  of  the  eighty  ''Guacas" 
or  ^^Huacas,"  that,  according  to  Father  Bernabe  Cobo,  S.J. 
(1653),  existed  near  Cuzco,  is  given  by  him  as  "Puquin 
cancha."  This  is,  very  probably,  a  misprint  (or  misread- 
ing) for  Puquiu  Cancha,  signifying  "enclosure  of  the 
spring. ' '  Cobo  says  of  it  that  it  was  a  house  of  the  Sun  on 
the  summit  of  ''Cayocache,"  where  they  sacrificed  chil- 
dren.^^ 

Pedro  de  Sarmiento  Gamboa,  to  whom  the  Viceroy  Toledo 
committed  the  task  of  condensing  the  multifarious  material 
gathered  about  that  time  into  a  "History"  of  the  so-called 
"Inca  Empire,"  spreads  out  the  tale  of  the  painted  boards 
in  the  following  manner:  "There  connects  with  this  the 
great  investigation  which  Pachacuti  Inga  Yupangui,  ninth 
Inga,  who  issued  a  general  call  to  all  the  old  historians  of 
all  the  provinces  he  subjected,  and  even  of  many  others 
more  from  all  those  kingdoms,  and  he  kept  them  in  the  city 
of  Cuzco  for  a  long  time,  examining  them  concerning  the 
antiquities,  origin  and  notable  facts  of  their  ancestors  of 
those  kingdoms.  And  after  he  had  well  ascertained  the 
most  notable  of  their  ancient  histories  he  had  it  all  painted 
after  its  order  on  large  boards,  and  he  placed  them  in  a  big 
hall  in  the  house  of  the  sun,  where  the  said  boards,  which 
were  garnished  with  gold,  would  be  like  our  libraries,  and 
he  appointed  learned  men  who  could  understand  and  ex- 
plain them.  And  nobody  could  enter  where  those  boards 
were,  except  the  Inga,  or  the  historians,  without  express 
license  from  the  Inga."^^ 

At  the  same  time  and  in  consequence  of  the  investigation 
instituted  by  the  viceroy  Toledo,  four  "cloths"  were  pro- 
duced, on  which  were  painted  "the  figures  of  the  Ingas  as 
well  as  the  medals  of  their  women  and  Ayllos,  and  the 
history,  on  the  edges,  of  what  happened  at  the  time  of  each 
one  of  the  Ingas,  and  the  fable  and  noteworthy  things  that 
go  on  the  first  cloth  which  they  call  of  Tambotoco,  and  the 
fables  of  the  creations  of  Viracocha  that  go  on  the  edge  of 


314  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

the  first  cloth  as  foundation  and  beginning  of  the  history; 
each  thing  by  itself  distinct,  as  it  is  written  and  rubricated 
by  me  the  secretary  present, ' '  etc.  These  four  cloths  were 
shown  to  a  large  number  of  Indian  witnesses  that  had  been 
interrogated  at  the  time.  The  paintings  had  been  made  for 
the  purpose  of  accompanying  and  illustrating  the  (lately 
published)  work  of  Pedro  de  Sarmiento  Gamboa,  which  was 
then  read,  in  part,  to  the  Indians  by  an  interpreter,  and  the 
four  pieces  of  cloth  served  to  illustrate  the  talk.  The  In- 
dians, in  their  usual  way,  approved  everything  contained  on 
the  cloth  and  in  the  talk,  which  means  very  little,  as  the 
Indian  approves  {cum  reservatione  mentali)  more  or  less 
everything  that  is  shown  and  read  to  him,  and  declares  it  to 
be  true.  Whether  these  four  pieces  of  painted  cloth  stood 
in  any  relation  to  the  four  panels  of  Molina  is  not  possible 
to  assert  or  deny,  as  yet.  The  former  were  sent  to  King 
Philip  II  of  Spain.'^o 

The  principal  source,  however,  for  the  statements  of 
Molina,  seems  to  have  been,  according  to  Cobo,  **  another 
general  gathering  of  the  old  Indians  who  had  yet  seen  the 
times  of  the  chief  Guayna  Capac,  which  gathering  was  made 
in  the  very  city  of  Cuzco  by  Cristobal  de  Molina,  curate  of 
the  parish  of  Our  Lady  of  Remedios  of  the  hospital  of  the 
natives ;  by.  command  of  the  Bishop  D.  Sebastian  de  Lar- 
taum.'"'^  Cobo  claims  that  the  results  of  that  investigation 
agree  with  those  of  Polo  de  Ondegardo  and  the  Viceroy 
Toledo,  which  he  states  to  have  had  and  consulted.  What  I 
have  been  able  to  see  of  them  does  not,  as  stated  before, 
contain  any  direct  allusions  to  Titicaca,  but  there  are  others 
which  I  do  not  know.^^  Gatherings  of  Indians  with  the 
view  of  ascertaining  ancient  lore  are  not  always  successful. 
The  Indian  dislikes  to  communicate  on  such  subjects  in 
the  presence  of  witnesses  from  his  own  race. 

The  deep  and  rapid  impression  made  by  biblical  tales  on 
the  mind  of  the  Indians,  through  teachings  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  is  perceivable  in  some  of  the  traditions  reported 


> 

O 


rt 

1— 1 

•  r-t 

-M 

t)0 

1— 1 

•r' 

X! 

o 

XI 

sS 

M 

o 

iJ 

1— 1 

H 

=»-! 

H 

o 

-< 

CM 

CO 

0) 

cc 

o 

i=l 

o 

-t-1 

03 

OS 

'c« 

bi 

ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  315 

by  Molina,  as,  for  instance,  in  the  story  of  the  Deluge,  which 
earlier  chroniclers  do  not  mention,  but  would  surely  have 
alluded  to,  had  they  heard  of  it.  Otherwise  the  tales  re- 
corded by  Molina  agree  in  substance  with  those  preserved 
by  his  predecessors  in  that  the  heavenly  bodies  are  repre- 
sented as  having  been  created  on  or  about  the  Island  of  Titi- 
caca,  and  the  Inca  to  have  gone  from  that  Island  to  Cuzco. 
As  stated  before,  no  close  agreement  between  the  texts  of 
traditions  obtained  by  distinct  parties,  or  at  distinct 
localities,  can  be  expected,  hence  divergence  in  details  does 
not  impair  the  value  of  substantial  resemblance. 

Gamboa's  work  is,  from  its  nature  and  origin,  a  second- 
hand compendium.  It  is,  furthermore,  not  an  impartial 
document.  Its  tendency  is  clearly  shown  in  the  beginning, 
where  he  declares  his  object  to  be  **to  disabuse  all  those  in 
the  world  who  think  that  the  said  Ingas  were  legitimate 
kings  and  the  curacas  natural  lords  of  this  land."  This 
tendency  pervades  the  whole  book  and  makes  of  it  a  sus- 
picious source,  considerably  diminishing  its  value.  In 
everything  touching  upon  primitive  tradition  Sarmiento 
only  follows  his  predecessors,  partially  divesting  the  origi- 
nal tales  of  their  purely  Indian  character,  and  adding 
nothing  that  had  not  already  been  stated  before.  About  the 
Island  of  Titicaca  he  says:  ''After  the  deluge  had  passed, 
and  when  the  land  was  drying,  the  Viracocha  determined  to 
people  it  a  second  time,  and,  in  order  to  achieve  it  with 
greater  perfection,  he  determined  upon  creating  luminaries 
that  might  shed  more  light.  And  in  order  to  do  this,  he 
went  with  his  servants  to  a  great  lagune  that  lies  in  the 
Collao,  and  in  which  lagune  there  is  an  island  called  Titi- 
caca, ...  To  which  island  Viracocha  repaired  forthwith 
and  commanded  that  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars  should  at 
once  come  forth  and  rise  into  the  sky  to  illuminate  the 
world;  and  thus  it  was  done.  And  it  is  said  that  he  made 
the  moon  brighter  than  the  sun,  and  that  therefore  the  sun, 
jealous  at  the  time  they  were  to  rise  into  heaven,  threw  a 


316  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

handful  of  ashes  into  the  face  (of  the  moon),  from  which 
time  on  it  remained  of  the  paler  color  in  which  it  now  ap- 
pears. "^^ 

Miguel  Cabello  Balboa  came  to  Peru  in  1566,  and  com- 
pleted his  Misceldnea  austral  at  Lima  twenty  years  later. 
He  places  the  origin  of  the  Inca  at  Pacari  Tampu,  identify- 
ing the  site  with  Tambo  Tocco,  and  then  adds :  ' '  Many  In- 
dians pretend  that  the  brothers  who  appeared  at  Pacari 
Tambo  .  .  .  were  natives  of  Titicaca,  and  that  in  that  place 
were  manufactured  the  garments  in  which  they  showed 
themselves  for  the  first  time. ' '  According  to  him,  the  little 
band  (headed  by  Manco  Capac)  traveled  at  night  and  hid 
in  the  daytime,  presenting  themselves  suddenly,  arrayed  in 
gorgeous  vestments,  a  short  distance  from  Cuzco.^^ 

The  Jesuit  Joseph  de  Acosta  resided  in  Peru  from  1569  to 
1585.^^  His  book,  less  prolix  than  usual  for  the  time,  is  of 
great  value.  He  mentions  the  investigations  instituted  by 
Toledo  and  by  order  of  the  King  of  Spain,^®  and  it  is  there- 
fore possible  that  what  he  attributes  to  Indian  sources  may 
have  been  derived  from  depositions  then  obtained.  But  he 
discriminates  between  traditions  in  general,  current  among 
Indians  of  Peru  (and  Bolivia)  and  specific  Inca  lore.  Of 
the  former  he  states : 

' '  However  it  may  be,  the  Indians  say  that  with  this  their 
deluge  people  were  all  drowned,  and  they  relate  that  from 
the  great  lagune  of  Titicaca  there  came  out  one  Viracocha, 
who  made  his  abode  at  Tiaguanaco,  where  to-day  are  seen 
ruins  and  parts  of  ancient  and  very  strange  edifices,  and 
that  from  there  they  came  to  Cuzco,  and  so  the  human  fam- 
ily began  to  multiply.  They  point  out  in  that  lagune  an 
islet  where  they  fable  that  the  sun  concealed  and  maintained 
itself,  and  for  this  reason  they  anciently  made  to  it,  there, 
many  sacrifices,  not  only  of  sheep,  but  of  men.  Others  say 
that  out  of  a  certain  cave,  through  the  window,  there  came 
six  or  I  do  not  know  how  many  men,  and  that  these  made  the 
beginning  of  the  propagation  of  mankind,  and  this  was  at 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  317 

what  (the  place  which),  for  that  reason,  they  call  Pacari 
Tambo.  So  they  are  of  opinion  that  the  Tambos  are  the 
oldest  lineage  of  mankind.  From  there,  they  say,  proceeded 
Mangocapa,  whom  they  recognize  as  the  founder  and  head 
of  the  Ingas.  .  .  ."^'^  Elsewhere  Acosta  states:  "The  first 
man  the  Indians  mention  as  the  beginning  of  the  Incas  was 
Mangocapa,  and  of  him  they  fable  that,  after  the  Deluge,  he 
came  out  of  a  cave  or  window  of  Tambo,  which  is  five  or  six 
leagues  from  Cuzco."^^ 

Acosta  expresses  himself  nearly  in  the  same  terms  as 
Pedro  Pizarro  regarding  the  two  versions,  one  locating  the 
origin  of  the  Inca  on  Titicaca  Island,  the  other  near  Cuzco. 
In  reality  they  do  not  conflict ;  only  it  seems  that  the  latter 
was  a  tradition  confined  to  the  Inca  tribe,  which  became 
separated  from  the  former  after  the  investigation,  in  1542, 
by  Vaca  de  Castro.  Acosta,  in  the  passage  first  quoted,  has 
given  but  an  abstract  of  what  his  predecessors  recorded 
concerning  Titicaca  traditions. 

The  chronicler  Antonio  de  Herrera  follows  Cieza  in  his 
mention  of  Peruvian  traditions  ;^^  the  Dominican  Gregorio 
Garcia  ^"^  copied  Betanzos,  and  Fray  Hieronymo  Roman 
both.^i 

Passing  over  a  number  of  works  of  the  beginning  of 
the  seventeenth  century  that,  while  of  ethnologic  value  for 
ancient  Peru,  contain  nothing  germane  to  the  subject,  the 
author  next  to  be  taken  uj),  in  point  of  date  as  far  as 
can  be  ascertained,*^ ^  would  be  the  Indian  Juan  de  Santa 
Cruz  Pachacuti  Yamqui  Salcamayhua.  He  claims  to  be 
''native  of  the  pueblos  of  Sanctiago  of  Hananguaygua  and 
Huringuaiguacanchi  of  Orcasuyo,  between  Canas  and  Can- 
chis  of  Collasuyo  [follows  part  of  his  genealogy],  all  princi- 
pal Caciques  that  were  in  the  said  province  and  professed 
Christians  in  the  matters  of  our  holy  Catholic  faith.  .  .  . 
I  say  that  we  have  heard,  being  a  child,  very  ancient  notices 
and  the  histories,  barbarisms  and  fables  from  the  time  of 
the  gentilisms,  which  is  as  follows,  as  among  the  natives  of 


318  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

the  things  of  times  past  they  always  are  accustomed  to 
talk."^^  Salcamayhua  writes  as  an  Indian  from  the  moun- 
tainous regions  of  Peru,  speaks  Spanish— i.e.,  literally 
translating  from  his  native  tongue.  Hence  a  literal  render- 
ing, however  uncouth,  is  almost  indispensable. 

Salcamayhua  makes  such  ostentatious  professions  of 
Christianity  that  some  of  his  statements  appear  suspicious. 
That  perspicacious  and  sober  scholar,  Don  Marcos  Jimenez 
de  la  Espada,  called  attention  to  it.^^  He  tells  us  that  the 
peopling  of  what  now  is  called  Bolivia  took  place  from  the 
southeast,  from  "above  Potosi."*'^  After  the  country  had 
been  settled,  there  came  to  the  Collao  (Aymara  region)  a 
bearded  man  whom  he  calls  "Tonapa,"  also  "Viracoha 
Pachayachachican, "  perfornung  miracles,  and  whom  Salca- 
mayhua therefore  identifies  with  Saint  Thomas  the  Apostle. 
He  describes  the  wanderings  of  that  personage  and  his 
tribulations  among  the  barbarous  natives  around  Lake  Titi- 
caca,^®  and  concludes  by  stating  that  "they  say  that  the 
said  Tonapa,  after  having  liberated  himself  from  the  hands 
of  those  barbarians,  remained  some  time  on  a  rock  called 
Titicaca,"^^  and  that  afterward  he  passed  through  Tiquina 
toward  Chacamarca,  and  on  his  way  came  to  a  village  called 
Tiahuanaco,  where  the  people  ridiculed  his  teachings.  In 
punishment  he  changed  them  into  stones.  From  Chaca- 
marca he  followed  the  Desaguadero  to  the  south,  finally 
reaching  the  ocean,  where  he  disappeared.®^  While  in  the 
Collao,  Tonapa  met  a  chief  called  Apotampo,  who  was  the 
only  one  who  lent  an  ear  to  his  teachings,  in  consideration 
of  which  Tonapa  gave  him  *  *  a  piece  of  wood  from  his  walk- 
ing-stick."®^ This  Apotampo  was  father  to  Manco  Capac, 
to  whom  Salcamayhua  attributes  the  foundation  of  Cuzco, 
which  place  was  then  already  occupied  by  Indians,  so  that 
by  "foundation"  the  establishment  of  a  formal  village  must 
be  understood.'^*^  In  regard  to  the  teachings  of  Tonapa,  the 
author  states :  ' '  The  modern  old  men  from  the  time  of  my 
father,  don  Diego  Felipe,  are  wont  to  state  that  it  was 


41 


318 


rriT»- 


de  la  . 
peopli' 

SOTlt 

beer 
bear 
Pad 
may] 
le  c 


cS 

a 

SS 

> 

O 

55 

r\ 

o 

> 

o 

1— 1 

C<-l 

X! 

o 

X 

X 

CS 

^ 

_5 

El 

< 

a 

^    r- 


rS 
O 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  319 

almost  the  commandments  of  God,  especially  the  seven 
precepts,  only  the  name  of  God  our  Lord  was  lacking  and 
that  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  as  it  is  public  and  notorious 
among  the  old  men,  and  the  penalties  were  severe  for  those 
who  broke  them.""^^ 

The  analogy  of  these  tales  with  those  reported  by  Betan- 
zos  and  Cieza  is  unmistakable,  as  far  as  their  substance  is 
concerned.  Details  of  course  vary,  and,  furthermore,  the 
effect  of  three  quarters  of  a  century  of  contact  with  the 
Spaniards  and  the  clergy  is  plainly  visible.  The  story  of 
the  walking-stick,  of  which  Tonapa  gave  a  piece  to  Apo- 
tampo,  recalls  the  magic  wand  mentioned  by  Garcilasso  de 
la  Vega. 

Contemporary  with  Salcamayhua  (although  he  is  not 
known  to  have  exerted  any  influence  on  their  sources  of  in- 
formation) are  what  might  be  termed  a  *' school  of  writers" 
of  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century.  There  are 
even  two  ' '  schools, ' '  one  of  Jesuits,  the  other  of  Augustines. 
All  of  them  resided  for  some  time  in  northern  Bolivia  with 
the  Indians,  as  missionaries  and  teachers ;  their  information 
is,  therefore,  in  a  certain  way,  first-hand. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  search 
for  survivals  of  primitive  ceremonials  among  the  Peruvian 
Indians  became  not  only  more  active,  but  more  systemat- 
ized. The  Jesuit  Joseph  Pablo  Arriaga  was  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal organizers  of  that  investigation.  His  own  work,  the 
Extirpation  of  Idolatry  in  Peru,''^  appeared  in  print  in 
1621,  and,  while  of  the  highest  value  for  ethnologic  know- 
ledge in  general,  it  contains  no  allusion  to  folk-lore  con- 
nected with  the  Island  of  Titicaca.  What  little  is  known 
about  the  two  books  written  by  his  co-worker,  Father  Luis 
Terhuel,  affords  no  material  either  for  our  present  investi- 
gation.*^^ The  silence  of  Arriaga  on  the  traditions  of  the 
Titicaca  basin  need  cause  no  surprise.  Arriaga  was,  offi- 
cially, the  spirit  that  moved  the  search  for  Indian  rites  and 
beliefs,  in  a  methodical  way,  and  his  book  is  a  manual  of 


320  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

that  search  rather  than  a  treatise  on  ceremonials.  Hence 
it  contains  many  valuable  descriptions  of  customs  that 
were  still  in  vigor,  but  as  examples  only.  For  the  great 
mass  of  details  he  refers  to  special  reports  of  local  'Visit- 
ors," some  of  which,  if  not  all,  still  exist  in  manuscript. 
Thus  it  is  likely  that  in  the  reports  of  the  visitors  Alonso 
Garcia  Cuadrado  on  the  Lake-shore  near  Copacavana,  and 
of  Bartolome  de  Duenas  on  Tiahuanaco,  folk-lore  on  the 
Islands  will  be  found  ;'^^  also,  possibly,  in  the  letters  of 
Father  Hernando  de  Avendano.^^  Every  visitor  was,  ac- 
cording to  instructions  framed  by  Arriaga,  to  keep  a  written 
account  of  the  proceedings  of  his  inquiry.'^® 

Leaving  aside  other  works  of  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century  that  are  but  imperfectly  known,'^^  I 
turn  to  a  contemporary  of  Arriaga  and  Salcamayhua,  the 
Jesuit  Bemabe  Cobo.  Born  at  Lopera  in  Spain,  1582,  he 
came  to  Peru  at  the  age  of  seventeen  years,  and  was  re- 
ceived a  novice  in  the  ''Company  of  Jesus"  in  1601,  and 
ordained  priest  in  1612.  From  1615  to  1618  he  was  on  the 
Lake-shore  at  Juli  and  as  far  as  Copacavana,  then  as  a 
missionary  farther  south  in  Bolivia.  He  had  good  oppor- 
tunities to  become  acquainted  with  the  country  and  its 
people,  as  his  voluminous  book  on  the  "New  World" 
abundantly  proves.'^^  He  gathered  the  traditions  then  cur- 
rent about  the  Islands  and  Copacavana,  and  in  their  dis- 
cussion displays  much  critical  spirit.  But  he  investigated 
and  studied  at  a  time  remote  from  the  period  of  first  con- 
tact and  does  not  always  state  the  sources  of  his  informa- 
tion. These,  even  in  case  they  were  Indians,  were  no  longer 
untampered  with,  after  eighty  years  of  growing  contact 
with  whites  and  of  church  influence.  Hence  the  following 
quotations  from  the  book  of  Cobo  are  to  be  taken  with  the 
reserve  which  the  above  remarks  imply. 

' '  In  many  ways  do  the  Peruvian  Indians  relate  the  origin 
and  beginning  of  the  Incas  their  kings,  interweaving  so 
much  confusion  and  diversity  of  incongruities  that  from 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  321 

their  statement  it  is  not  possible  to  gather  anything  cer- 
tain. "^^ 

Then,  ' '  leaving  aside  for  the  present  and  its  proper  place 
what  they  held  about  the  Deluge  and  peopling  of  the 
earth,"  he  proceeds  to  give  some  of  the  ''fables  and  fictions, 
most  received  by  nearly  all,  about  whence  proceeded  the 
Inca  kings. ' ' 

' '  The  first  is  as  follows :  That  from  the  lagune  of  Titicaca 
there  came  to  Pacarictambo,  a  place  distant  from  Cuzco 
seven  leagues,  certain  Indians  called  Incas,  men  of  prudence 
and  valor,  clad  in  a  very  different  dress  from  that  worn 
by  those  of  the  district  of  Cuzco,  with  their  ears  perforated 
and  pieces  of  gold  in  the  orifices ;  and  that  the  principal  of 
them,  called  Manco-Capac, "  etc.,  etc.  He  goes  on  to  give  an 
account  of  the  manner  in  which  Manco  Capac  made  himself 
master  of  Cuzco.^^ 

Another  account  says  that  four  brothers  and  four  sisters 
came  out  of  the  cave  of  Pacarictampu,  adding:  ''About 
their  origin  they  do  not  agree,  some  imagining  they  pro- 
ceeded (originated)  out  of  themselves,  and  others,  that 
from  the  lagune  of  Titicaca,  where  they  escaped  the  Deluge, 
the  Maker  of  the  world  led  them  through  the  caverns  of 
the  earth  until  they  came  out  through  that  cave  of  Pacaric- 
tampu," etc.^^ 

Still  another :  "  That  when  the  Creator  of  the  world  (whom 
in  their  language  they  call  by  two  names,  to  wit :  Ticcivira- 
coha  and  Pachayachachic)  shaped  all  things  at  Tiaguanaco, 
where  they  imagine  he  resided,  he  commanded  the  sun, 
moon  and  stars  to  go  to  the  Island  of  Titicaca  which  is  in 
the  lagune  of  that  name,  and  that  from  there  they  should 
rise  into  heaven,  and  that  at  the  time  the  sun  was  leaving 
in  the  figure  (form)  of  a  resplendent  man  he  called  the 
Incas,  and  to  Manco  Capac,  as  the  eldest  brother,  he  spoke 
as  follows:  'Thou  and  thy  descendants  have  to  subject 
many  lands  and  be  great  lords ;  always  hold  me  to  be  your 
father,  priding  yourself  on  being  my  children  and  never 


322  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

forgetting  to  venerate  me  as  such';  and  that,  after  he  had 
said  this,  he  gave  to  him  (Manco  Capac)  the  insignia  of 
king  .  .  .  and  that  forthwith  (after  the  orbs  had  taken 
their  respective  places  in  the  heavens),  by  command  of  the 
Maker,  the  Inca  brothers  sank  into  the  earth  and  went  to 
come  out  at  the  said  cave  of  Pacarictampu."^^ 

Finally  another  tale:^^  "This  same  fiction  others  relate 
in  this  manner :  They  say  that  the  Sun,  pitying  the  miser- 
able condition  in  which  was  the  world,  sent  to  it  a  son  and 
a  daughter  of  his,  to  instruct  and  teach  men  the  knowledge 
of  the  Sun,  persuading  them  to  worship  him  as  a  god  and 
yield  him  the  adoration  that  was  due  to  him  as  such,  .  .  . 
and  that  they  were  placed  by  the  Sun  in  the  said  lagune  of 
Titicaca,  commanding  them  to  take  the  road  and  direction 
they  pleased,  provided  that,  wherever  they  would  stay  to 
eat  and  take  rest,  they  would  sink  into  the  soil  a  rod  of  gold 
he  gave  them,  one  ell  in  length.  ..."  Then  follows  an  al- 
most textual  copy  of  the  story  told  by  Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega,  although  the  source  is  not  alluded  to.^^ 

He  mentions  a  version  which,  he  says,  is  similar  to  the 
preceding,  with  the  difference  that  the  Inca  were  born  on 
the  Island  from  a  woman  called  Titicaca.^^ 

In  a  chapter  devoted  to  a  description  of  the  Islands  of 
Titicaca  and  Koati  (it  is  not  clear  whether  he  visited  the 
former,  and  certain  that  he  was  not  on  Koati)  he  relates 
traditions  that  are  partial  repetitions  of  the  preceding,  but 
deserve  to  be  quoted : 

''The  adoratory  (shrine)  of  the  sun  that  was  on  the 
Island  of  Titicaca  was  a  large  and  solid  rock,  the  venera- 
tion for  which  and  motive  why  they  dedicated  it  to  the  sun 
has  for  beginning  and  foundation  a  very  ridiculous  novel, 
which  is  that  the  ancients  affirm  that,  having  been  without 
light  from  heaven  many  days  in  that  province,  and  all  its 
inhabitants  being  surprised,  confused  and  frightened  by 
such  long  and  obscure  darkness,  those  who  dwelt  on  the 
aforesaid  island  of  Titicaca  saw  one  morning  the  sun  come 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  323 

out  from  that  rock  with  extraordinary  splendor,  from  which 
they  believed  this  rock  to  be  the  house  and  true  dwelling 
of  the  sun  or  the  thing  of  all  that  was  most  acceptable  to 
it.  .  .  .«« 

"Others  refer  the  fable  differently,  and  say  that  the 
reason  for  having  dedicated  to  the  sun  this  rock  was  be- 
cause beneath  it  the  sun  was  kept  and  guarded  during  all 
the  time  the  waters  of  the  Deluge  lasted,  after  which  it 
came  forth  from  there  and  began  to  enlighten  the  world 
from  that  place,  that  rock  being  the  first  object  that  enjoyed 
its  light,  "s"^ 

The  Jesuit  Anello  Oliva  was  a  Neapolitan  by  birth.  He 
came  to  Lima  two  years  before  Cobo  and  entered  the  order 
of  Jesuits  at  that  city.  Like  Cobo,  he  spent  some  time  at 
Juli  on  Lake  Titicaca.  He  concluded  his  History  of  Peru 
and  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  in  that  country  in  the  year 
1631,  twenty-two  years  earlier  than  Cobo  finished  his  more 
voluminous  "History  of  the  New  World. "^^  But  the 
sources  which  Oliva  acknowledges,  as  having  based  upon 
them  his  tales  of  ancient  lore,  are  not  as  satisfactory  as 
those  of  Cobo. 

Oliva  acknowledges  having  consulted  chiefly : 

1.  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  laying  particular  stress  on  what 
the  latter  claims  to  have  taken  from  the  writings  of  Father 
Bias  Valera.s'^ 

2.  Manuscripts  of  a  certain  doctor  in  theology  of  the 
Cathedral  of  Charcas  (Sucre  in  Bolivia),  called  Bartolome 
Cervantes.^^ 

3.  The  sayings  of  an  Indian  by  the  name  of  Catari,  from 
Cochabamba  (in  the  Quichua-speaking  districts  of  Bolivia), 
who  claimed  to  have  been  Quipucamayoc  and  chronicler  of 
the  Incas.®^ 

Of  the  writings  of  Father  Valera  we  have  already 
spoken,  and  Oliva  rather  discards  the  version  given  by 


324  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

Garcilasso,  of  the  origin  of  the  Inca,  for  the  reason  that  it 
implies  a  supernatural  origin  for  Manco  Capac  and  his 
female  companion.^  ^ 

I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  find  any  data  of  importance 
concerning  Doctor  Cervantes.  His  principal  reliance 
seems  to  have  been  on  what  was  given  him  as  traditions  jore- 
served  by  the  keepers  of  quippus  or  knotted  strings.  Of 
the  value  of  these  strings  for  historical  documentation, 
Garcilasso  himself  confesses  the  following: 

' '  In  a  word,  in  these  knots  were  expressed  all  things  that 
could  be  computed  by  numbers,  as  far  as  to  note  the  num- 
ber of  battles  and  encounters,  of  the  embassies  on  the  part 
of  the  Inca  and  the  declaration  the  king  had  given.  But  by 
these  knots  it  was  not  possible  to  express  the  contents  of 
the  message,  the  express  words  of  declarations,  and  such 
other  historic  events,  for  these  things  consisted  of  terms 
uttered  in  speech  or  in  writing,  and  the  knot  marked  indeed 
the  number  but  not  the  word.  To  remedy  this  defect  they 
had  also  certain  signs  by  which  they  recognized  memorable 
actions,  embassies,  and  declarations  made  in  times  of  peace 
or  war :  the  Quipucamayos  learned  their  substance  by  heart 
and  taught  them  one  to  another  by  tradition.  .  .  ."^^ 

Oliva  cannot  have  obtained  his  information  from  Catari 
earlier  than  the  first  decade  of  the  seventeenth  century,  or 
three  quarters  of  a  century  after  the  conquest,  when  folk- 
lore had  been  exposed  to  steady  and  slowly  modifying  con- 
tact. Furthermore,  if  the  name  of  his  informant  is  any 
indication  at  all,  it  is  an  Ay  mar  a,  not  a  QuicJiua,  name. 
The  primitiveness  of  stories  told  in  southern  central  Boli- 
via, long  after  the  Indians  had  been  under  Spanish  rule 
and  under  the  teachings  of  the  church,  and  at  a  time  when 
their  ancient  ceremonials  were  being  subjected  to  a  close 
and  unsympathetic  scrutiny,  may  appear  questionable. 
Their  reliability  becomes  more  doubtful  yet  through  the 
wide  geographical  range  they  embrace,  about  which  the 
Indians  of  ancient  Peru  could  have  no  information,  and 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  325 

tlirougli  the  positive  manner  in  which  details  are  given. 
Oliva  tells  ns: 

'■ '  After  the  Deluge,  the  first  people  came  to  South  Amer- 
ica from  parts  unknown,  landing  somewhere  on  the  coast 
of  Venezuela.  From  there  they  gradually  scattered  over 
the  whole  continent,  one  band  reaching  the  coast  of  Ecuador 
near  Santa  Elena.  Several  generations  passed,  many  made 
voyages  along  the  coast  and  some  were  shipwrecked.  At 
last  one  branch  took  up  its  abode  on  an  island  called 
Guayau,  near  the  shores  of  Ecuador.  On  that  island 
Manco  Capac  was  born,  and  after  the  death  of  his  father 
Atau  he  resolved  to  leave  his  native  place  for  a  more 
favored  clime.  So  he  set  out,  in  such  craft  as  he  had,  with 
two  hundred  of  his  people,  dividing  them  into  three  bands. 
Two  of  these  were  never  heard  from  again,  but  he  and  his 
followers  landed  near  lea,  on  the  Peruvian  coast,  thence 
struggled  up  the  mountains,  reaching  at  last  the  shore  of 
Lake  Titicaca.  There  Manco  separated  from  the  others, 
leaving  them  with  orders  to  divide  after  a  certain  time  and 
to  go  in  search  of  him,  while  he  took  the  direction  of  Cuzco. 
He  told  his  people,  before  leaving,  that  when  any  of  the 
natives  should  ask  them  their  purpose  and  destination,  to 
reply  that  they  were  in  quest  of  the  son  of  the  Sun.  After 
this  he  departed,  reaching  at  last  a  cave  near  the  Cuzco 
valley,  where  he  rested. 

''When  the  time  had  elapsed,  his  companions  started  in 
several  groups  in  search  of  him.  One  of  these  crossed  over 
to  the  Island  of  Titicaca,  where  they  were  surprised  to  find 
a  rock,  and  in  this  rock  a  cave  lined  with  gold,  silver,  and 
precious  stones.  Thereupon  they  sunk  the  craft  in  which 
they  had  reached  the  island,  and  agreed  among  themselves, 
if  anybody  from  the  surrounding  country  should  appear, 
to  say  that  they  had  come  out  of  the  cave  to  look  for  the 
son  of  the  Sun. 

''A  few  days  after,'  on  the  day  of  full  moon,  they  saw 
some  canoes  approaching,  and  they  forthwith  retreated  to 


326  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

the  cavern.  Those  who  came  in  the  canoes,  when  they  ap- 
proached the  cliff  and  perceived  the  strangers  viewing  the 
cave  apparently  with  the  greatest  unconcern,  were  sur- 
prised. The  strangers  gave  them  to  understand  that  they 
had  just  come  out  of  the  rock  and  were  in  quest  of  the  son 
of  the  Sun.  This  filled  the  others  with  profound  respect 
for  the  newcomers;  they  worshiped  them  and  made  offer- 
ings to  the  rock,  sacrificing  children,  llamas,  and  ducks.  All 
together  went  back  to  the  mainland,  and  shortly  afterward 
learned  that  at  Pacari  Tampu  the  son  of  the  Sun  had  come 
out  of  a  cavern,  called  Capactocco,  in  great  splendor,  be- 
decked with  gold,  as  brilliant  in  appearance  as  his  father, 
and  that  with  a  sling  he  had  hurled  a  stone  with  such  force 
that  the  noise  was  heard  for  more  than  a  league  off,  and  the 
stone  made  in  the  rock  a  hole  as  large  as  a  doorway.^^ 

**At  these  news  all  the  people  of  those  regions  went  to  see 
the  miraculous  being.  Manco  Capac  received  them  as  sub- 
jects. On  this  artifice  he  began  to  base  his  authority  and 
the  subsequent  sway  of  the  Inca  tribe.  "®^ 

Oliva  mentions  also  a  tradition  concerning  Tiahuanaco, 
according  to  which  that  place  would  be  the  oldest  settle- 
ment in  the  land.  He  says  that  the  original  name  of  Tiahua- 
naco is  Chucara,  and  that  nothing  is  known  of  its  earliest 
history  beyond  that  ''there  lived  the  great  chief  Huyustus, 
who,  they  say,  was  lord  of  the  world. ' '  This,  he  states,  was 
long  previous  to  the  time  of  Manco  Capac.®^ 

There  is,  in  the  tales  related  by  Oliva,  something  that 
recalls  those  recorded  by  Cabello  Balboa,  and  it  would  not 
be  surprising  if  the  writings  of  the  latter  could  have  been 
known  to  the  former.^''  The  details  given  by  Oliva  on  the 
earliest  periods,  and  about  the  manner  in  which  Titicaca 
Island  became  connected  with  the  Inca  and  their  origin,  are 
manifest  explanation  of  traditions,  related  in  much  greater 
purity  by  Betanzos,  Cieza,  and  others. 

At  the  time  when  Cobo  and  Oliva  were  gathering  folk- 
lore on  the  past  of  the  tribes  of  Cuzco  and  of  the  Collao,  the 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  327 

Augustine  monks  in  charge  of  tlie  sanctuary  of  Copacavana 
were  not  idle.  Leaving  aside  the  yet  insufficiently  known 
work  attributed  to  Fray  Baltazar  de  Salas,  printed  in 
1628,^^  we  must  devote  serious  attention  to  the  History  of 
Copacabana  by  Fray  Alonzo  Ramos  Gavilan,  published  at 
Lima  in  1621.^^  That  book  is  exceedingly  rare,  but  the  late 
Father  Sans  of  La  Paz  has  published  it  as  far  as  the  incom- 
plete copy  at  his  command  permitted.  In  that  copy  the  first 
three  chapters  were  lacking,  and  Sans  replaced  them  by  his 
own  views  of  the  early  history  of  Titicaca,  in  part.  The 
Right  Reverend  Bishop  of  La  Paz,  Don  Fray  Nicolas  Ar- 
mentia,  however,  acquainted  with  the  existence  of  two  com- 
plete copies  of  the  work  of  Ramos,  took  pains  to  collate  the 
book  of  Sans  with  one  of  these  copies,  and  was  also  kind 
enough  to  allow  me  to  copy  such  passages  as  were  not  con- 
tained in  the  publications  of  the  former.  Hence  it  becomes 
possible  to  investigate  the  text  of  Ramos  completely.  In 
them,  a  popular  belief  is  mentioned  in  the  origin  of  Manco 
Capac  from  Titicaca  Island.^"*'  Ramos  also  speaks  of  a 
mysterious  white  man  called  Tunupa  and  Taapac,  murdered 
by  the  Indians  on  the  Island.^ "^^  Mention  is  also  made  of 
the  belief  that,  after  several  days  of  obscurity,  the  sun  came 
out  of  the  Sacred  Rock.^"^ 

There  are,  in  these  statements  of  Ramos,  many  points  of 
resemblance  with  what  Cobo  preserved.  The  two  were  not 
only  contemporaries,  but  resided  on  the  shores  of  Titicaca 
at  the  same  time;  the  Augustine  in  the  immediate  vicinity 
of  Titicaca  at  Copacavana,  the  Jesuit  at  Juli  between  that 
sanctuary  and  Puno.  There  may  have  been  communication 
between  them,  or  each  may  have  obtained  his  information 
independently  of  the  other.  Besides,  the  Tonapa  tale  as 
related  by  Ramos  is  almost  identical  with  the  statements  on 
the  same  topics  by  Salcamayhua,  another  contemporary  of 
his.^^^  It  will  be  recollected  that  Tunapa  was  already 
alluded  to  by  Cieza,  but  very  few  are  the  details  he  gives,  in 
comparison  with  what  is  contained  in  the  writings  of  Ramos 


328  THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 

and  Salcamayhua.  Between  1550  and  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century  only  a  few  fragments  of  stories  re- 
sembling the  Tonapa  or  Tunapa  tradition  are  as  yet 
known.i*^^  Hence  it  is  possibly  a  Colla  or  Aymara  tale, 
heard  by  Eamos  and  Salcamayhua  from  Aymara  Indians 
or  (in  the  case  of  the  latter)  from  Quichuas  confining  with 
the  Aymara  stock.  This  is  also  supported  by  the  first  ap- 
pearance in  detail  of  the  legend  of  the  cross  of  Carabuco. 
Anello  Oliva  makes  an  allusion  to  that  singular  tale,  but 
he  is  posterior  to  Ramos. 

Withal  elaborate  details  on  one  hand,  and  the  brevity  of 
notices  on  the  other,  all  of  which  tends  to  shroud  the  sub- 
stance of  original  tradition,  Ramos  agrees  with  Betanzos 
and  Cieza  in  the  main,  which  is  the  more  important,  since  it 
is  not  likely  he  consulted  the  works  of  either  of  these  early 
writers.^*^^  He  appears  to  base  mainly  on  the  lore  he  col- 
lected on  the  shores  of  the  Lake  and,  possibly,  on  the  Is- 
lands. It  is  no  surprise,  therefore,  to  find  that  those  writers 
of  his  order  that  followed  him  in  point  of  date,  are  hardly 
more  than  copyists,  and  acknowledge  themselves  as  such. 

Father  Antonio  de  la  Calancha,  a  contemporary  of  Ramos 
and  a  punctual  follower  of  his  statements, ^"^^  alludes,  as  a 
source  he  consulted,  also  to  the  Licentiate  Polo  de  Onde- 
gardo,  of  whom  I  have  treated  before.  Calancha  refers  to 
the  investigations  Ondegardo  carried  on  "in  all  the  coun- 
try above  Chuquiago  (La,  Paz),  Chuquisaca  (Sucre),  Po- 
tosi,  and  their  surroundings,  where  the  Licentiate  Polo 
made  his  inquiries,  and  in  that  of  Chucuito."^*^^  As  before 
stated,  the  known  writings  of  Ondegardo  contain  no  Titi- 
caca  lore,  so  that  Calancha  must  have  had  access  to  papers 
that  are  as  yet  unpublished.  He  says  that,  according  to 
what  Ondegardo  gathered,  the  first  men  lived  in  obscurity 
and  were  nearly  all  destroyed  by  a  flood,  but  multiplied 
again,  and  the  builders  of  Tiahuanaco  were  turned  into 
stone ;  after  which,  at  Tiahuanaco  and  on  Lake  Titicaca,  the 
sun  and  moon  appeared.    ''The  sun  at  once  went  to  the 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS  329 

Indian  Mango  Capac,  adopted  him,  made  him  king  .  .  . 
and  then  rose  into  the  heavens.  "^^* 

Father  Hippolyto  Maracci,^°^  the  Augustine  Fray  Fer- 
nando de  Valverde,  and  finally  the  Augustine  Fray  Andres 
de  San  Nicolas  ^^'^— all  base  their  statements  on  the  writings 
of  Fray  Alonzo  Eamos  Gavilan.  San  Nicolas,  after  repeat- 
ing in  substance  what  Ramos  said,  admits:  ''The  founda- 
tion which  the  Indians  had  in  worshiping  the  island  and  the 
rock  .  .  .  was  because  on  it  the  family  of  the  Incas  had 
their  fabulous  origin.  "^^^ 

While  the  traditions  which  we  have  compiled  differ  from 
each  other  considerably  in  detail,  their  substance  agrees 
fairly  well,  in  that  they  all  assign  to  a  remote  period  the 
time  when  Titicaca  Island  first  came  into  prominence 
among  the  Indians.  The  occasion  for  it  seems  to  have  been 
some  natural  phenomenon.  A  period  of  darkness  (whether 
long  or  short  is  not  safe  to  affirm)  seems  to  have  been  its 
principal  feature.  After  it  the  heavenly  orbs  shone  out  in 
splendor.  By  what  this  obscurity  was  produced  we  cannot 
conjecture.^  ^^  Under  any  circumstances  it  appears  certain 
that  the  tales  about  this  occurrence,  which  fastened  itself  so 
firmly  on  the  minds  of  the  Indians,  are  local  tales,  not  gen- 
eral myths.  They  belong  essentially  to  the  circle  of  Aymara 
folk-lore,  whence  they  penetrated  to  a  certain  extent  beyond 
their  original  home. 

To  the  same  circle  must  be  assigned  the  statements  about 
the  origin  of  the  Inca  from  Titicaca  Island,  in  connection 
with  the  natural  phenomena  alluded  to.  These  also  appear, 
in  their  primitive  form,  as  traditions  of  the  Aymara,  sub- 
sequently, as  shown  in  the  writings  of  Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega,  transferred  to  those  of  the  Quichua  of  Cuzco. 


NOTES 

ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS 
CONCERNING  THE  ISLAND  OF  TITICACA 

PART  VI 


*■  The  *  *  Viracochas ' '  here  mentioned 
recall  the  "white  and  bearded  men" 
of  Cieza.     See  further  on. 

*  This  story  is  as  truthful  (it  be- 
ing well  established  that  Huascar  was 
murdered  by  the  order  of  Atauhuallpa 
near  Antamarca,  south  of  Caxamarca 
and  north  of  Ayacucho)  as  that  re- 
lated by  Cieza  (Primera  Parte  de  la 
Cronica,  Cap.  cv,  p.  447),  that  Manco, 
Inca,  the  one  who  led  the  Indians  at 
the  blockade  of  Cuzco  in  1536,  was 
born  at  Tiahuanaco. 

'  Something  analogous  is  mentioned 
in  that  long  and  tiresome  poem  by 
Pedro  de  Peralta  Barnuevo,  Eocha  y 
Benavides :  Lima  fundada  o  Conquista 
del  Peru,  1732,  edition  of  1863,  Canto 
segundo,  p.  34. 

"Despues  la  astuta  Huaco  a  infante 

hermoso, 
Criado  en  el  seno  de  una  gruta  um- 

bria, 
Para  darle  por  padre  luminoso 
Del  dia  al  claro  autor,  lo  nego  al  dia : 
Luego  en  un  monte  al  parto  prodi- 

gioso, 
A  quien  oro  calzaba,  oro  vestia. 
Lo  expuso  al  vulgo  infiel  que  lo  juz- 

gaba 
No    hijo    ya,    el    mismo    Sol    que    lo 

alumbraba." 


*  Compare  my  article  on  ' '  The 
Montezuma  of  the  Pueblo  Indians, ' ' 
in  American  Anthropologist,  October, 
1892,  p.  325. 

"  Especially  at  the  pueblo  of  Co- 
chiti,  New  Mexico,  where  my  since 
deceased  host,  Juan  Jose  Montoya 
(Matyaya  Tihua),  was  very  fond  of 
displaying  a  smattering  of  classical 
history,  gathered  at  random  in  conver- 
sation with  the  priests. 

'  Belatione  per  Sva  Maesta,  Ea- 
musio,  1565,  Vol.  III. 

'  Historia  general  y  natural,  Vol. 
IV,  Lib.  XLVi,  p.  235 :  "  A  esta  tierra 
vino  antiguamente  un  grand  senor  con 
una  gente  que  Uaman  Inga  e  agora  se 
llaman  ore j ones,  e  solo  al  superior  le 
Uaman  Inga  .  .  .  Este  senor  que  lla- 
man Inga  poblo  el  Cuzco,  e  higo  una 
cibdad  muy  f  uerte  para  residir  el  ... " 

*  Relacion  del  Descubrimiento,  etc., 
p.  234:  "Unos  dicen  que  salio  de 
la  isla  de  Titicaca  ques  una  isla  questa 
en  una  laguna  en  el  Collao,  que  tenia 
sesenta  leguas  en  torno  .  .  .  Otros  in- 
dios  dicen  queste  primer  senor  salio  de 
Tambo,  este  Tambo  esta  en  Conde- 
suios  seis  leguas  del  Cuzco  poco  mas  6 
menos.  Este  primer  Inga  dicen  se 
llamaba  Inga  Viracocha. ' ' 

'  Discurso  sobre  la  Descendencia  y 
Gobierno   de   los   Ingas,   p.   5.      This 


332 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


document  was  published  in  1892,  by- 
Jimenez  de  la  Espada,  under  the  title 
of  Una  Antigualla  peruana. 

"  Discurso,  p.  5 :  "  Dieron  este 
cargo  a  personas  de  mucha  curiosidad 
por  interpretacion  de  Pedro  Escalante 
indio  ladino  en  lengua  castellana,  el 
cual  servia  a  Vaca  de  Castro  de  inter- 
prete,  con  asistencia  de  Juan  de  Betan- 
zos  y  Francisco  de  Villacastin  vecinos 
desta  ciudad  del  Cuzco,  personas  que 
sabian  muy  bien  la  lengua  general 
deste  reino,  los  cuales  iban  escribiendo 
lo  que  por  los  Quipos  iban  decla- 
rando. "  Villacastin  is  mentioned, 
now  and  then,  as  being  very  well 
versed  in  Indian  language.  Cieza: 
Segunda  Parte  de  la  Cronica,  p.  4, 
and  others. 

"  On  December  1,  1539,  one  Juan 
de  Betanzos  directed  a  letter  to  the 
Council  of  the  Indies  from  Santo  Do- 
mingo, concerning  affairs  of  Cubagua: 
Carta  al  Consejo  real  de  Indias,  Docu- 
mentos  ineditos  de  Indias,  Vol.  I,  p. 
564.  It  is  hardly  possible  this  was 
the  same  as  the  author  under  con- 
sideration, since  the  latter  would 
scarcely  have  had  time  to  acquaint 
himself  vsdth  the  languages  of  Peru  in 
the  course  of  about  three  years. 

"  The  manuscript  of  the  Doctrina 
cJiripstiana  is  at  the  National  Archives 
of  Lima.  Betanzos  says  (Suma  y 
Narracion  de  los  Tncas,  Dedicatoria) : 
' '  Hame  sido  tambien  muy  penoso,  por 
el  poco  tiempo  que  he  tenido  para 
ocuparme  en  ella,  pues  para  el  otro 
libro  de  la  Doctrina  era  menester 
todo. ' '  This  shows  that  he  worked  at 
the  latter  work  simultaneously  with 
the  Doctrina. 

^^  Suma  y  Narracion,  p.  100:  "hasta 
este  ano  en  que  estamos  de  mill 
y  quinientos  y  cincuenta  y  un 
anos. ' ' 

"  We  may  gather  this  from  Grego- 
rio  Garcia:  Origen  de  los  Indios, 
edition  of  1729  (Proemio),  p.  4: 
"Juan  de  Betancos,  conquistador  del 
Peru,  a  do  entro  con  D:  Francisco  Pi- 
zarro,  hi§o  vna  Historia  por  mandado 


de  D:  Antonio  de  Mendoqa,  Virrei  de 
aquel  Reino,  aunque  no  salio  a  luz  .  .  . 
Esta  Historia  tengo  en  mi  poder,  la 
qual  me  ha  aiudado  harto  para  este 
mi  Libro. ' ' 

"  Suma  y  Narracion,  Introduction, 
by  Espada. 

"  Suma  y  Narracion,  Cap.  i,  pp.  1 
and  2. 

"Ibidem. 

"  Anello  Oliva  (Historia  del  Perv 
y  Varones  Insignes  en  Santidad  de  la 
Compaiiia  de  Jesus,  1631,  published  at 
Lima  about  1892,  Lib.  I,  Cap.  viii, 
p.  168)  calls  him  "Pedro  de  Cieza 
Congora. ' '  I  have  not  yet  been  able 
to  discover  on  what  authority. 

"  He  did  it  in  Mexico,  according  to 
appearances. 

^^  Cieza  himself  states  of  the  First 
Part  of  the  Chronicle,  Primera  Parte, 
p.  458:  "La  cual  se  comenzo  a  es- 
crebir  en  la  ciudad  de  Cartago,  de  la 
gobernacion  de  Popayan,  ano  de  1541, 
y  se  acabo  de  escrebir  originalmente 
en  la  ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  del  reino  del 
Peru,  a  8  dias  del  mes  de  Setiembre 
de  1550  anos,  siendo  el  autor  de 
edad  de  treinto  y  dos  anos,  ha- 
biendo  gastado  los  diez  y  siete  dellos 
en  estas  Indias."  It  is  well  estab- 
lished, also,  that  he  died  at  Sevilla 
in  1560. 

^  Segunda  Parte,  Cap.  vi,  p.  13 : 
"Y  por  hacerlo  con  mas  verdad  vine 
al  Cuzco,  siendo  en  ella  corregidor 
Juan  de  Sayavedra,  donde  hice  juntar 
a  Cayu  Tupac,  que  es  el  que  hoy  vive 
de  los  descendientes  de  Huaina  Capac, 
porque  Sairi  Tupac,  hi  jo  de  Manco 
Inca,  esta  retirado  en  Viticos  .  .  .  y 
a  otros  de  los  ore j  ones,  que  son  los 
que  entre  ellos  se  tienen  por  mas  no- 
bles; y  con  los  me  j  ores  interpretes  y 
lenguas  que  se  hallaron  les  pregunt6, 
estos  senores  Incas  que  gente  era  y  de 
que  nacion. ' ' 

'^Primera  Parte,  Cap.  cm,  p.  445: 
"que  carecieron  de  lumbre  muchos 
dias,  y  que  estando  todos  puestos  en 
tinieblas  y  obscuridad,  salio  desta  isla 
de  Titicaca  el  sol  muy  resplandeciente, 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS 


333 


por  lo  cual  la  tuvieron  por  cosa  sa- 
grada,  y  los  ingas  hicieron  en  ella  el 
templo  que  digo,  que  fue  entre  ellos 
muy  estimado  y  venerado,  a  honra  de 
su  sol,  .  .  ."  (Cap.  c,  p.  443),  "y 
que  el  uno  dellos  entro  en  la  laguna 
de  Titieaca,  y  que  hallo  en  la  isla 
mayor  que  tiene  aquel  palude  gentes 
blancas  y  que  tenian  barbas,  con  los 
cuales  peleo  de  tal  manera,  que  los 
pudo  matar  a  todos. ' ' 

^  If  any  reliance  can  be  placed  on 
the  various  lists  of  Inca  war-chiefs 
given  by  the  authors  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  Inca  Viracocha  must  have 
lived  about  the  end  of  the  fourteenth 
century. 

"*  Segunda  Parte,  Cap.  iv,  p.  4. 

^  Ibidem,  p.  2. 

■"  Ibidem,  Cap.  v,  p.  5. 

"  Ibidem,  p.  6. 

^  Belacion  del  Descubrimiento,  p. 
233. 

-'Historic,  de  las  guerras  civiles  del 
Peru,  III,  p.  421:  "Quanto  a  lo 
primero  dizen  los  yndios  muy  viejos 
y  antiguos  y  que  lo  oyeron  dezir  a  sus 
mayores  y  lo  tienen  oy  dia  en  sus 
memorias  y  cantares,  que  uvo  seiscien- 
tos  anos  primeros  que  no  tuvieron 
reyes,  sino  vnos  seiioretes  llamados 
curacas  que  los  gouernauan  cada  vno 
en  su  prouincia  y  que  despues  vinieron 
los  Yngas  que  reynaron  en  todas  estas 
prouincias,  que  les  auro  mas  de  Seis- 
cientos  anos.  El  primer  senor  que 
comenqo  a  entrar  por  tierras  agenas 
fue  llamado  Mango-Ynga  Capalla, " 
etc.  There  is  a  certain  analogy  between 
the  tale  about  the  Collao  and  Hatun- 
colla  (now  a  village  a  short  distance 
north  of  Puno  near  Lake  Titieaca) 
told  by  Gutierrez,  and  the  following 
statement  of  Cieza:  Segunda  Parte, 
Cap.  IV,  p.  3 :  "  Y  estando  estas  gentes 
desta  manera  se  levanto  en  la  pro- 
vincia  del  Collao  un  senor  valentisimo 
llamado  Zapana,  el  cual  pudo  tanto, 
que  metio  debajo  de  su  seiiorio  muchas 
gentes  de  aquella  provincia. ' '  This 
Zapana  is  also  mentioned  by  Cieza  in 
Primera  Parte,  Cap.  c,  p.  443,  as  one 


of  the  earliest  and  principal  chiefs  of 
the  Collao.  There  is  a  resemblance 
between  Zapalla  and  Zapana.  Ac- 
cording to  Torres  Rubio  (Arte  y  Vo- 
cabulario,  fol.  82),  (^apalla  means 
' '  solo,  vno, ' '  in  Quichua.  In  Aymara 
there  is,  among  the  words  used  to 
designate  ' '  the  only  one, ' '  according 
to  Bertonio  {Focabulario,  I,  p.  436), 
"sapaktha, "  and  for  "alone  and  un- 
accompanied, "  "  sapaqui. ' '  The  term 
Zapalla,  as  part  of  a  title  of  the  prin- 
cipal Inca  war-chief,  is  found  in 
Cieza,  Segunda  Parte,  Cap.  lxi,  p.  233 : 
"Y  asi,  a  grandes  voces  decian: 
Guayna  Capac  Inca  Zapalla  tucuillacta 
uya, "  que  quiere  decir:  'Guayna  Ca- 
pac solo  es  rey,  a  el  oyan  todos  los 
pueblos. ' 

The  Cons  and  Pachacamac  myth  is 
found  in  Historia  de  las  guerras 
civiles  del  Peru,  III,  Cap.  Lvi,  p.  486 
et  seq. :  ' '  En  toda  esta  tierra,  tamana 
como  es,  que  los  Ingas  senores  auian, 
y  todos  los  yndios  que  en  ella  habi- 
tauan,  adorauan  dos  dioses,  que  el  vno 
se  dezia  Cons  y  el  otro  Pachacama, 
como  a  dioses  principales;  y  por  aces- 
sores  tenian  al  Sol  y  a  la  Luna 
(diciendo)  que  eran  marido  y  muger 
y  que  estos  eran  multiplicadores  de 
toda  la  tierra,"  etc.  (P.  493): 
"Cuentan  los  yndios  muy  viejos  que 
agora  ay,  que  lo  oyeron  de  sus  passa- 
dos,  que  el  primer  Dios  que  uvo  en  la 
tierra  fue  llamado  Cons,  el  cual  formo 
el  cielo,  sol,  la  luna,  estrellas  y  la 
tierra,  con  todos  los  animales  y  lo 
demas  que  ay  en  ella,  que  fue  tan 
solamente  con  el  pensamiento  y  con 
su  resuello,  y  que  pasando  por  estas 
tierras,  que  eran  todavia  despobladas, 
hizo  y  crio  todas  las  cosas  que  se  veen 
y  parescen  en  ellas,  y  que  formo  con 
su  resuello  todos  los  yndios  y  los  ani- 
males terrestres  y  aues  celestes  y 
muchos  arboles  y  plantas  de  diuersas 
maneras.  Y  que  despues  desto  se  fue 
a  la  mar  y  que  anduuo  a  pie  enjuto 
sobre  ella,  y  sobre  los  rios,  y  que  crio 
todos  los  peces  que  ay,  con  sola  su 
palabra,  y  que  hizo  otras  cosas  mara- 


334 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


villosas,  y  que  despues  se  fue  desta 
tierra  y  se  subio  al  cielo.  Dezian  mas 
estos  yndios,  que  desde  a  mucho  tiempo 
y  a  muchos  anos  y  siglos  vino  a  la 
tierra  vn  otro  dios  mas  poderoso  que 
Cons,  llamado  Pachacama,  que  quiere 
dezir  Hazedor  del  Mundo,  o  Ee- 
formador,  y  que  destruyo  con  fuego 
y  agua  todo  lo  hecho  y  criado  por 
el  dios  Cons,  y  que  los  yndios  que 
auia  los  conuirtio  en  simios  y  monos 
y  los  embio  a  biuir  a  los  Andes  y  a 
los  vaUes  .  .  .  Y  que  despues  de  de- 
struydas  estas  tierras,  dizen  los  yndios 
que  el  dios  Pachacama,  como  mas 
poderoso  en  todas  las  cosas  y  por 
otra  parte  misericordioso,  las  torno  a 
reformar  y  a  mundificar  .  .  ,  y  que 
despues  de  hechas  estas  cosas,  con 
otras  muchas,  dizen  que  se  torno  al 
cielo. ' '  The  analogy  between  the 
above  and  the  myth  consigned  in  Be- 
tanzos,  of  the  two  successive  "crea- 
tors, '  *  is  manifest,  but  in  the  version 
of  Gutierrez  the  utterly  "un-Indian" 
notions  of  a  creation  performed  by 
the  breath  of  a  creative  element  or 
individual,  and  especially  the  crea- 
tion by  means  of  the  "word," 
show  that  the  lore  is  no  longer  in 
its  primitive  state.  It  is  likely  that 
Gutierrez,  who  finished  his  work 
nearly  forty  years  after  he  had  been 
in  Peru,  either  explained  while  pre- 
tending to  simply  narrate  the  tales, 
or  that  he  adopted  adulterated  ver- 
sions. 

*"  The  passages  relating  to  the  as- 
sumed "conquest  of  Cuzco"  are 
found  in  his  Eistoria  de  las  guerras 
eiviles,  III,  p.  432  et  seq. 

^^  It  would  be  too  long  to  refer  in 
detail  to  this  subject.  Interested  stu- 
dents can  easily  compare  the  series, 
in  each  of  the  authors  mentioned, 
with  others,  and  draw  their  conclu- 
sions accordingly. 

^'Eistoria  del  Descubrimieiito  y 
Conquista  de  la  Provincia  del  Peru, 
Vedia,  Vol.  II,  p.  459. 

^  Ihidem,  p.  470 :  "  Y  al  principal 
dellos  Uamaron  Zapalla  inga,  que  es 


solo  senor,  aunque  algunos  quieren  de- 
cir  que  le  Uamaron  inga  Vira- 
cocha  ..."  This  recalls  Pedro 
Pizarro :  Belacion,  p.  234. 

In  Quichua,  the  ear  is  called  "rine 
ri."  Torres  Eubio:  Arte,  fols.  99, 
135. 

^*  The  title  of  the  second  edition  of 
Gomara's  chronicle  is:  Primera  y 
Segunda  Parte  de  la  historia  general 
de  las  l7idias  hasta  el  afio  de  1551, 
Medina  del  Campo,  1553;  I  use  the 
reprint  by  Vedia :  Eistoriadores  primi- 
tivos  de  Indias,  Vol.  I,  p.  231. 
Levinus  Apollonius  {Be  peruanae  Be- 
gionis,  inter  Noui  Orbis  prouincias 
Celeberrimae,  inuentione:  4'  in  eadem 
gestis,  Libri  V,  Antwerp,  1567,  fol. 
36)  merely  copies,  in  a  condensed 
form,  either  Gomara  or  Zarate. 

"  Conquista  y  Pohlacion  del  Peru, 
Bocumentos  para  la  Eistoria  de  Chile, 
Vol  VII,  p.  447:  "Dicen  estos  ore- 
jones  que  la  manera  que  tuvieron  para 
tener  senores  entre  si,  fu6  de  que  una 
laguna  questa  treinta  leguas  de  Cuzco 
en  la  tierra  del  Collao,  que  se  llama 
Titucaca,  salio  dellos  que  se  llamaba 
Inga-Viracocha,  que  era  muy  entendido 
y  sabio,  y  decia  que  era  hi  jo  del  Sol, 
y  este  dicen  ellos,  que  les  dio  policia 
de  vestidos,  y  ha§er  casas  de  piedra,  y 
fue  el  que  edifico  el  Cuzco,  y  hizo 
casas  de  piedra,"  etc.  The  document 
cited  was  already  known  to  Prescott. 
There  is  a  manuscript  copy  of  it  at 
the  Lenox  branch  of  the  New  York 
Public  Library,  and  it  has  been  pub- 
lished twice,  both  times  in  South 
America.  Jimenez  de  la  Espada  (Tre* 
Eelaciones  de  Antigiiedades  peruanas, 
Carta  al  Excmo  Sr.  B:Francisco  de 
Borja  Queipo  de  Llano,  Conde  de 
Toreno,  p.  xiii)  gives  a  somewhat 
different  title,  and  suggests,  that  the 
author  might  have  been  Father  Cris- 
toval  de  Molina,  who  is  known  to 
have  written  a  Bescripcion  de  todo  lo 
descuhierto  y  andado  por  Bon  Biego 
de  Almagro,  desde  Tumbes  al  rio  de 
Maule,  in  1539.  This  document  is  still 
unpublished :     Belaciones    geogrdficas 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS 


335 


de  Indias,  I,  pp.  xlii  and  cxlii,  Ante- 
cedentes. 

^^  Suma  y  Narracion,  Cap.  ii,  p.  8. 

"  Comentarios  Eeales,  editio  prin- 
ceps,  Lisbon,  1609,  Vol.  I,  Proemio. 

»« Ibidem,  I,  f  ol.  263. 

^^  Ibidem.  It  would  require  copy 
of  the  whole  chapter  to  present  the 
details.  The  petition  was  handsomely 
attended  to,  the  petitioners  receiving: 
"Es  assi  que  al  principio  deste  ano 
de  seys  cientos  y  quatro  salio  la  con- 
sulta  en  su  negocio,  de  que  se  le  hazia 
merced  de  siete  mil  y  quinientos  duca- 
dos  de  renta  perpetuos,  situados  en  la 
caxa  Eeal  de  su  Magestad  en  la 
ciudad  de  los  Reyes, ' '  etc. 

*"  Comentarios  Eeales,  I,  Lib.  i,  Cap. 
XV,  fol.  14. 

"  Ibidem,  fol.  15. 

*-  Enrique  Torres  Saldamando :  Los 
Antiguos  Jesuitas  del  Peru,  pp.  21  to 
23,  inclusive. 

*^  The  name  was  probably  Lartaum, 
or  Lartaun.  Mendiburu :  Biccionario 
Historico  Biogrdfico  del  Peru,  Vol. 
IV,  p.  388. 

Cobo  (Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo, 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  118),  after  mentioning 
the  investigation  carried  on  under  the 
auspices  of  the  viceroy,  adds:  "Y 
poco  despues,  en  otra  junta  general 
de  los  indios  viejos  que  habian  alcan- 
zado  el  reinado  del  Inca  Guaina 
Capac,  que  hizo  en  la  misma  ciudad 
del  Cuzco  Cristobal  de  Molina,  cura 
de  la  parroquia  de  Nuestra  Senora  de 
los  Remedios  del  Hospital  de  los 
naturales,  por  mandado  del  obispo 
D:  Sebastian  de  Lartaum,  se  averiguo 
lo  mismo,  resultando  della  una  copiosa 
relacion  de  los  ritos  y  fabulas  que  en 
su  gentilidad  tenian  los  indios  perua- 
nos.  La  cual  conforma  en  todo  lo 
sustancial  con  la  del  licenciado  Polo 
y  con  la  que  se  hizo  por  orden  de 
D:  Francisco  Toledo,  que  ambas  vinie- 
ron  a  mi  poder  ..." 

**  The  title  given  in  the  publication 
of  that  important  document  is  utterly 
misleading,  as  Jimenez  de  la  Espada 
has  justly  observed.     It  reads:  Bela- 


cion  de  los  fundamentos  acerea  del 
notable  dano  que  resulta  de  no  guardar 
a  los  Indios  sus  Fueros,  Doc.  de  In- 
dias, Vol.  XVII,  p.  9. 

'^  Ondegardo :  Belacion  de  los 
fundamentos,  p.  10:  "porque  dado 
caso  como  es  ansi  quellos  tuvieron 
noticia  del  Diluvio,  afirman  que  se 
destruyo  todo  el  Mundo  por  agua; 
desta  generalidad  dura  la  memoria  en- 
trellos  e  muy  generalmente  como  cosa 
muy  notoria. ' '  It  must  be  noted  that 
Ondegardo  made  his  search  for  folk- 
lore more  than  thirty  years  after  the 
first  contact  of  Peruvian  Indians  with 
whites,  and  when  the  church  was  al- 
ready Avell  established  in  that  part  of 
South  America.  Also,  that  neither 
Betanzos  nor  Cieza  allude  to  a  tale  of 
the  deluge  in  the  myths  they  have 
preserved.  There  are  some  stories  of 
great  inundations,  but  apparently 
local  ones  only,  and  the  remark  is 
very  pertinent,  by  Joseph  de  Acosta: 
Historia  natural  y  moral  de  las  Indias, 
1608,  Lib.  I,  Cap.  xxv,  p.  82:  "Ay 
entre  ellos  comunmente  gran  noticia, 
y  mucha  platica  del  diluvio,  pero  no 
se  pnede  bie  determinar,  si  el  diluuio 
que  estos  refieren,  es  el  vniuersal,  que 
cuenta  la  diuina  Escritura,  o  si  fue  al- 
guno  otro  diluuio,  o  inundacion  par- 
ticular, de  las  regiones  en  que  ellos 
mora:  mas  de  que  en  aquestas 
tierras,  hombres  expertos  dizen,  que 
se  veen  senales  claros,  de  auer  auido 
alguna  grande  inundacion.  Yo  mas 
me  llego  al  parecer,  de  los  que 
sienten,  que  los  rastros  y  senales  que 
ay  de  diluuie,  no  son  del  de  Noe,  sino 
de  alguno  otro  particular,  como  el  que 
cuenta  Platon,  o  el  que  los  Poetas 
cantan  de  Deucalion." 

*'  The  hospital  for  Indians  was 
founded  at  Cuzco  with  the  aid  of  vol- 
untary donations  of  the  Spanish  resi- 
dents (amounting  to  17,314  pesos). 
The  subscriptions  were  opened  March 
25,  1556,  and  in  eleven  days  14,500 
pesos  had  been  subscribed.  See  Bela- 
cion de  las  mandas  y  limosnas  que  los 
vezinos    y   abitantes    hisieron    en    la 


336 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


fundacion  del  dicho  hospital.  MSS. 
Original  in  Libro  viejo  de  la  funda- 
cion de  la  gran  ciudad  del  Cuzco. 

"  The  Fables  and  Bites  of  the 
Yiicas,  Hackluyt  Society,  1873,  pp.  4 
to  6. 

*'*Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  IV, 
p.  44:  "La  segunda  se  decia  Puquin- 
cancha.  Era  una  casa  del  Sol  que 
estaba  encima  de  Cayoeache.  Sacrifi- 
cibanle  nines. ' ' 

*^  Segunda  parte  de  la  Historia 
general  llamada  Indica,  la  cual  por 
mandado  del  excelentisimo  seiior  Bon 
Francisco  de  Toledo,  virrey,  gober- 
nador,  y  capitdn  general  de  los  reinos 
del  Piru  y  mayordomo  de  la  casa  real 
de  Castilla,  compuso  el  capitdn  Pedro 
Sarmiento  de  Gamboa.  Finished 
1572.  (In  Abhandl.  der  Konigl.  Ge- 
sellschaft  der  Wissenschaften  su 
Gottingen.  Neue  Folge,  Band  VI, 
1902-1906.) 

^^  Informaciones  acerca  del  Senorio 
y  Gobierno  de  los  Ingas  hechas  por 
mandado  de  Don  Francisco  de  Toledo, 
Virey  del  Peru,  1570  to  1572,  pub- 
lished by  Espada,  at  Madrid,  in  1882, 
together  with  the  Memories  of  Monte- 
Binos.  Carta  de  Don  Francisco  de 
Toledo  al  Consejo  de  Indias,  March  1, 
1572,  p.  249.  A  painted  cloth  contain- 
ing a  "genealogy"  of  Inca  Indians 
was  also  sent  to  Spain  in  1603,  in 
care  of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  but  it 
stood  in  no  relation  to  the  four  men- 
tioned. Comentarios  Beales,  I,  fol. 
263:  "Y  para  mayor  verificacion,  y 
demonstracion  embiaron  pintado  en 
vara  y  media  de  tafetan  bianco  de  la 
China  el  arbol  Eeal,  descendiendo 
desde  Manco  Capac  hasta  Huayna 
Capac,  y  su  hi  jo  Paullu.  Venian  los 
Yncas  pintados  en  su  trage  antiguo. 
En  las  cabeqas  trayan  la  borla  colo- 
rada,  y  en  las  ore j  as  sus  oregeras:  y 
en  las  manos  sendas  partesanas  en 
lugar  de  cetro  Eeal:  venian  pintados 
de  los  pechos  arriba  y  no  mas. ' '  This 
agrees  fairly  well  with  the  so-called 
pictures  of  the  Inca  chiefs  given  by 
Herrera,   and,   as  the  date  when  the 


cloth  was  sent  to  Garcilasso  was  a 
few  years  previous  to  the  publica- 
tion of  the  latter 's  book,  there  is 
a  possibility  that  this  cloth,  and 
not  the  four  painted  pieces  sent  by 
Toledo,  served  to  Herrera  as  origi- 
nals. It  is  true,  however,  that  Paullu 
Inca  does  not  appear  on  Herrera 's 
medallions. 

"  See  note  43. 

"^  Informaciones  acerca  del  Senorio 
y  Gobierno  de  los  Ingas,  p.  267.  Only 
one  witness,  originally  from  Chacha- 
poyas,  but  living  on  the  coast  at 
Huacho,  testified  that  "Manco  Capac 
habia  salido  de  una  Pena  de  Plomo. " 
This  alludes  to  the  Quichua  interpre- 
tation of  the  word  "Titicaca. "  As 
already  stated,  the  word  is  Aymara, 
and  signifies  ' '  rock  of  the  wild  cat. ' ' 
The  Indians  who  dwelt  on  and  near 
the  Island  long  before  the  Inca  ap- 
peared were  Aymara,  who  gave  the 
name  to  the  Island  in  their  native 
tongue. 

From  the  writings  of  Calancha 
(Coronica  Moralizada,  Vol.  I,  Lib.  ll. 
Cap.  X,  p.  366)  it  seems  the  investi- 
gations of  Ondegardo  are  also  em- 
bodied in  another  report  which  is  not 
accessible  to  me. 

^^  Segunda  Parte.de  la  Hist.  gral. 
llamada  Indica,  p.  26. 

"I  quote  from  the  French  transla- 
tion of  the  Misceldnea  austral,  by 
Ternaux  Compans,  published  under 
the  title  of  Histoire  du  Perou,  pp.  11 
and  144. 

"  Acosta  was  born  at  Medina  del 
Campo,  in  Spain,  about  the  year  1540. 
Torres  Saldamando:  Los  antiguos 
Jesuitas  del  Peru,  p.  2.  The  data 
given  in  my  text  are  found  on  pages 
2  and  10.  He  died  at  Salamanca, 
February  15,  1600. 

'"'  Historia  natural  y  moral  de  las 
Indias,  Lib.  VI,  Cap.  xix,  p.  429: 
"Por  mandado  de  la  Magestad  Cato- 
lica  del  Eey  don  Felipe  nuestro 
senor,  se  hizo  aueriguacion  con  la  dili- 
gencia  que  fue  possible  del  origen,  y 
ritos,  y  fueros  de  los  Ingas,  y  por  nO' 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS 


337 


tener  aquellos  Indios  escrituras,  no  se 
pudo  apurar  tanto  como  se  desseara. ' ' 

"Hist,  natural,  etc.,  p.  82. 

=»  Ibidem,  p.  432. 

'"  The  first  edition  of  Herrera  is 
from  1601-1615.  I  use  the  one  edited 
by  Barcia,  from  1726,  1728-1730. 
Historia  general  de  los  Eechos  de  los 
Castellanos  en  las  Islas  y  Tierra  firme 
del  Mar  Oceano,  Vol.  II,  Dec.  v,  p.  60 
et  seq. 

^  Origen  de  los  Indios,  edition 
1729,  pp.  333  and  334.  He  also  quotes 
Cieza  and  Acosta. 

'^  Las  Eepublicas  del  Mundo,  Sala- 
manca, 1595,  Vol.  Ill,  Lib.  Ii,  Cap. 
XI,  fol.  163. 

^^  I  follow  the  indications  of  Don 
Marcos  Jimenez  de  la  Espada:  Tres 
Belaeiones,  p.  xliv :  ' '  La  circunstaneia 
de  encontrarse  junto  con  otros  MSS. 
del  Dr.  Francisco  de  Avila,  y  anotado 
ademas  por  el  sabio  visitador,  sobre 
abonar  su  interes,  nos  presta  alguna 
luz  acerca  de  la  fecha  en  que  debio 
escribirse,  y  que  yo  pongo  no  lejos  de 
los  anos  de  1613." 

^^  Eelacion  de  Antigiiedades  deste 
Eeyno  del  Piru,  Tres  Eelaciones.  p. 
234.  He  says:  "que  entre  los  natu- 
rales  4  las  cosas  de  los  tiempos 
passados  siempre  los  suelen  parlar, " 
etc.  The  word  ' '  parlar ' '  for  ' '  to 
speak"  is  used  to-day  by  the  Ay- 
mara  generally.  In  Vocahulario  de 
las  Voces  usuales  de  Ay  mar  a  al  Cas- 
tellano  y  Quechua,  1895,  p.  2,  "Par- 
lai"  is  given  as  the  Quichua  term  for 
hablar,  and  "arusina"  for  the 
Aymara.  Hence  it  would  seem  to 
have  been  a  Quichua  word,  although  it 
is  not  found  in  Torres  Kubio,  Arte  y 
Vocabulario,  1754,  nor  in  Tschudi, 
WorterbucTi,  1853,  or  in  Bertonio. 

'*  Eelacion  de  Antigiiedades,  p.  234, 
same  volume,  p.  xliii:  "Porque  eso  si, 
D:Juan  de  Santa  Cruz  quiere  mos- 
trarse  catolico  cristiano  a  toda  costa, 
convirtiendo,  siempre  que  puede,  en 
nuestros  diablos  los  antiguos  espiritus 
de  los  huacas,  y  sustituyendo  la  inter- 
vencion  bondadosa  6  severa  del  incom- 


prensible  Huiracocha  en  ciertos 
hechos  materiales  y  externos,  6  en  la 
coneiencia  de  los  Incas,  por  la  de 
Jesucristo  6  la  de  su  eterno  Padre. ' ' 

^^  Ibidem,  p.  234. 

""  Ibidem,  p.  236. 

«'  P.  239. 

*='  P.  240. 

«'  Pp.  237  and  240. 

™  Ibidem,  p.  240  et  seq. 

"  P.  237. 

''' Extirpacion  de  la  Ydolatria  del 
Pirv,  Lima,  1621.  Father  Arriaga 
was  born  at  Vergara,  in  Biscay,  in 
1564,  went  to  Peru  in  1585,  returning 
to  Spain  (after  having  been  admitted 
into  the  Society  of  Jesus  and  received 
ordination)  in  1601.  He  came  back 
to  Peru  three  years  after  and  was  en- 
gaged in  the  systematic  investigation 
of  ancient  Peruvian  ceremonials.  He 
became  entrusted  with  the  construc- 
tion of  the  College  of  Caciques  at 
Lima,  which  was  opened  in  1619. 
Father  Arriaga  perished,  1622,  near 
Havana  in  a  tempest  that  wrecked  a 
number  of  vessels. 

"He  came  to  Peru  in  1610,  and 
died  at  Lima,  December  3,  1670. 
Torres  Saldamando :  Los  antiguos 
Jesiiitas,  p.  122.  Arriaga  cites  him 
frequently  and  Fray  Antonio  de  la 
Calancha  (Coronica  Moralizada,  Vol. 
I,  p.  410)  refers  to  his  manuscript 
entitled  Contra  Idolatriam  as  a  very 
valuable  source  on  the  ceremonials  of 
the  Indians  of  the  coast.  Espada,  in 
his  introduction  (letter  to  the  Conde 
de  Toreno,  Tres  Eelaciones,  p.  xxxiv), 
mentions  two  works  of  Father  Ter- 
huel:  Tratado  de  las  idolatrias  de  los 
indios  del  Peru,  and  the  above  cited 
Contra  Idolatriam,  of  which  he  says: 
"en  que  se  ocupa  del  origen  de  los 
indios  yuncas  6  de  los  llanos  coste- 
fios. ' ' 

''*  Extirpacion  de  la  Ydolatria,  Cap. 
IX,  p.  53. 

'"^  Extirpacion,  p.  6:  "Despues  de 
los  dichos  dos  Visitadores,  el  primero 
que  puso  mas  cuidado  en  esto  fue  el 
Doctor   Fernando    de   Avendano,   quo 


338 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


tenia  entonces  la  doetrina  de  San  Pe- 
dro de  Casta  en  la  misma  provincia  de 
Huaroehiri. "  Extracts  of  letters 
written  by  Avendano  are  given  by 
Arriaga.  Very  valuable,  principally 
for  linguistics,  are  the  sermons 
preached  by  Avendano  in  Quichua  and 
published  (with  a  Spanish  transla- 
tion) in  1649  at  Lima:  Sermones  de 
los  Misterios  de  Nvestra  Santa  Fe 
catolica,  en  Lengua  castellana,  y  la 
general  del  Inca.  They  contain  noth- 
ing relative  to  Titicaca, 

'"^  Extirpacion,  Cap.  xv,  p.  88: 
"Todo  lo  que  dixeren  a  de  yr  escri- 
viendo  brevemente,  pero  con  claridad, 
y  distincion  para  mejor  entenderse  en 
vn  libro  bianco,  que  tendra  para  este 
ef ecto ;  poniendo  su  titulo.  La  Ydola- 
tria  que  se  descubrio  en  tal  pueblo, 
tal  dia  mes  y  ano.  Y  en  el  mismo 
libro  a  parte,  o  en  otro  distinto,  yra 
escriviendo,  lo  q  incidetemente  descu- 
briere  de  Huacas,  o  Hechizeros,  o  cosas 
seme j  antes  de  otros  pueblos.  Y  lo 
mismo  hara  cada  y  quando,  que 
supiere  las  cosas  de  otras  partes, 
aunque  no  sean  de  su  visita  .  .  .  De 
qual  quiera  manera  que  sea  todo  lo 
que  se  supiere,  lo  cierto  como  cierto, 
y  lo  dudoso,  como  dudoso,  se  a  de 
escribir  con  claridad,  puntualidad,  y 
diligencia. ' ' 

"I  refer,  for  such  works,  to  the 
letter  to  the  Conde  Toreno,  by  Es- 
pada,  in  Tres  Belaciones  de  AnUgiie- 
dades  Peruanas. 

''^Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  com- 
pleted 1653,  but  published  in  Sevilla 
in  1900,  in  four  volumes.  It  is  one 
of  the  most  important  works  on  Span- 
ish America  (the  author  also  lived  in 
Mexico  for  twenty  years)  for  eth- 
nology, archaeology  and  natural  his- 
tory for  the  seventeenth  century. 

'">  Eistoria  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  Vol. 
Ill,  p.  121. 

«"  Ibidem. 

"  P.  122. 

«=  P.  123. 

"  P.  124. 

"  P.  125. 


^  P.  125 :  "  Otra  f  abula  del  origen 
de  los  Incas  es  muy  seme  j  ante  a  esta, 
salvo  que  afirma  que  los  primeros 
nacieron  en  la  sobredieha  isla  de  una 
mujer  Uamada  Titicaca,  de  quien 
tomo  el  nombre  que  hoy  tiene  la  isla 
y  laguna. ' ' 

«^  Vol.  IV,  p.  55. 

"  Ibidem. 

^^  Eistoria  del  Perv  y  Varones  in- 
signes  en  Santidad  de  la  Compania  de 
Jesus,  p.  xvi. 

s''  P.  5  et  seq. 

""Lib.  I,  Cap.  II,  p.  23:  "Noticia 
sera  esta  que  no  se  hallara  tan  facil- 
mente  en  las  historias,  por  lo  menos 
con  auer  visto,  y  leido  muchas  no  la 
he  aleanqado  dellas,  y  en  el  tiempo 
que  estoy  escribiendo  esta  vinieron  a 
mis  manos  unos  papeles  originales, 
que  me  dio  el  doctor  Bartolome  Cer- 
vantes, racionero  de  la  Sancta  yglesia 
de  los  Charcas  en  que  halle  con  pun- 
tualidad lo  que  muchos  anos  a  e  de- 
seado  saber." 

"1  Pp.  18,  19  and  20. 

°=Lib.  I,  Cap.  II,  p.  17. 

^^  Comentarios  Beales,  I,  f  ol.  137. 
He  claims:  "Yo  trate  los  Quipus  y 
nudos  con  los  Yndios  de  mi  padre,  y 
con  otros  Curacas  quando  por  san 
Juan  y  Nauidad  venian  a  la  Ciudad, 
a  pagar  sus  tributos.  Los  Curacas 
agenos  rogauan  a  mi  madre,  que  me 
mandasse  les  cotejasse  sus  cuentas  por 
que,  como  gente  sospechosa,  no  se 
fiauan  de  los  Espanoles,  que  les  tra- 
tassen  verdad  en  aquel  particular, 
hasta  que  yo  les  certificaua  della, 
leyendoles  los  traslados,  que  de  sus 
tributos  me  trayan,  y  cotejandolos 
con  sus  nudos,  y  desta  manera  supe 
dellos  tanto  como  los  Yndios." 

^  Eistoria  del  Perv,  Lib.  I,  Cap.  ii, 
pp.  23-27.  The  story  of  the  throw 
with  the  sling  was  repeated  to  us  by 
an  Indian  from  Azangaro  north  of 
the  Lake,  with  slight  variations. 
"^  Ibidem. 

""P.  38:  "Luego  diuidio  el  Keino 
en  quatro  partes  que  son  las  mismas 
en  que   el   gran   Huyustus   antes   que 


ABORIGINAL  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS 


339 


comen^ara  a  reinar  su  padre  Manco 
Capac  lo  aula  repartido  ..."  This 
refers  to  the  Inca  war-chief  Sinchi 
Roca  and  alludes  to  a  supposed  ante- 
rior rule,  the  seat  of  which  was  Tia- 
huanaco.  (P.  39.)  "Y  passo  a  las 
partes  de  Tyyay  Vanacu  por  ver  sus 
edificios  que  antiguamente  Uamaban 
Chucara,  cuya  antigiiedad  nadie  supo 
determinalla.  Mas  solo  que  alii  vivia 
el  gran  senor  Huyustus  que  decian  ser 
Senor  de  todo  el  mundo. ' '  The  word 
' '  Huyustus ' '  is  suspicious.  It  is 
neither  Quichua  nor  Aymara,  and  re- 
calls the  manner  in  which  the  Indians 
of  those  parts  would  pronounce  "Au- 
gustus" ! 

"  Cabello  Balboa  was  alive  in  1603. 
Orden  y  Traza  para  descubrir  y  pohlar 
la  tierra  de  los  Chunchos  y  otras  pro- 
vincias,  Bel.  geogrdficas,  II,  Apendice 
III,  p.  cxii. 

®'  Vizcarra :  Copacdbana  de  los  In- 
cas.  About  this  rather  suspicious 
book,  and  that  of  Salas  upon  which  it 
claims  to  be  based,  see  preceding 
chapters. 

"'  The  work  of  Father  Ramos  is 
exceedingly  rare.  I  know  of  only  four 
copies,  one  of  which  (and  an  incom- 
plete copy)  was  taken  to  Spain  by 
Father  Rafael  Sans,  while  two  intact 
ones  are  in  Bolivia  and  the  fourth 
one  at  the  Hispanic  Society  of 
America.  My  friend,  the  Right 
Reverend  Bishop  of  La  Paz,  Fray 
Nicolas  Armentia,  had  the  kind- 
ness to  compare  the  text  of  one 
of  these  copies  with  the  purported 
reprint  of  the  book  by  the  late 
Father  Nicolas  Sans,  and  to  furnish 
me  with  the  title  of  the  original, 
which  is:  Eistoria  del  celehre  y  mila- 
groso  Santuario  de  la  YnsigneYmdgen 
de  Nfa  Sfa  de  Copacaiana,  Lima, 
1621.  Of  the  partial  reprints  made 
by  Father  Sans  there  are  two  editions, 
also  rare,  the  first  one  of  which,  dated 
1860,  contains  a  map  of  Lake  Titicaca 
and  an  outline  sketch  of  Copacavana. 
The  second  edition  bears  date  1886. 
I  quote  from  the  former. 


^'^  Eistoria  de  Copacdbana,  1860, 
Cap.  i-ii,  p.  3:  "y  de  la  cual  la 
tradicion  vulgar  hace  salir  a  Manco 
Capac  a  la  conquista  del  imperio. ' ' 
This  is  from  Father  Sans. 

"^  Cap,  XXVII,  p.  53  et  seq. 

"'  Cap.  VIII,  p.  12 :  "El  f undamento 
de  la  estimacion  de  esta  isla  fue  ha- 
berse  creido  por  los  antiguos  que, 
habiendo  estado  en  tinieblas  algunos 
dias,  vieron  despues  salir  al  Sol  de 
aquella  peiia. " 

^"^  With  the  difference  that  Ramos 
gives  more  detail  concerning  the  mys- 
terious "Cross  of  Carabuco. "  See 
my  article  in  the  American  Antliro- 
pologist,  Vol.  VI,  No.  5.  ' '  The  Cross 
of  Carabuco. ' ' 

^°*And  even  that  resemblance  is 
very  faint.  Compare  Belacion  de  la 
BeUgion  y  Bitos  del  Peru,  Jiecha  por 
los  primeros  Eeligiosos  Agustinos 
que  alii  pasaron  para  la  Conversion 
de  los  naturales,  Doc.  de  Indias,  III, 
p.  24;  also  Cabello  Balboa:  Mis- 
celanea  austral  (MSS.). 

105  rpjjg  manuscript  of  Betanzos  was, 
when  Ramos  wrote,  in  Spain,  and 
possibly  in  the  hands  of  Fray  Gre- 
gorio  Garcia.  Of  the  writings  of 
Cieza  only  the  first  part  had  been 
published. 

'"'According  to  Mendiburu  (Dic- 
cionario,  Vol.  II,  p.  117),  Calancha 
was  born  at  Sucre  (now  in  Bolivia), 
in  1584,  and  died  1654.  His  pon- 
derous, but  valuable  work,  Coronica 
Moralizada,  was  published,  the  first 
volume  in  1638,  the  second  (very 
rare),  in  1653. 

^"^  Coronica  Moralizada,  Vol.  I,  Lib. 
n.  Cap.  X,  p.  366. 

"8  Ibidem.,  p.  367. 

^"^  Be  diva  virgine,  Copacavana,  in 
peruana  novi  mvndi  Begno  celeber- 
lima.  Liber  vnvs,  Quo  eius  Origo,  et 
Miracula  compendio  descripta,  Rome, 
1656. 

^'^'^  Imdgen  de  N :  S :  de  Copacavana, 
mentioned  previously. 

"^  Idem,  f ol.  19. 

"-Ramos:  Eistoria  de  Copacdbana, 


340 


THE  ISLANDS  OF  TITICACA  AND  KOATI 


Cap.  vm,  p.  12,  edition  of  1860:  "El 
fundamento  de  la  estimacion  de  esta 
isla  fue  el  haberse  creido  por  los  an- 
tiguos  que,  habiendo  estado  en  tinie- 
blas  algunos  dias,  vieron  despuea  salir 
al  Sol  de  aquella  pena."  I  call  at- 
tention to  the  various  versions  con- 
cerning the  duration  of  the  obscurity 


in  which  the  region  is  said  to  have 
been  plunged.  Some  authors  mention 
a  long  period,  while  others  speak  of 
merely  a  few  days.  Such  a  short 
period  of  darkness  was  at  Copacavana 
produced  by  the  eruption  of  the  vol- 
cano of  Omate  in  1600.  Eamos: 
Eistoria,  p.  120. 


LIST  OF  INDIGENOUS  PLANTS 

These  plants  were  collected  by  Mrs.  Ad.  F.  Bandelier  on  the 
Island  of  Titicaca,  and  use  was  made  thereof  according  to  state- 
ments of  the  Indians. 


Name  in  Aymsra  Latin  Name  Use  in  Indian  Medicine 

Belalaya    Malvastrum    "Against  all  kind  of  diseases" 

Chapi Relbunium  mierophyllum 

(Gray)  Hemsley Same 

Chaucha    Not  determined Against  dog-bite.     The  plant 

is  ground  to  a  pulp,  which 
is  mixed  with  the  ashes  of 
the  hairs  of  the  dog  and 
applied  as  a  plaster  on  the 
wound 

Chiki  Acicarpha  procimibens 

Lass Taken  as  an  infusion  to  re- 
fresh the  blood  after  a  dis- 
pute or  quarrel 

Hanuca  Not  determined Not  used  on  the  Island 

Hanuk'ara    Lepidium  bonarensis  DC  .  Against  pneumonia  and  pleu- 

rosis.     Taken  as  infusion 

Hanuk'ara  irma  .  Not  determined Not  used  on  the  Island 

Kachu-Kachu  . . .  Erodium  cicutarium  L'Her  Against  goitre.     Toasted  like 

coffee,  ground  and  applied 
on  the  skin.  Same  use  in 
the  case  of  sores 

Kea-Kea Not  determined Placed  on  wounds  or  cuts  to 

stop  bleeding 

Layu-Layu   Oxalis,  probably  a  new 

species Not  used  on  the  Island 

Marancela Sisyrinchium  Sps,,  near  ^ 

S.  pusilla  H.  B.  K.  . .    >  Both  used  as  purgatives 

Marancela Lobelia  nana  H.  B.  K.  .  ) 

Misieu   Not  determined Against  pain  in  the  stomach 

Muni-Mimi Not  determined Same  use  as  Chik'i 

341 


342 


LIST  OF  INDIGENOUS  PLANTS 


Name  in  Aymara  Latin  Name 

Nunumaya    Solanum  aureifolium 

Rusby    


Panti-Panti Cosmos  puleherrimus 


Sasaya  blanea  . .  Cerastium  arvense  L. 


Tonouari Acicarpha 


Uairank'aya   Ranunculus  praBmorsus 

H.  B.  K 

Verbena    Verbena    , 


Use  in  Indian  Medicine 

,  The  leaves,  dried  and  moist- 
ened with  native  grape- 
brandy,  are  wrapped  around 
the  body  of  a  child  that  has 
been  frightened  by  the  sight 
of  a  corpse.  If  the  child 
falls  into  perspiration  and 
its  cheeks  become  red,  it  is 
looked  upon  as  saved,  other- 
wise it  may  die.  See  "Lar- 
pata" 

,  The  root  and  flowers  are  used 
for  preparing  a  hot  infu- 
sion which  is  an  excellent 
remedy  against  severe  colds 

,  Taken  as  infusion  against 
sudden  affections  of  the 
lungs  and  some  nervous  dis- 
eases peculiar  to  the  coun- 
try 

,  Wliile  admitting  that  the  plant 
is  used  by  them  for  medic- 
inal purposes,  the  Indians 
obstinately  refused  to  give 
any  information  on  the  sub- 
ject 

■  Not  used  on  the  Island 
,  For  all  sorts  of  diseases 


The  determination  of  botanical  names  in  the  above  list  is  due  to 
the  kindness  of  Professor  Nathaniel  L.  Britton,  Director  of  the  New 
York  Botanical  Gardens. 


INDEX 


INDEX  TO  PRINTED  SOURCES  IN  THIS  VOLUME 


(The  page  numbers  following  titles  refer  to  this  volume.) 


Acosta,  P.  Josef  de: 

Historia  natural  y  moral  de  Indias,  1608. 
156,  336,  337 

Agassiz,  Alexandre,  and  Garman,  S.  W. : 
Exploration  of  Lake  Titicaca.      32 

Anonymous : 

Relacion  del  sitio  del  Cuzco.     244 

Vocabulario    de   las    voces   usuales    de    Ay- 

mar&  al  Castellano  y  Quechua,   1894,  242, 

337 

Relacion  de  las  costumbres  antiguas  de  los 

naturales   del    Pirii,    1615    (in   Tres    Rela- 

ciones    de    Antigiiedades   peruanas) 

151,  159,  248 

La  Conquista  del  Peru,   llamada  la  Nueua 

Castilla,    Sevilla,    1534.      129,    252 

Apollonius,  Levinus: 

De  peruanae  Regionis,  inter  Noui  Orbis 
prouincias,  Celeberrimae,  inuentione :  8  in 
eadem  gestis,  1567.     334 

Archive  boliviano: 

Carta  de  los  principales  de   Sica-sica   &  la 
Comunidad  de  Callapa  (1781).     145 
Borda,  Frav  Matias: 

Informe   (1781).     145,   148 

Arriaga,   P.  Pablo,   Josef  de: 


Extirpacion  de  la  Ydolatria  del  Pirv,  1621.    Cobo,  P.  Bernabe: 


150,  158,  245,  249,  254,  286,  297,  332, 
335 

Cabello  Balboa,  Miguel  de: 

Histoire  du  Perou  (Ternaux  Compans). 
336 

Calancha,  Fray  Antonio  de  la: 

Coronica    Moralizada    del    Orden    de    San 
Agustin  en  el  Peru,  Vol.  I,  1638.     27,  30, 
36,  37,  287,  288,  336,  339 
Vol.    II,    1653.      26,    137,    155,    242,    244, 
246,   249,  251 
150,    Casas,  Fray  Bartolome  de  las: 

Breuissima  relacion  dela  destruycion  delas 
Yndias   (Venice,   1643).     133 

Cieza  de  Leon,  Pedro  de: 

Segunda  Parte  de  la  Cr6nica  del  Peru, 
Que  trata  del  Senorlo  de  los  Incas  Yupan- 
quis  y  de  sus  Grandes  Hechos  y  Gobernacion 
(written  previous  to  1560,  published 
Madrid,  1880).  29,  136,  150,  154,  158, 
159,  244,  246,  254,  256,  286,  288,  332,  333 
Primera  Parte  de  la  Cronica  del  Peru. 
29,  34,  35,  36,  131,  136,  139,  141,  142, 
146,  147,  149,  151,  241,  243,  255,  256, 
288,  289,   331,  332,  333 


25,    145,    147,    148,    149,    150,    151,    153, 
154,    155,    156,    157,    158,    159,    242,    243, 
247,  248,  250,  255,  337,  338 
Avendano,  P.  Fernando  de : 

Sermones  de  los  Misterios  de  Nuestra 
Santa  Fe  catolica,  en  Lengua  castellana, 
y  la  general  del  Inca,  1649.     338 

Bandelier,  Ad.  F. : 

The  Aboriginal  Ruins  at  Sillustani.     Peru, 

1905.     243 

The    Montezuma    of    the    Pueblo    Indians, 

1892.     331 

An      Archaeological     Reconnoissance     into 

Mexico    (second  edition).      139,    140,    141, 

243 

Final  Report   of  Investigations   among  the 

Indians      of      the      Southwestern      United 

States,    Vol.    I.      140,    141,    287 

Cross  of  Carabuco    (American   Anthropolo- 


Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo,   1683    (Sevilla, 
1890).      29,    34,    56,    135,    136,    137,    139, 
140,    141,    142,    143,    148,    150,    153,    154, 
155,    156,    157,    159,    160,    242,    243,    244, 
245,    246,    247,    248,    249,    250,    251,    255, 
256,  285,  287,  288,  289,  335,  336,  338 
Historia  de  la  Fundacion  de  Lima  (1639). 
134 
Coleccion    de    Documentos    ineditos    sobre    la 
Historia  de  Chile: 
Vol.  VII. 
Exposicion   de   Hernan   Jimenez   acerca   de 
las    desavenencias    de    Pizarro   y   Almagro. 
135 
Anonymous : 

Conquista   y  Poblacion   del   Peru.      137, 
242,  334 
Vol.  XII. 
Garcia  de  Villalon,  Diego: 

Sobre  restitucion  de  indios.     134 
gist.   Vol.  VI).      144,    148,   149,    154,  "339    Coleccion    de    Documentos    ineditos    para    la 


Final  Report,  etc..  Vol.  II.     241,  243 

Basadre,  Modesto : 

Los  Lagos  de  Titicaca  (in  Boletin  de  la 
Sociedad  Geografica  de  Lima,  Tomo  III). 
23,  24,  27 

Bertonio,  P.  Ludovico : 

Arte  y  Grammatica  mvy  copiosa  de  la 
Lengva  Avmar&  (1603,  Platzmann  fac- 
simile 1879).     136 

Vocabulario  en  la  Lengua  Aymara  (1612). 
142,  156,  159,  241,  242,  243,  244,  333, 
337 

Betanzos,    Juan    de: 

Suma  y  Narracion  de  los  Yncas  que  los 
Indios  Llamaron  Capaccuna  (published 
Madrid,    1880,    written    1550).      30,    145, 


Historia  de  Espana : 
Vol.  I. 

Castro,  Fray  Cristobal  de: 

Relacion  y  declaracion  del  modo  que  este 
valle   de    Chincha    y   sus   comarcanos    se 
gobernaban,  etc.,  1558.     256 
Vol.  V. 

Pizarro,  Pedro : 

Relacion  del  Descubrimiento  y  Conquista 
de  los  Reinos  del  Peru,  1571.  34,  35, 
140,  142,  146,  147,  149,  150,  153,  158, 
241,   252,   255,   256,   287,   331,  333,   334 

Saraano,  Juan  de: 

Relacion  de  los  primeros  descubrimientos 
de  Francisco  Pizarro  y  Diego  de  Alma- 
gro, 1526,     129 


345 


346 


INDEX 


Vol.  LXXI. 
San  Martin,  Fray  Matias  de: 

Parecer  sobre  el  Escrtipulo  de  si  son  bien 
ganados    los    Bienes    adquiridos    por    los 
Conquistadores.     24 
Coleccion   oficial   de   Leyes,   Decretos,    Resolu- 
ciones  etc.  de  la  Kepublica  Boliviana : 
Vol.  I. 
Bolivar,  Simon : 

Decreto,  Cuzco,  July  4,  1825.     143 
Vol.  II. 
Santa  Cruz,  Andres  de : 
Decreto.     143 
Coleccion  de  Documentos  ineditos  del  Archivo 
de  Indias: 
Vol.  I. 
Betanzos,   Juan  de: 

Carta  al  Consejo  real  de  Indias,  1539.  332 
Vol.  II. 
Robles,  Diego  de: 

Memorial  sobre  el  Asiento  del  Perl.     26 
Vol.  III. 
Espinall,  Manuel  de: 

Relacion  hecha  al  Emperador  de  lo  succe- 
dido  entre  Pizarro  y  Almagro  (1539).  135 
Valverde,  Bishop  Fray  Vicente  de: 

Carta  al  Emperador  sobre  asuntos  de  su 
iglesia  y  otros  de  la  gobernacion  general 
de  aquel  pais,  1539.  148 
Relacion  de  la  Religion  y  Ritos  del  Peru, 
hecha  por  los  primeros  Religiosos  Agus- 
tinos  que  alli  pasaron  para  la  conversion 
de  los  naturales.  154,  248,  256,  339 
Suarez  de  Carvajal,  Ulan: 

Carta  al  Emperador,  1539.     286 
Vol.  VII. 
Falcon,  Liceneiado: 

Representacion    hecha    en    Ooncilio    Pro- 
vincial sobre  los  danos  y  molestias  que 
se  hacen  a  los  Indios.     144 
Vol.  XVII. 
Ondegardo,  Polo  de : 

Relacion  de  los  fundamentos  acerca   del 
notable  daiio  que  resulta  de  no  guardar 
a  los  Indios  sus  fueros.     June  25,  1571. 
144,   153,  335 
Vol.  XX. 
Almagro,    Diego    (the    younger) : 

Acusacion  contra  Don  Francisco  Pizarro 
a  S.  M.     135,  286 
Vol.  XXIV. 
Informacion  de  las  Idolatrias  de  los  Incas 
e  Indios  y  de  como  se  enterraban.     250 
Vol.   XLII. 
Anonymous : 

Sucesos    ocurridos    en    la    conquista    del 

Peru  antes  de  la  llegada  del  Lycenciado 

La  Gasca.     242 

Constituciones      synodales      del     Arcobispado 

de  los  Reves,  en  el  Perv,   1613    (reprint  of 

1722).      147,   156 

Constituciones   synodales   del   Arcobispado   de 

los  Reyes,   en  el  Perv,   1636.      156 
Conway,   Sir  Martin : 

Notes  on  a  Map  of  Part  of  the  Cordillera 
Real   of   Bolivia,    in    Geographical   Journal 
(1900).     28,  32,  33 
Cushing,  Frank  H. : 

Zuni  Fetiches.     150,  154 

Espada,  Marcos  Jimenez  de  la : 

Tres  Relaciones  de  Antigiiedades  peruanas 

(Dedicatoria).     334,   337,  338 
Estete,  Miguel  de: 

La    Relacion    del    Viaje    que    hizo    el    Seiior 

Capitan  Hernando  Pizarro,  etc.  (see  Xerez). 

252 


Fernandez,  Diego: 

Primera   y   Segunda   Parte   de   la   Historia 

del  Peru   (1571,  Lima  1876).      144 
Forbes,  David: 

Report  on  the   Geology  of  South  America, 

1861.     55 

Garcia,  Fray  Gregorio: 

Origen   de  los   Indios  de  el  Nuevo  Mundo 

(1729).      137,  332,  337 
Gomara,  Francisco  Lopez  de: 

Primera    y    Segunda    Parte    de    la    historia 

general  de  las  Indias  hasta  el  ano  de  1551 

(reprint  by  Vedia).     334 
Gutierrez  de  Santa  Clara,  Pedro : 

Historia   de   las   guerras   civiles   del    Perti, 

1544    to    1548.      24,    137,    150,    288,    333, 

334 

Herrera,  Antonio  de: 

Historia  general  de  los  Hechos  de  los  Cas- 
tellanos,  en  las  Tolas  v  la  Tierra  firme  del 
Mar  Oceano   (1729).     135,  157,  337 

Hill,  S.  S.: 

Travels  in  Peru  and  Mexico   (1860).     241 

Informacion  de  las  Idolatrias  de  los  Incas  e 

Indios    y    de    como    se    enterraban,    1571. 

250 
Informaciones  acerca  del  Senorio  y  Gobierno 

de    los    Incas    (published    Madrid,    1882). 

157,  336 

Julian,  Antonio : 

La  Perla  de  la  America,  1787.     149 

Libro    primero    de   Cabildos    de   Lima,    1888. 

250 
Lopez  de  Velazco,  Juan : 

Geografia   y   Descripcion    universal   de   las 

Indias   (1571-1574,  Madrid  1894).     137 
Lumholtz,  Carl: 

Unknown  Mexico.     241 

Melendez,   Fray  Juan: 

Tesoros  Verdaderos  de  las  Yndias,  Historia 
de  la  Provincia  de  san  Ivan  del  Perv  del 
Orden  de  Predicadores,  1681.     26,  134 

Mendiburu,  Manuel  de : 

Diccionario  Historico-Biogrfifico  del  Perl. 
24,  26,  335,  339 

Mendoza,  Fray  Diego  de: 

Chr6nica  de  la  Provincia  de  S.  Antonio  de 
Los  Charcas  del  orden  de  uro  seraphico 
P.  S.  Francisco,  en  las  Indias  Occidentales, 
Reyno  del  Peru,  1664.     36,  133 

Molina,  Cristobal  de: 

Fables  and  Rites  of  the  Inca  (Hakluyt 
Society).     145,  151,  245,  248,  249,  336 

Morales  Figueroa,  Luis  de : 

Relacion  de  los  Indios  Tributarios  que  hay 
al  presente  en  estos  reinos  y  Provincias 
del  Peru;  Fecha  por  Mandado  del  Senor 
Marques  de  Canete,  1591-1596  (in  Rela- 
ciones de  los  Vireyes  del  Peru).     26,  27 

Oliva,  P.  Arello: 

Historia   del   Peru  y  Varones   Insignes  en 

Santidad  de  la  Compania  de  Jesiis  (1631). 

29,  136,  246,  289,  332,  338 
Orton,  James: 

The  Andes  and  the  Amazon.     23 
Oviedo  y  Valdes,  Gonzalo  Fernandez  de: 

Historia     general    y    natural    de     Indias. 


INDEX 


347 


Madrid,  1850.  130.  Edicion  1855.  141, 
148,  252,  255,  331 

Paz-Soldan: 

Atlas  Geografico  del  Peru.     23 

Peralta  Barnueva,  Rocha  y  Benavides,  Pedro 
de: 

Lima  fundada  o  Conquista  del  Peru,  1732 
(edition  of  1863).     331 

Piedrahita,  Lucas  Fernandez  de: 

Historia  general  de  las  Conquistas  del 
Nuevo  Reyno  de  Granada.  1688.     148 

Pizarro,  Hernando: 

Carta  a  la  Audiencia  de  Santo  Domingo, 
1533  (in  Biblioteca  de  Autores  espanoles. 
Vol.  XIX).     252,  256 

Puente,  Ygnacio  la : 

Estudio  Monografico  del  Lago  Titicaca; 
bajo  su  aspecto  fisico  e  historico  (in  Bole- 
tin  de  la  Sociedad  Geografica  de  Lima, 
Tomo  I).     23,  28,  31,  32,  34,  55,  56 

Raimondi,  A. : 

Elementos  de  Botanica  Aplicada  a  la  Medi- 
cina  y  la  Industria,  1857.     34,  287 
Ramos  Gavilan,  Fray  Alonzo: 

Historia  de  Copacabana  (edited  by  Fray 
Rafael  Sans,  1860).  26,  31,  33,  131,  135, 
136,  137,  144,  242,  244,  245,  246,  247, 
248,  249,  250,  251,  255,  256,  287,  289, 
290,  339 

Historia  de  Copacabana  y  de  la  Milagrosa 
Imagen    de    su    Virgen     (edited    bv    Sans, 
1886).      27,    31,    33,    131,    136,    137,    155, 
159,  285,  287,  288,  289,  339,  340 
Historia  del  celebre  y  milagroso  Santuario 
de    la    Ynsigne    Ymagen    de    Nfa    Sfa    de 
Copacabana    (original  work,   Lima,   1621). 
31,  339 
Relaciones   Geograficas   de  Indias    (edited  by 
Marcos  Jimenez  de  la  Espada) : 
Vol.  I. 

Antecedentes.     335 
Vol.  II. 
Cabello  de  Balboa,  P.  Miguel: 

Orden  y  Traza  para  descubrir  y  poblar 
la  tierra  de  los  Chunchos  y  otras  provin- 
cias,   1603.     339 
Description  y  relacion  de  la  Ciudad  de  La 
Paz   (1586).     33,   148,   151,   158,  288 
Ulloa  Mogollon,  Joan  de: 

Relacion    de   la    Provincia    de   los   Colla- 
guas,  etc.,   1586.     138,   142,  242 
Relacion  de  la  Provincia  de  los  Pacajes, 
1586.     139,  147,   148,  241,  246 
Descripcion    de    la    tierra    del    Reparti- 
miento     de     los     Rucanas     Antamarcas, 
1586.     144 
Vol.  III. 
Bello  Gayoso,  Antonio: 

Relacion  que  enbio  &  mandar  su  Mages- 
tad  se  hiziese  desta  Ciudad  de  Cuenca  y 
de  toda  su  Provincia,  1581.     151 
Maldonado,  Pray  Juan  de  Paz: 

Relacion     del     Pueblo     de     Sant-Andres 
Xunxi.     151 
Relacion  hecha  por  mi.   Fray  Geronimo  de 
Aguilar,  de  la  Dotrina  y  Pueblo  de  Caguas- 
qui  y  Qiiilca,  etc.,   1582.     151 
Rivero  and  Tschudi : 

Antigiiedades  peruanas   (Atlas).     25 
AntigiJedades  peruanas,   1851   (Text).    285 
Roman,  Fray  Hieronymo : 

Las  Republicas  del  Mundo,   1595.     337 

Salcamayhua,  Juan  de  Santa  Cruz  Pachacuti 
Yamqui: 


Relacion  de  Antigiiedades  deste  Reyno  del 
Piru  (published  1879)  (in  Tres  Relaciones 
de  Antigiiedades  peruanas).     31,  138,  156, 

242,  245,  337 
Sancho,  Pedro : 

Relatione  per  Sua  Maesta  di  qvel  che  nel 
conquisto  &  pacificatione  di  queste  pro- 
uincie  della  nuoua  Castiglia  6  successo,  & 
della  quality  del  paese  dopo  che  el  Capitano 
Fernando  Pizarro  si  parti  &  ritorno  a  sua 
Maesta:  July  15,  1534  (in  Ramusio,  Vol. 
Ill,  1565).  130,  139,  241,  245,  246,  248, 
249,  250,  251,  255,  256,  285,  288,  289, 
331 

San  Nicolas,  Fray  Andres  de: 

Imogen  de  N.  S.  de  Copacavana  Portento 
del  Nuevo  Mundo  Ya  Conocida  en  Europa, 
1663.  26,  56,  136,  155,  244,  246,  247, 
251,  286,  288,  339 

Santillan,  Fernando  de: 

Relacion  del  Origen,  Descendencia,  Politica 
y  Gobierno  de  los  Incas  (about  1565)  (in 
Tres  Relaciones  de  Antigiiedades  perua- 
nas).     147,    149,    150,   155 

Sarmiento    de    Gamboa,    Pedro : 

Segunda  parte  de  la  Historia  general  11a- 
mada  Indica,  la  cual  por  mandado  del 
excelentisimo  senor  Don  Francisco  de  To- 
ledo, virrey,  gobernador,  y  capitan  general 
de  los  reinos  del  Piru  y  mayordomo  de  la 
casa  real  de  Castilla,  compuso  el  capitan 
Pedro  Sarmiento  de  Gamboa,  1572.     336 

Squier,  E.  G. : 

Peru,  Incidents  of  Travel  and  Exploration 
in   the   Land   of  the   Incas.      24,    55,    158, 

243,  244,   246,  248,  251,  285,  288 


Toledo,  Francisco  de : 

Carta  al  Consejo  de  Indias,  1572.     336 
Ordenanzas  1573   (in  Ordenanzas  del  Peru, 
1752).     138,  145,  146,  147,  156,  241,  250, 
251 

Torres  Rubio,  P.  Diego  de: 

Arte  y  Vocabulario  de  la  Lengua  Quichua, 
edition  1754.  142,  242,  243,  249,  288, 
333,  334,  337 

Torres  Saldamando,  Enrique: 

Los  Antiguos  Jesuitas  del  Peru.  335,  336, 
337 

Tovar,  Agustin : 

Lago  Titicaca ;  observaciones  sobre  la  dis- 
minucion  progresiva  de  sus  Aguas  (in 
Boletin  de  la  Sociedad  Geografica,  Tomo 
I).     31 

Tschudi,  J.  J.  von  : 

Peru,  Reiseskizzen   (1842).     32,  55 
Reisen  durch  Siid-Amerika,   1869.     148 
Die  Kechua-Sprache,  Worterbuch.    155,  337 


Vaca  de  Castro,  Cristoval : 

Carta  al  Emperador,  1542  (in  Cartas  de 
Indias).     146 

Discurso  sobre  la  Descendencia  y  Gobierno 
de  los  Ingas  1542  (published  by  Don  Mar- 
cos  Jimenez   de   la    Espada).      297 

Vega,  Garcilaso  de  la  : 

Comentarios  Reales  de  los  Incas  (Vol.  I, 
1609).  30,  35,  136,  143,  144,  148,  150,  151, 
153,  154,  249,  250,  254,  255,  256,  286, 
287,  335,  336,  338 

Villagomez,  Archbishop  Pedro  de: 

Exortacion  contra  la  Idolatria  del  Peru 
(Lima,  1649).      156,   159,   160,  241 

Villagran,  Gaspar  Perez  de : 

Historia  de  la  Nueva  Mexico,  1610.     147 


348 


INDEX 


Vizearra,  J.  F.  P.: 

W.  T.  Copacabana  de  los  Incas  Documentos 
Auto-linguisticos  e  isografiados  del  Aym&ru- 
Aym4ra  Protogonos  de  los  Pre-americanos 
(La  Paz,  1901).  132,  134,  185,  286,  287, 
339 

Wiener,  Charles: 

P§rou  et  Bolivia,  1880.     24,  28,  33,  285 


Xerez,  Francisco  de : 

Verdadera  Relacion  de  la  Conquista  del 
Peru  y  Provincia  del  Cuzco,  1534  (reprint 
of  1891).     140,  242,  252,  256 


Zarate,  Agustin  de: 

Historia    del    Descubrimiento    y    Conquista 
de  la  Provincia  del  Peru.     334 


INDEX  TO 
MANUSCRIPT  SOURCES  IN  THIS  VOLUME 


Cabello  de  Balboa,  P.  Miguel: 

Miscelanea  antarctica    (austral).     339 
Cieza,  Pedro  de : 

Tercer    Libro    de    las    guerras    civiles    del 

Peru.     130 
Historia  del  Colegio  de  la  Compafiia  de  Jesus 

de  Arequipa   y   Reventazon   del   Volcan   de 

Ornate,  1600.     161 
Libro  de  Cassados  que  perteneze  a  este  pueblo 

de  Tiagu_anaco  comienza  a  ocho  de  henero 

de  1694  AS.      36,  144,  148. 
Matienzo,   Joan  de: 

Gobierno  del  Peru  con  todas  las  cosas  per- 


tenecientes  d  el  y  a  su  historia  (Lenox 
Library).     140 

Relacion  de  las  mandas  y  limosnas  que  los 
vezinos  y  abitantes  hizieron  en  la  fundacion 
del  dicho  hospital  (in  Libro  viejo  de  la 
fundacion  de  la  gran  ciudad  del  Cuzco). 
335      _ 

Testim  YO  de  los  Autos  hechos  Por  el  Juez 
de  Nles_sobre  la  Planta  de  las  Arboledas 
en  el  Trno  de  la  Paroquia  de  San  SebastN 
por  comision  del  Ysigne  Cauildo  de  la 
Dha   Ciudad,    1590.      251 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Abuses  by  political  and  ecclesiastical  authori- 
ties, 70,  84 

Acclaguasi    (Quichua,  house  of  women),  273 

Accusations,  unjust,  against  the  Spaniards,  27 

Achacache,  town,  70 

Achacache,  Rio  de,  9 

Achachila,  8,  33,  94,  98,  99,  100,  126,  141, 
145,   150,    154 

Aclla-huasi,  definition  of  word,  288 

Acocagua,  oracle  at,  256 

Aconcagua,  mountain  in  Chile,   24 

Acora,  village,  5,  24,  26,  186 

Acosta,  P.  Joseph  de,  critical  spirit  displayed 
bv,  316;  sources  of  information,  316;  crea- 
tion myth,  316,  317 

Agassiz,   Alexandre,   31,  32 

Agassiz,  Louis,  12 

Agricultural  life  on  Island,  87 

Aguavo   (see  Llik'Ua),   142 

Ahijadero,  167,  199,  200;  dikes  at,  199 

Airaguanca,  village  in  province  of  Omasuyos, 
271 

Aji,  red  pepper,  95 

Akkamani,  range,  7 

Alabaster  at  Charassani,  105 

Alcalde,  Indian,  51,  82;  functions,  82,  146 

Alcaldes,  election  of,  145 

Alcamari   (see  Chinalinda),  47,  251 

Alcauiza,  first  chief  of  Cuzco,  according  to 
Betanzos,  305 

Alferez,  church  officer,  119 

Aliso   {Almus  acuminata),  224 

Aljiri    (see  Personal  service),   78 

Almagro,  Diego  de  (the  older),  64 

Almagro,  Diego  de  (the  younger),  64,  266 

Alpine  glow  on  the  Andes  of  Bolivia,  7,  8 

Altar&ni,  range,  7 

Amantani,  island,  5 

Amazon  River,  4 

American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  140, 
142 

Ananea,  mountain,   7 

Anchancho,  93,  101 

Ancient  costume  of  Aymara,  75 

Ancient  pottery  from  Kasapata,  49 

Ancon,  trephined  skull  at,  174,  175 

Ancoraymes,  village,    13,   15,   46,   70,  87 

Andenes,  terraced  garden-beds,  5,  13,  14,  42, 
43,  47,   165,  224 

Andes,  chain  of  the,  3,  7,  20 

Andesite,  rock,  in  situ  at  Yampupata,  etc.,  218 

Animal  intercessors,  101 

Animal  life,  on  Lake  Titicaca,  12;  on  Titicaca 
Island,  47;  on  Koati  Island,  50 

Anzurez  de  Campo-redondo,  Pedro,  63,  135 

Apachinanca,  also  Apachinaca,  hamlet,  43, 
167 

Apachita,  or  Apacheta,  ceremonials  at,  99, 
153,  154 

Apingiiila,  island,   13,  159,  228,  229,  250,  251 

Apingiiila  and  Pampiti,  Inca  remains  said  to 
exist  on,  283 

Apotampo,  father  of  Manco  Capac,  318,  319 

Aran-Saya,  82,  119,  144 


Arcu-puncu,    bay   of,    227 

Arequipa,  city  and  department  of,  24,  32; 
date  of  foundation  of,  135 

Aricaxa  (see  Larecaja),  135 

Armentia,  Bishop  Fray  Nicolas,  327,  339 

Arnauan,    11 

Arriaga,  P.  Pablo  Josef  de,  156,  319,  320; 
biographical  sketch,   337 

Artaun,  or  Lartaun,  Sebastian  de.  Bishop  of 
Cuzco,  311,  314 

Artificial  drainage  (see  Inca  andenes),  190 

Assay  of  golden  plate  (see  Vizcarra),  286 

Atahualpa,  Inca  war  chief,  228,  295,  307 

Atauhuallpa,  130 

Atmospheric  currents  on  Lake  Titicaca,  15 

Atun  Collao,  reported  conquest  of,  by  Mango 
Ynga    Zapalla,    302 

Aucaypata,  square  on  Titicaca  Island,  279 

Augustine  monks  (see  Copacavana  Mission), 
137,   327 

Augustines,  school  of  writers,  319 

Aullaga,  village,  11 

Auqui-auqui   dance  at  Llujo,    118 

Avendano,  P.  Hernando  de,  letters  of,  320 

Ayanque   (see  Sandals),   138 

Ayar  Mango   (see  Manco  Capac),  306 

Ayaviri,  Peru,  69 

Aygachi,  bay  of,  23 

Ayllos,  seven,  at  Copacavana  and  Islands  in 
1538-39,   134 

Ayllu,  clans  or  gentes,  36,  81,  82,  86,  144, 
145,  154 

Ayllu  Tiahuanaco  at  Coni,   82 

Ayllus,  changes  in  names  of,  145 

AjTuara,  language,  5,  6 

Armar4,  primitive  religious  organization,  121 

Aymara  and  Quichua  dances,  great  variety 
of,  108 

Aymara  costume,  men,  67 

Aymara  customs  of  marriage,  147 

Aymara  dancers,  their  devotion  at  sanctuary, 
111 

AjTnard  dances,  symbolical,  107;  general  de- 
scription. 109;  noisier  and  less  dignified 
than  Pueblo  dances,  109 ;  originally  primi- 
tive ceremonials,   119 

Aymar4  fetishism,  94 

Aymar4  Indians,  13,  18,  19,  63,  64,  65,  67, 
94,  141;  geological  mvths,  8,  10;  character 
of,  19,  34,  50,  70,  76,  77,  87,  88,  109; 
segregation  into  tribes,  21;  aversion  to  im- 
provements, 76,  99;  careless  and  unclean, 
77;  their  preference  for  primitive  tools; 
77;  not  serfs,  78;  neglect  of  domestic  ani- 
mals, 78 ;  dishonesty  towards  landowners, 
79;  nominally  citizens,  79;  obstacles  to  the 
study  of,  118;  mode  of  sleeping,  140 

Aymara  music  at  dances,  110,  112 

Aymara  superstitions  about  the  dead,  118 

Aymaras,  manner  of  weaving  used  by,  233 

Ayo-ayo,  village,  and  massacre  at,  149 

Bailev,  Prof.  S.  G.,  24,  33 

Balsa,  12,  13,  15,  32,  34,  47,  52,  68,  70,  179 


350 


INDEX 


Bandelier,  Mrs.  Ad.  F.,  17,  46,  68,  125,  170 

Banquitos  of  Sonora  and  Chihuahua  in  Mex- 
ico, 171 

Baptism,  84 

Barley,   18 

Bat4n,  grinding-slab,  71,  72,  186 

Beans,  18,  34 

Belalcazar,  Sebastian  de,  63,  135 

Betanzos,  Juan  de,  297,  298,  303,  317,  326; 
Doctrina  chripstiana  and  vocabularies  writ- 
ten by,  297,  332;  early  traditions  of  Incas 
and  Aymaras,  297 

Bloodshed  during  Aymard  dances,  114 

Bola  (see  Lliui),  35,  242 

Bolivia,  Republic  of,  3,  4,  7,  19 

Boundary  line  between  Peru  and  Bolivia,  23 

Brujo  (see  Medicine-men,  Sorcerers,  Sha- 
mans), 120 

Buddleya,  wild  olive  tree,  18,  49 

Building-sites  of  Indians,   81 

Burial  customs  at  Tiahuanaco,  85 

Burial  sites  on  Island,  mostly  Chullpa,  166 

Burials,  85 

Cabbage,  18 

Cabello  Balboa,  Miguel,  on  Titicaca  Island, 
316;  Miscelanea  austral,  316 

Cacha,  ruins  at,  193,  236 

Cachamarca,   11 

Cacique,  office  abolished  by  Bolivar,  1825,  145 

Cajamarca,  house  of  Atahualpa,  193 

Cajamarca,  town,  133,  134,  236,  252;  oracle 
at,  256 

Calancha,  Pray  Antonio  de  la,  11,  12,  66, 
212,  213,  232,  261,  268,  271,  273,  286. 
328;  biographical  sketch  of,  339;  creation 
myth  according  to  Ondegardo,  328 

Callahuaya,  traveling  shaman,  103,  104,  105, 
155 

Callahuaya  costume,  104 

Calvario,  summit,  44,  46,   103,   176,  203,  214 

Calzon,  trousers  of  Aymaras,  142 

Calzon  (see  Costume  of  Aymard  Indians, 
male),  75 

Camara,  Francisco  de  la,  134 

Campanario,  island,  13 

Campos,  subordinate  Indian  officials,  82 

Canchon  de  los  Bailes  de  los  Incas,  court  at 
Chicheria,  Koati,  273,  288 

Cannibalism  among  Aymarfi  Indians,  35,  127 

Cannibals  of  the  Amazonian  basin,  21 

Cantuta,  shrub,  18,  34,  47 

Capac-Raymi,  278 

Capachica,  peninsula,  4,  24 

Capactocco,  appearance  of  son  of  the  Sun  at 
cave  of,  326 

Carabaya,  Andes  of,  7,  9,  28,  43 

Carabaya,  river  confounded  with  Lake  Titi- 
caca, 130 

Carabuco,  village,  3 

Carboniferous  rocks  on  Titicaca  and  penin- 
sula of  Copacavana,  45 

Carbuncle,  fabulous  eat   (see  Titi),  102,   155 

Cards  and  coca  used  for  divining,  121 

Cari,  Indian  chief  said  to  have  come  from 
Coquimbo,  Chile,  300 

Carnival  on  Island,  96 

Carpio,  Dr.  W.  del,  50,  123,  272 

Carved  slab  from  Ticani,  185 

Casas,  Bartolome  de  las,  132 

Catari,  supposed  Indian  chronicler,  323,  324 

Catechism  taught  by  Indian,  88 

Catholic  teachings,  influence  on  Indian  lore, 
315 

Cavalluni,  mountain,  6 

Cavana,  Indians  of,  138 

Caxas,  Sierra  de,  252 


Cayocache,  near  Poquen-Cancha,  313 

Centipedes  (see  Mygale),  155 

Ceremonial   when   lightning   strikes   building, 

100 
Ceremonial  objects  concealed  by  Indians,  70 
Ceremonials,  primitive,  in  house-building,  94, 

95,  96 
Cerro  de  Montezuma,  Chihuahua,  189 
Cervantes,    Dr.    Bartolome,    of    Sucre    (Char- 

cas),  323,  324 
Chaca-na-ni,    Indian   dances,    113,    116,    117, 

122 
Chachapoyas,    on    peninsula    of    Copacavana, 

137,  282 
Chachapoyas  Indians,  67,  137,  138 
Chacu-ayllu,  or  Chokela,  Indian  dance,  35,  103 
Chacu-ayllu,  rain  dance,  118 
Challa,  bay  of,  43,  44,  45,  47 
Challa,  garden  of,  with  Inca  ruins,  183 
Challa,  hacienda,   16,  18,  45,  46,  51,  52,  54, 

56,  69,  79,  88,  89,  93,  105,  106,  117,  140, 

183 
Challa,  isthmus  of,  44,  176,  178,  189 
Challa,  large  stones  at  and  near  by,  233 
Challa  Pata,  height,  16,  43,  46,  176,  178 
Chama-kani,   125,   161 
Champi,  312 

Champu-Uaya,  inlet,  43,   176 
Chaiii,  promontory  of,  13 

Charassani,  mountains  of  (see  Carabaya,  An- 
des of),  43,  55,  214 
Charassani,  village,  7,  142,  155,  242 
Charchani,  mountain,  24 
Chavin  de  Huantar,   Huanuco,   silver-leaf  on 

ancient  altar  of,  287 
Chavllpa,   group  of  Indian  dancers,   35,   103, 

113,   117,   122 
Chayllpa  costume,   103,  113 
Cheese-making  on  Titicaca,  52 
Chicha   (Chicca),   62,   71,   112,  156,  209,  232 
Chicheria  (on  Koati),  analogy  with  Kasapata 

ruins,    274;    landing-place    and   tambo    for 

visitors  from  Titicaca,  274,  280,  281;  ruins 

at,  273,  274,  281 
Chicheria  Pata  (on  Koati),  273,  274 
Chij-chi  (Aymard  for  hail),  35 
Chililava,  bay,  14,  34 

Chililaya,  port,  9,  10,  16,- 187;  ruins  at,  184 
Chilleca,  island,   14 
Chillu,  cherty  marl,  208 
Chinalinda    (see  Alcamari),   47,    251 
Chincana,    190;    rude   mosaic   floor   at,    230; 

ruins,   217,   220,   221,   222,   224,   225,   230, 

231,    232,    234,   255,    265,    273;    spring  at, 

224;    walls   of   defence,    223;    watch-tower 

at,  223 
Chirihuana,  Governor  of  the  Indians  of  Chu- 

cuito,  136,  300 
Chirihuanos,   ancient  Indian   dancing  society, 

110,    113,   117;   highest  group  of  dancers, 

123 
Choka,  water-hen   (Fulica),  12,  47 
Chonta,  hoe,  77,  180 
Chua,  bowl  or  saucer,  141 
Chua,  hacienda,  15 
Chua-chua-ni,  33 

Chucara,  a  name  for  Tiahuanaco,  326 
Chucaripu,    189,    215,    217,    226,    229,    230; 

Inca  andenes  at,  226;  myth  of  coca-planta- 
tion by  Inoas,  227 
Chucaripu-pata,    ruins,    221,    225,    226,    232, 

249,  250,   251 
Chuco  (see  Lluchu),  73,  142 
Chucos  (see  Lluchu),  73,  175 
Chucuito,  lagune,  4,  6,  9 
Chucuito,  promontory,  4 
Chucuito,  province  of,  136 


INDEX 


351 


Chucuito,  province  of  Dominican  Order,  26 

Chucuito,  village,  5,  24,  300 

Chuju,  island,  13,  44,  53 

ChuUpa,  definition  of  name,  241 

Chullpa  andenes,  167,  168 

Chullpa  burials,  176 

Chullpa  dwellings,  187 

Chullpa  remains,  on  Bolivian  mainland,  186; 
on  Island,  not  all  from  before  1534,  239 

Chullpa  ruins,  165,  167,  175,  176;  distribu- 
tion of,  on  Titicaca,  184 

Chullpa  type  of  pottery,  166,  184 

Chullpas,  5,  24,  27,  143;  dress  of,  186,  241; 
fishing  implement  used  by  them,  185 ;  on 
Titicaca,  legend  of  their  destruction,  295 ; 
work  in  metal  by,  186 

ChuUun-Kayani,  189,  234;  crest  of,  42,  189; 
ruins  on,  236 

Chunchos,   104 

Chunchu-Sieuri,  Indian  dancers,  110,  113 

Chunu,  21,  36,  52 

Churu,  or  Churi,  snails  used  as  rattles,  157, 174 

Chuspa,  or  Chhuspa,  bag,  142 

Cieza,  Pedro  de,  H,  73,  236,  254,  303,  317, 
326,  327 

Cieza  de  Leon,  Pedro  de,  62,  65,  175,  186; 
criticism  of  his  works,  299;  traditions 
about  Titicaca  Island,  237,  299,  300 

Ciracuna,  needle,   77 

Ciria-Pata,  52,  97,  144,  176,  177,  179,  182, 
186;  ancient  graves  excavated  at,  179,  180, 
181,  259,  269;  antiquities  found  at,  180; 
Chullpa  ruins  at,  178;  Inca  ruins  at,  170, 
177,  182,  274;  peculiar  pebbles  found  near, 
230 

Clans  on  Titicaca,  82 

Clay   bases   for    vessels,    209 

Climate  of  basin  of  Lake  Titicaca,  16,  20 

Cloths  painted  by  Incas,  paintings  said  to 
have  been  historical,  313,  314 

Coa  (see  Chonta),  77 

Coal  on  Titicaca  and  at  Yampupata,  45 

Co&na,  island,  14 

Coast-people,  Peruvian,  5 

Coast-range,  6 

Coat^,  or  Coyata  (Koati),  261,  269,  286 

Cobo,  P.  Bernabe,  63,  71,  72,  73,  175,  212, 
217,  219,  221,  224,  227,  232,  234,  239, 
261,  268,  269,  272,  273,  278,  282,  313, 
314,  320,  327;  biographical  sketch  of,  320; 
five  distinct  creation  myths  related  by,  321, 
322;  myths  of  origin  of  the  sun  related  by, 
323;  procession  of  idols  described  by,  279; 
statement  about  Koati,  266 

Coca,  87,  90,  95,  96,  97,  148;  geographical 
extent  of  use  of,  148 

Cochabamba,  Bolivia,  323 

Cochi-pachi,  bird  feared  by  Indians,  102 

Coffee,  87 

Cojata,  island,  187 

Colla,  309 

CoUaguas,  Indians  of,   138 

Collao,  burials  in  district  of,  186 

Collao,  province,  29,  30,  35,  64,  147,  175 

Collas,   175 

Collasuvo,  province  of,  298 

Collca-Pata,  176,  177,  182;  burials  at,   176 

Collcas,  storage  structures,  289 

Combustible   (see  Tdquia),  20 

Comida  de  Oso  (see  Kara),  46 

Communal  hunts   (Chacu),  35 

Communal  tenure  of  lands,  80,  86 

Communidad,  tribe,  83,  144 

Compensations  to  Indians  in  special  cases,  79 

Compi,  hacienda,  14 
Condor-konona,    ruin,    55 

Condor-o-ua-ua-cha-ue,   summit,   43 


Confession,  part  of  primitive  Indian  ceremo- 
nial, 238,  247 

Conquista  y  Poblacion  del  Perfl,  305 

Cons  (see  Gutierrez  de  Santa  Clara,  Pedro 
de),  302,  303,  333 

Contents  of  house  controlled  by  woman,  86 

Con  Tici  Viracocha   (see  Betanzos),  298,  302 

Con  Titi  Viracocha  (see  Betanzos),  299 

Conway,  Sir  Martin,  ascent  of  Illimani  by,  33 

Cooking  vessels,  70 

Copacati,  idol  on  peninsula  of  Copacavana,  283 

Copacavana,  idol  thus  called,  279,  283 

Copacavana,  mission,  6,  26,  84,  136 

Copacavana,  peninsula,  4,  7,  9,  10,  13,  14, 
15,  34,  41,  45,  56,  65,  73,  89,  91,  126, 
137,  188;  Inca  ruins  on,  281;  reported 
connection  with  Inca  ceremonials  on  Titi- 
caca, 238;  rock  seals  on,  282 

Copacavana,  sanctuary  of,  13,  92,  109,  267 

Copacavana,  village,  15,  16,  42,  50,  51,  52, 
63,  79,  84,  106,  116,  119,  132,  133,  135, 
136;  decoration  of  square  at  festival.  111; 
effigies  of  Sun-father  and  Moon-mother  at, 
279 ;  fairs  at,  70,  92 ;  Inca  vestiges  at,  282 

Cordillera  Real,  3,  7,  8 

Cormorant   (see  Cuervo),  48,  54 

Corregidor  of  Copacavana,  84 

Costly  costumes  of  Morenos,   116 

Costume  of  AymarS  Indians   (male),  73 

Costume  of  Aj-mara  women,  74 

Cotana,  hacienda,  33 

Council  of  old  men,  supreme  authority  among 
Indians,  83 

Coya,  261,  286 

Coyani,  inlet,  43,  176 

Creation  of  Sun  and  Moon  at  Tiahuanaco,  11 

Crops,  time  of  planting  and  harvesting,  87 

Cross  of  Carabuco,  328 

Crucero  Alto,  4 

Crucifixes,  70 

Cruz,  Fray  Francisco  de  la,  134 

Cuervo  (see  Cormorant),  48 

Culture-plants,  on  Islands  of  Titicaca  and 
Koati,  19;  on  Koati,  50;  on  Titicaca 
Island,  52 

Cumana,  island,  14 

Cumbi,  species  of  cloth,  249 

Cumbi,  or  Pampacona,   142 

Curva,  village,  155 

Gushing,  F.  H.,  94,   101,   108,   117,   124 

Cusijata,  hacienda,  objects  for  evil  sorcery 
found  at,  106 

Cusijata,  Inca  remains  at,  281;  stone  tank 
at,  289 

Cuy  (see  Guinea-pigs),  52;  used  in  Indian 
sorcerv,  102 

Cuzco,  city  of,  61,  63,  64,  135,  195,  236, 
254;  blockade  of,  by  Indians,  63,  64 

Cuzco,  department  of,  9;  Indians  of,  22,  81; 
influence  on  artefacts,  5 

Cuzco,  tj-pe  of  pottery,  24,  27,  166 

Dancers    divided    into    two    principal    groups 

(Aran-saya  and  Ma-saya),   119 
Deluge,    in    Indian   traditions,    311,    315 
Desaguadero,   channel,   9,    10,    11,   26,    28,   36 
Desaguadero,  human  sacrifice  near,   244 
Destruction  of  ruins  by  Indians,  182 
Discretion    used   by    Indians    in    relating    an- 
cient lore,   310 
Discurso  sobre  la  Descendencia  y  Gobierno  de 
los  Ingas,    1542    (Una  Antigualla  peruana, 
1892),   331,   332 
Diseases  of  the  Aymar4  Indians,  68 
Diseases,  pulmonary,   138 

Disposition  of  property  after  death  among 
Indians,  86 


352 


INDEX 


Distribution  of  lands  annually,  80,  144 

Dius   (see  God),  92 

Divers   (Podiceps),  12,  47 

Divining  by  means  of  coca-leaves,   126 

Dogs  barking,  evil  presage,   102 

Domestic  animals  on  Titicaca,   52 

Domestic  fowl,  birds  of  ill  omen,  sometimes,  102 

Dominican  Friars,  6 

Doors,  low,   72,   76 

D'Orbigny,  Alcide,  45,  55 

Dreams  of  sorcerers,  98 

Drunkenness  of  Indians  on  festivals,  112,  156 

Dueiias,  Bartolome  de,  reports  by,  320 

Duho,  or  Duo,  140 

Dun,  Alexander,  55 

Dwellings  of  the  Indians,  68,  86 

Eagles,  47 

Earth  an  Achachila  also,  96 

Ecclesiastical  authorities  for  Island,   81 

Eclipse,  lunar,  149 

Ecuador,  63 

Eggs  of  aquatic  birds,  eaten  by  Indians,  53 

Embarcadero   (see  Yampupata),  65 

Encomiendas  at  Copacavana,  63,  134 

Escobari,  Father  M.,  36 

Escobari,  Macario,  32 

Esoteric  orders  among  Indians,   35 

Esoteric   societies,   probable   among   Aymar&s, 

123;    in   ancient   Mexico,    124;    on   Titicaca 

Island,   293 
Espada,  Marcos  Jimenez  de  la,   145,   318 
Espinall,  Manuel  de,  64 
Estancia  (see  Covninidad),  144 
Eucalyptus  trees  on  Koati,  50 
Evaporation  on  Lake  Titicaca,  28 
Evil  omens,  belief  in,   101 
Evil  sorcery  punished  among  Aymar&s,  127 
Evil  spirits   (devils),  85,  93 
Exchange  of  cultivated  plots  among  Indians,  81 
Ezcoma,  village,  15 

Falb,  Rudolph,  33 

Fetish,    at    Kea-Kollu    Chico     (Muliu),     174; 

of  Indian  corn,  etc.,  for  evil  purposes,   106 
Fetishes,   Indian,    9,   94,    153 ;    of  black   stone 

for  evil  sorcery,   105 ;  sold  by  Callahuayas, 

105;   dressed  in  cloth    (see  Cobo),   272 
Fetus  of  pig  in  witchcraft,  95 
Firearms  among  Indians,  90 
Fire-signals  during  Indian  insurrection,  89 
Fishes  in  Lake  Titicaca,  12,  48 
Fishing   in    Lake   Titicaca,    21 
Fishing  spears,   243 

Flattening  of  the  forehead,   artificial,   67,   167 
Fletcher,  Miss  Alice,   108 
Flint  flakes  found  at  Ciria-Pata,   181 
Flood  myth  at  Tiahuanaco,  11 
Fossil  plants,  carboniferous,  45 
Fountain    of   the    Ynca    (so    called),    14,    42, 

190,  197,  199 
Fox  in  Ajonara  lore,  102 
Furniture  of  Indian  houses,  69  —  76 

Gallo,   69,   72,   78 

Gamboa,  Pray  Francisco  de,  133 

Gamero,  Don  Enrique,  25 

Garces,  Don  Miguel,   collection  of  antiquities 

by,  27,  32,  53,  56,  57,  166,  220,  221,  225, 

227,  232 
Garces,  family  of,  51 
Garcia,  Fray  Gregorio,  66,  317 
Garcia  Cuadrado,  Alonso,  report  of,  320 
Garcia  Cuadrado,  Licenciado,  26 
Garden   near   Challa,   of   Spanish   origin,    18, 

190,  203 
Geme,  measure,  77 


Genoveva,  St.,  story  of,  296 

Gentile  organization  on  Island,  81 

Gentiles,  destruction  of,   10 

God,   Indian  conception  of,   92 

Gold  and  silver  offerings'    129 

Gold  and  silver  on  Islands,  63,  166 

Gomara,  Francisco  Lopez  de,  traditions  re- 
corded by,  304;  work  of,  304 

Gomera,  Count  de  la.  Governor  of  Chucuito, 
66,   137 

Grape-brandy,  libations,  97 

Groups  of  dancers  on  Titicaca  Island,  122 

Guanaco,  20,  35 

Guarachi,  family  of,   51,  52 

Guayan,  island  on  the  coast  of  Ecuador,  said 
bv  Oliva  to  have  been  birthplace  of  Manco 
Capac,  325 

Guinea-pigs  (see  Cuy),  52,  53,  69,  72,  140 

Gulls,  12 

Gutierrez,  Jose  Rosendo,  28 

Gutierrez  de  Santa  Clara,  Pedro  de,  65,  299, 
302 

Hacha-Tata,  principal  shaman,  160 

Hacienda  buildings  on  Puna,  72 

Hailstones,  35,  93 

Hanan-Cuzco,  82 

Handwheel-boat,  loaned  at  Puno,  57 

Hanko-Kunu,  mountain   (see  Uilampi),  32 

Hanko-uma   (see  Illampu),  3,  8,   13,  28,  32 

Hatun  CoUa   (see  Cieza),  306 

Hatun-Kolla,  65,  333  ;  ruins,  24 

Herrera,  Antonio  de,  317 

Heye,  George  G.,  collection  of,   140 

Hilacata  (see  Uacata),  145 

Hila-Llampu   (see  Illampu),  32 

Hilampi,  peak  of  the  Sorata  group,   13,   32 

Hila-umani    (see  Illimani),   8,   33,   276 

Hog,   domestic,  imported  from  Europe,   140 

Hostia,  stolen  for  witchcraft  practices,  92,  93 

Huaca  (Quichua,  see  Machula),  151,  190 

Huacas  of  Peru   (see  Achachila),  100 

Huachua  (see  Huallata),  56 

Huaicho,  village,   13,   15,  28,   121 

Huaicho,  Indian  magic  derived  from,  294 

Huallata,  Puna-goose,  48,  56 

Huamachuco,  oracle  at,  256 

Hufinaco  (see  Tiahuanaco) ,  312 

Huancane,  town,  41 

Huancane,  village,  4 

Huaqui,  port,  4 

Huarina,  bay,   14,   17,   34 

Huarina,  village,  16,  36 

Huascar,     Inca     war-chief,     213,     228,     295; 

killed  bv  order  of  Atahuallpa  at  Antamarca, 

Peru,  331 
Huata,  peninsula,   13 
Huatajata,  hamlet  of,   15 
Huayna  Capac,  Inca  war-chief,  159,  228,  250, 

251,  289,  295,  314 
Huavna  Potosi  (see  Karka-Jaque,  also  Ka-Ka- 

a-Ea),  7,  27 
Human    sacrifices,    among    Incas,    185,    228, 

244 ;    described  by  Ramos,   205 ;   since  the 

conquest,  244 
Hurin-Cuzco,  82 
Huvustus,  mythical  chief  at  Tiahuanaco,  326, 

339 

lea,  Peru,  31-5 

Ichhu,  Puna-grass,  78,   143 

Idolatrous  practices  continued  on  the  Islands, 

66 
Ilacata,   51,   79,   82;   functions,   82;   religious 

duties  of,  95 
Have,    village,    3,    6,    15,    25,    26;    monoliths 

near,  25 


INDEX 


353 


Illampu  (see  Eanl-o-Uma),  3,  8,  32,  42,  43, 
276;  altitude  (see  Comday),  32;  wor- 
shiped as  Achachila,    276 

Illescas,  Diego  de,  63,  132 

Illimani,  3,  8,  9,  14,  33,  55,  82,  168,  275, 
276;  attempts  at  ascension  of,  33;  ruins 
near  snow-line,  184;  slopes,  burials  in,  187 

Illpa,  lagune,  32 

Imitation  of  plumes  in  metal,  found  on 
Koati,  288 

Inca  andenes,  168,  190;  on  Titicaca,  188 

Inca  artefacts,   166 

Inca  buildings  on  Titicaca,  their  general  char- 
acter,  189 

Inca  ceremonial  on  Titicaca,  278 

Inca  chronology  not  reliable  until  after  Tupac- 
Yupanqui,  288 

Inca  names  at  Copacavana,  282 

Inca  remains  between  Copacavana  and  Cacha 
in  Peru,  283 

Inca  ruins,  165 ;  distribution  of,  on  Titicaca, 
187 

Inca  settlement  on  Titicaca,  approximate  date 
of,  246 

Inca  trails  on  Titicaca,  189 

Inca  tribe  of  Cuzco,  187 

Incan-taqui,    Inca   road,    216 

Incas,  14,  24,  27,  65,  81,  143,  151;  origin 
of,  according  to  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  308 

Inca-sicuri,  Indian  dancers,  113,  123;  dra- 
matic performance  of,  115 

Incense  in  ceremonials,  94 

Indian  authorities  on  Titicaca  Island,  51 

Indian  creation  mvth  influenced  by  Christian 
ideas,   334 

Indian  dances,  originally  symbolic,  157;  ety- 
mology of  names,  159 

Indian  governors  (see  Ilaeata),  83 

Indian  hospital  at  Cuzco,  founded  in  1557, 
311,  314 

Indian  hunting,  20 

Indian  insurrection  of  1780  —  81,  24 

Indian  intemperance  a  primitive  feature,   108 

Indian  medicine-men  partly  sincere  in  their 
beliefs,  126 

Indian  servants  and  journeymen,  78 

Indian  traditions,  30 

Indian  uprising  of  1780-81,  33,  66,  83,  91, 
149 

Indian  voting  in  Bolivia,  Peru,  and  Mexico, 
79 

Indian  women  on  Titicaca,  67 

Indians,  6,  19;  Catholics,  91;  inclination  to 
return  to  primitive  creed,  91;  interest  in 
outside  matters,  89 ;  moneyed  wealth  hid- 
den, 90 ;  not  affected  bv  beautv  of  scenerv, 
8,  20,  34,  196;  renters,  78";  struck  by 
lightning  made  medicine-men,  120 

Indians  of  Titicaca,  61,  87;  physical  appear- 
ance, 67 

Indians  on  Puna,  seemingly  indigent,   89,  90 

Inga-Re  (Incas),  tradition  about  the,  294, 
295 

Ingas  (see  Zdrate),  303 

Initiation  into  esoteric  societies,  124 

Insects  on  Titicaca  Island,  49 

Inti-Kala,  rock  seats  in  Copacavana,  282 

Intipuncu,  234 

Invocations  at  Tinea,  97 

Inak-Uyu,  ruin  on  Koati,  259,  260,  262,  268, 
269,  272,  273,  277,  285,  289;  analogy  with 
Pilco-Kayma,  275,  280;  andenes  at,  262; 
animal  figures  of  stone  found  at,  270;  com- 
parison with  Inca  ruins  on  Titicaca,  274, 
275;  curious  court  at,  264;  erroneously 
called  "Temple  of  the  Moon,"  260,  26l"; 
gold    and    silver    figures    found    at,     270; 


human  head  of  stone  found  at,  270;  Inca 
artefacts  found  at,  270;  large  doorways 
and  niches  at,  263;  lozenge-shaped  niche  at, 
264 ;  passageways  at,  265 ;  possibly  two 
stories,  264;   stone  pipes  found  at,  270,  271 

Inak-Uyu,  summit  on  Titicaca,  16,  44,  46, 
176 

Inak-Uyu  and  Pilco-Kayma,  probably  shrines 
of  Achachilas  of  Sorata  peaks,  280 

Irma  (see  Pachacamac),  277 

Irpa,  dancing  master,  118,  158 

Itan-pata,  215 

Jaguar  (see  Uturuncu),  156 

Jaguar-skins  worn  by  dancers,  103,  110,  113 

Jars,  ancient,  71 

Jauja,  oracle  at,  256 

Javali,  indigenous  wild  boar,  140 

Jesuits,   Order  of,   26;  school  of  writers,  319 

Jillimani   (see  Illimani),  33 

Juli,  Convent  of  San  Pedro  Martir  de,  26 

Juli,    village,    6,    15,    26,    327;    blocks    from 

Koati  used  for  church  at,  262 
Juliaca,  Peru,  69 

Ka-Ka-a-Ka  (see  Euayna  Potosi),  27,  276 

Kakayo-Kena,  ridge  of,  42,  43,  44,  52,  183, 
188,  189,  217,  226,  234,  235 

Kalaki,  stone  towers  at,  243 

Kalich-Pata,  ruin,  262,  264,  269,  272;  Chullpa 
burials  at,   269,   270,  271 

Kara   (see  Comida  de  Oso),  46,   168,  214 

Karka-Jaque  (see  Huayna  Potosi,  also  Ka-Ka- 
a-Ea),  7,  276 

Kasapata,  animal  bones  and  metallic  artefacts, 
207.  209,  210;  animal  heads  on  jars,  207; 
artificial  tank  at,  211;  azurite  beads  found 
at,  209;  batanes  at,  209;  burials  at,  209, 
223;  excavations  at,  206;  Inca  pottery  at, 
207;  Inca  settlement  at,  213,  214;  isthmus 
and  ruins  of,  44,  96,  140,  166,  183,  203; 
large  stones  brought  from,  233,  234;  so- 
called  Temple  of  the  Sun  at,  203,  208,  213, 
245 ;  so-called  Temple  of  the  Sun  a  tambo, 
213,  216,  246,  255,  274,  281;  stepping- 
stones  at,  204 

Kea,  bay  of,  43,  46 

Kea,  promontory  and  settlement,  44,  51,  88, 
169,   172,  176 

Kea-Kollu,  height,  42,  43,  45,  69,  89,  168, 
171,  177,  199,  200;  burial  sites  at,  170; 
Inca  ruins  at,  170,  177,  274;  ruins  at,  169 

Kea-Kollu  Chico,  200;  accumulation  of  hu- 
man remains  on  slope  of,  173 ;  artefacts 
found  at,  173,  184,  270;  definition  of 
name,    241;    remains    said    to    be    Chullpa, 

174,  176,  186;  ruins  of,  56,  168,  171,  172, 

175,  202 

Kenaicho  (see  Eena-kena),  113,  116,  117,  123 

Kena-kena,   group  of   dancers,    103 

Kena-kena,  pan-flute  of  Aymara  Indians,  112 

Kenata,  island,  44,  53,  54 

Kenua   (Polylepsis),  18,  46,  49,   190,  203 

Kenuani,   198 

Kere,  hearth,  70,  141 

Kero,  cups,  ISO,  185 

Keuti-puncu,    216,    217,    234 

Kitchen,  69 

Kitchen  implements,  70 

Kitchen  vegetables,   18 

Koa,  island,   13,  28,  53,  54 

Koati,  island,  10,  13,  14,  15,  16,  18,  20,  28, 
41,  42,  44,  49,  50,  51,  57,  62,  64,  66,  135, 
137,  188,  259,  276,  278,  322;  ancient  wall 
on  crest,  260,  273;  andenes  on,  260;  ani- 
mal figures  from,  48,  56,  270;  approximate 
ancient  population  of,  281;  became  known 


354 


INDEX 


through  the  Incas,  240;  called  "Island  of 
the  Moon,"  237;  ChuUpa  burials  on,  259, 
275;  Chullpa  remains  on,  259;  desultory 
excavations  on,  266 ;  Inca  buildings  poste- 
rior and  accessory  to  those  on  Titicaca, 
275;  names  of  local  fetishes  (Achachilas) 
on,  285;  pilgrimage  to,  under  the  Incas, 
280;  possible  etymology  of  name,  286;  pro- 
nunciation of  word,  286;  secluded  women 
on,  277;  statue  said  to  have  existed  at, 
239,  261,  266;  visited  in  1618,  268 

Kochi,  island  (see  Euji-huata),  44,  53,  54, 
217,  226 

Kona,  andenes  at,  183,  184,  234;  Inca  ruins 
at  southern,  188,  200,  234;  large  niches  at, 
235 

Kona,  northern  bay  of,  43,  44,  45,  189,  217, 
225,  226,  234 

Kona,  southern  bay  of,  43,  45,  47,  48,  234 

Koropuna,  mountain,  24,  32;  oracle  at,  256 

Kuji-huata  (see  Kochi),  53,  217 

Kunu-Kollu,  Aymara  name  for  snowy  moun- 
tains, 9 

Kunurona   (see  Santa  Rosa),  23,  214 

Kupanita,  ruin,  55 

Kurupata,  ruins  at,  201,  202,  222,  225,  259, 
273 

Kurupata,  summit,  43,  167,  200 

La   Paz,    city   of,    3,    28,    52,    55,    73,    79,    87, 

110,    116,   132 
La  Raya,  source  of  the  Amazon,  23,  28  _ 
Lands,   cultivated  for  Indians,  81;   cultivated 

for  landowners,  81 
Larecaja  (see  Sorata),  135 
Larpata,  disease  of  children,   125 
Lauassani,  island,  13,  44,  53,  54 
LavanderSni,  range,  7 
Lay-ka,    Indian   medicine-man,    sorcerer,    etc., 

120,   124,    159;    witchcraft   ceremonials   of, 

120 
Leke-leke,  also  Lliclli,  48 
Libations  of  alcohol  and  wine,  99 
Lightning  strokes,    16 
Like-Like,  rocky  point  of,   163 
Lima,  city  of,   134 
Limbo,   93 

Limonite  at  Kakayo-Kena,  45 
Llalli-Sivi-Pata    (see  Santa  Barbara),  43 
Llama,  21,   129 

Llama  fetus  in  witchcraft,  95,   96 
Llama  tallow  in  witchcraft,  95,  96,    97 
Llaq'aylli.   projection  of  land,   44,    183,   203, 

204,  211,  212 
Llik'lla   (cloth),  95,  142 
Lliui,  or  Ayllu   (see  Bola),  35,  179,   184 
Lloque  Yupanqui,  Inca  war-chief,  138 
Lluchu,  woolen  cap,   73 
Llujo,    hacienda   of,   8,    33,   41,    55,   89,    118, 

168 
Locca,  Inca  ruins  at,  27,  281 
Lopez  de  Velasco,  Juan,  66 
Lupaca,  branch  of  the  Aymar4  Indians,  65 

Machula  (see  Pacearina  and  Achachila),  145, 

150,  190 
Maize,  16,  18,  21 
Maker  of  all  created  things,  called  by  Indians 

Ticiviraco'cha  or  Tupaca,  Arnauan  or  Ara- 

nauan    (see   Cieza),    301 
Mallqui   Amaya,    ruins,   5,   24 
Mamaconas   (see  Secluded  women),  254,  255 
Mamani    Manuel,     Unya-siri    of    Challa,     and 

medicine-man,  97,  98,   105,  106,   121,   122, 

125,  205 
Mama-Ojlia.  ruins,  190,  216,  221,  231,  274 
Mama-Ojllia,  mother  of  the  sun,   294 


Manco  Capac,  294,  295,  306,  309,  311,  312, 

316,  317,  318,  321,  322,  324,  326,  329 
Manco  Capac  and  Mama  OcUo,  legend  of,  310 
Man-eating  stones  believed  in,   181 
Mango  Ynga  Zapalla  (see  Gutierrez  de  Santa 

Clara),  302 
Map  of  Titicaca  basin,  1573,  65 
Maracci,   P..  Hippolyto,   329,   339 
Marcuni,   52,    176;   ruins  at,   182 
Maria   Ka   and   Mama   Chocuayllo,   legendary 

women  on  Titicaca  Island,  295 
Mariscal,   Fray  Juan,   Francisco,    106 
Markham,  Sir  Clement  B.,  311 
Marriage  customs,  84 
Ma-Saya,   82,   119,   144 
Mass  on  Island,  93 

Mate,  gourd  or  squash,  used  in  trephining,  174 
Matthews,  Dr.  Washington,  108 
Maul  of  stone  for  clod-breaking,  77 
Maynuani,  bay,  44 
Mavordomo,  overseer,  79,  93 
Mckie,  Charles  Paul,   131 
Medicinal  plants  on  Island  of  Titicaca,  125 
Medicine-men    (see   Shamans),    94,    97;    their 

organization  and  degrees  of  rank,  122,  126 
Meetings,  general,  of  Indians,  83,  89 
Mendez,  Abel,  57,  89 
Metate  (see  Batdn),  71 
Meteorological  phenomena  also  considered 

Achachilas,  100 
Mimula,  ancient  dance,  115,  122,  123,  158 
Minchin,  John,  28 
Misti,  volcano,  24,  161 

Mit'ani    (see  Personal  service),    78,    79,    143 
Mitimaes  at  Kasapata,  212 
Mitla  (Mexico),  193 

Modes  of  subsistence  in  pre-Spanish  times,  20 
Mohoza,  village,   and  massacre  at,    149 
Molina,  Diego  de   (see  Oviedo),  252 
Molina,   P.  Cristoval  de,   report  on  rites   and 

fables    of    the    Incas    by,    311,    314;    main 

source    for    his    writings,    314;    traditions 

about  Titicaca  Island,   315;   companion   of 

Almagro,   1539,  334 
Montezuma  story  from  New  Mexico,   296 
Montoya,  Juan  Jose,   Indian  of  Cochiti,  New 

Mexico,  331 
Moon  as  a  fetish  (see  Sun),  94 
Moquegua,  village,  6 

Morenos,  comic  dancers.  Mestizos,  116,  158 
Mortars,  71;  stone,  186 
Mountain  view  from  Yumani,  55 
Muchu,  Mariano,  preste  of  Challa,   119,   121 
Mullu,  fetish  of  white  alabaster,  97,  98.  100, 

103,  105;  found  at  Ticani,  105 
Mulu-mulu  (see  Titi),  47 
Munecas,  province  of,  104,  155 
Muro-Kato,    crest,    44,    176,    190,    214,    215, 

216,    217,    221,    225,    226,    227,    229,    230, 

234,  246;   silver  mask  found  at,  225 
Musical  instruments  at  eclipses,  149 
Mygale  (spider),  155 
Myth  of  coca-planting  on  Island,   91 
Mythical  animal  in  Lake  Titicaca,  32.  48,  56, 

57,  102 

Nation,  W.,  32,  56 

Navigation  on  Lake  Titicaca,  restrictions  upon, 

19 
Needles  of  copper  and  bronze  (see  Tauri),  77 
Nicaragua,  141 

Niches  and  ornaments  in  houses,  69 
Niches  in  Inca  buildings  on  Titicaca,  235 
Night-herons,  47 
Nizza,  Fray  Marcos  de,  133,  134 

Obligations  of  Indians  towards  landowners,  78 


INDEX 


355 


Obsidian,  180 

Oca,  18 

Ocampo,  Don  Antonio  de,  174,  175 

Officers  of  New  Mexican  pueblos,  84,  86 

Official  investigations  into  Indian  antiquities, 
1571,  311 

Official  search  for  treasure,  1617,  267 

Ojota   (see  Sandals),  138 

Oliva,  P.  Anello,  232,  328;  analogy  of  his 
writings  with  those  of  Miguel  Cabello  Bal- 
boa, 326;  myths  concerning  Manco  Capac 
and  Titicaca  Island,  325;  review  of  his 
book,  323,  324,  325,  326;  tradition  of 
original  peopling  of  South  America  begin- 
ning in  Venezuela,  325 ;  traditions  about 
Tiahuanaco,  326 

Omasuyos,  province  of,  137 

Ondegardo,  Polo  de,  311,  314,  328;  investi- 
gations by,  328 

Opata  Indians  of  Sonera,  103 

Origin  of  present  Indians  on  Titicaca  proba- 
bly modern,  67 

Ornate,  eruption  of,  161 

Ostrich,  American  (Rhea  americana),  plumes 
of,  158 

Our  Ladv  of  Copacavana,  patron  saint  of 
Island,  92 

Oviedo  v  Vald6s,  Gonzalo  Fernandez  de,  236, 
237,  296 

Owl,  bird  of  evil  omen,  101 

Pacarec  Tampu,   definition  of  name  by   Gar- 

cilasso,  309 
Pacaritambo,   near  Cuzco,   supposed  place   of 

origin   of   Incas.    297,   312,    316,   317,    321, 

322,   326;   tradition  about    (see  Betamos), 

306 
Paccarina    (see    Achachila),    141,    145,    150, 

154,   190 
Pacha  ayre,  93 
Pachacama    (see   Gutierrez   de  Santa  Clara), 

302,  303,  333 
Pachacamac    (Quichua),    149;    house    of    se- 
cluded women  at,  252,  277;  oracle  at,  256 
Pachaciiti  Yupangui,  Inca  war-chief  (see 

Painted  boards),  313 
Pachayachachic  (see  Ticiviracocha) ,  321 
Painted  boards   (see  Poquen-Cancha) ,  313 
Painted  cloth  sent  from  Peru  to  Garcilasso  de 

la  Vega,   1603,  336 
Paintings,  aboriginal,  at  Cuzco,  157 
Palla-Kasa,  summit  of,  42,  43,  167,   198 
Pampa  de  Have,  name  given  to  widest  part  of 

Lake  Titicaca,  15 
Pampiti,  island,  13,  228,  229,  250,  251 
Pando,  Jose  Manuel,  33 
Pardo,  Octavio,  28 
Parrots  (Bolhorhynchus),  48 
Pasturages,  81,  144;  on  Titicaca  Island,  144 
Patapatani,  island,  14 
Patas  (see  Andenes),  5,  165,  169 
Patron  saints  and  images,  92 
Paucartampu    (see   Pacaritambo),    310 
Payaya,  island,   13,  53,  54 
Pediculus   vestimenti  and   capitis,   abundance 

of,  49,  52 
Pelechuco,  village,  7,  242 
Personal  names  in  Aymara,   85 
Personal  service  to  landowners,   78 
Peru,  republic  of,  3,  7 
Philip  II,  King  of  Spain,  314,  316 
Pickering,  Prof.  Edward  Ch.,  24 
Picture-writing,   88     148 
Pihuihuarmi   (see  Betamos),  286 
Pilcocayma,  or  Pilco-Kayma,  ruin  on  Titicaca 

Island,    14,    42,    191,    192,    195,    196,    197, 
198,   205,   216,   222,   230,   232,   234,   259, 


262,  264,  265,  273,  275,  277;  boulders  in- 
cluded in  walls,  195;  ceiling  of,  194;  elab- 
orate niches  at,  192;  large  niches  at,  194; 
niches  at,  235 ;  not  a  shrine  of  the  Sun, 
276;  possible  number  of  inhabitants,  197; 
roof,  194 ;  situation  and  view,  196 

Pillcopuncu,  234 

Pinahua,  309 

Pizarro,  Francisco,  61,  63,  64,  132,  135,  261, 
266 

Pizarro,  Gonzalo,  63,  64,  135,  244;  visit  to 
ppninsula  of  Copacavana,  1539,  286 

Pizarro,  Hernando,  63,  64,  135,  244;  charged 
with  causing  death  of  Spaniards  in  Lake 
Titicaca,  267 

Pizarro,  Pedro,  on  traditions  about  Titicaca, 
296,  302,  317 

Plastic  work  on  Titicaca,  185 

Plough,  52,  77 

Plumage  as  dance  ornament,  157 

Political  and  judiciary  authorities  for  Island, 
81 

Pomata,  village,  6,  15,  27,  135 

Poncho,  85,  166 

Ponchos,  ancient,  from  Titicaca  Island,  221, 
225,  232 

Pongo    (see  Personal  service),  78,   79,   143 

Population  (numbers  of)  of  Chucuito  and 
adjoining  districts  to   Bolivian  frontier,   27 

Population  of  Copacavana  and  Titicaca  islands, 
27 

Population  of  Koati,  50 

Population  of  Titicaca  Island,  51 

Poquen-Cancha,  painted  boards  at,  311,  312, 
313 

Potato,  18 

Pottery,  modern,  70 

Prayers  in  Avmar4,  preceding  house-building, 
95 

Preste,  church  functionary,  119,  121,  159 

Primitive  commerce,  21 

Prioste  (see  Preste),  159 

Pucar&,  hamlet,  51,  52,  144,  189 

PucarA,  marshy  bottom,  48,  172 

Pucar&,  river  of,  28 

Pucar&,  ruins,  47,  167,  199,  200,  201,  205,  222, 
232,  235;  artefacts  in  copper  and  bronze, 
202  ;  not  mentioned  by  older  authors,  202  ; 
port  on  Island  of  Titicaca  for  Koati,  280, 
281 

Pucar4  bay,  43 

Pucarani,  village,  151;  stone  idol  of,  276 

Pueblo  women  of  New  Mexico,  67 

Puerto  Rico,  antiquities  from,  140 

Pulex  irritans,  49 

Pumapuncu,  234 

Puna,  tableland,  4,  5,  20,  67,  70,  72,  87, 
108,  242 

Puncu,  13 

Puncu   (landing),  42,  52,   167.   191 

Puno,  citv,  4,  5,  9,  15,  23,  52,  79,  87,  104, 
188,  327 

Puno,  department,  4,  9,  28 

Puquin-Cancha    (see  Poquen-Cancha),  313 

Pusipiani,  Indian  dances,   117,   122,   123 

Pu-tu-tu,  cow-horn,  93,   149 

Quarrels  and  fights  between  Indians,  88 
Quichua,  language,  103,   104 
Quichua  Indians.   21.   22,  24,   64,   67,  99 
Quichu-uaya,  hacienda,  34 
Quintal,   153 
Quinua,   18 

Quippu,  knotted  string,  89,  148,  297,  324 
Quippus,   explanation  of  their  value  by  Gar- 
cilasso, 324 
Quipucamayoc,  323,  324 


356 


INDEX 


Quivini,  ancient  Inca  trail  to  Kakayo-Kena, 
183,   188,   189,  234 

Raimondi,  Antonio,  statements  about  Peru- 
vian indigenous  tobacco,  271 

Rainbow,  an  Achachila,  100 

Rainfalls  on  Titicaca  Island,  18 

Rain-making,  100,  155,  158;  at  Tiahuanaco, 
100 

Ramis,  river,  9,  23 

Ramos,  Betanzos,  and  Cieza,  agreement  be- 
tween their  statements,  328 

Ramos  Gavilan,  Pray  Alonso,  63,  205,  212, 
217,  219,  221,  224,  232,  234,  239,  261, 
266,  268,  270,  271,  279,  286,  327,  328, 
329;  popular  belief  in  origin  of  Manco 
Capac  from  Titicaca  Island  mentioned  by, 
327 

Rattles,  of  beans,  157;  metallic,  157 

Religious  beliefs  and  ceremonials  among  In- 
dians, 91 

Religious  ceremonial  at  Cuzco,  150 

Repartimientos  at  Copacavana,  133 

Reports  on  Indian  customs  from  seventeenth 
century,  320 

Reptiles  on  islands  of  Titicaca  and  Koati,  48 

Ringrim,  large  ears   (see  Zdrate),  304,  305 

Rings,  ancient,   142 

Roca  Inca,  war-chief,  295 

Rock  of  the  Cat  (see  Titi-Kala),  44 

Roman,    Fray    Hieronymo,    317 

Romulus  and  Remus,  tale  of,  296 

Ropes,  ancient,  143 

Rotation  of  lands  among  Indians,  24,  80,  144, 
197 

Sacred  Rock  (see  Titi-Kala),  44,  189,  200, 
214,  216,  217,  225,  226,  229,  231,  232, 
250,  272,  274,  283,  294,  327;  gateways  to, 
234,  247;  original  Aymara  shrine,  adopted 
by  Incas,  238,  239;  principal  fetish  on 
Island,  238;  seat  of  an  oracle,  239;  sac- 
rificial stone-heaps  of  Pueblos  and  Navajos, 
99 

St.  Elmo's  fires,  6 

Sajama,  volcano,  32,  102 

Salas,  Fray  Baltasar,  132,  133,  135,  268, 
286,   327 

Salcamayhua,  Juan  de,  Santa  Cruz,  Pacha- 
cuti  Yamqui,  origin  claimed  by,  317,  318, 
320,  327,  328;  sources  of  information,  318; 
foundation  of  Cuzco,  318;  traditions  about 
Tonapa,  also  Viracocha,  etc.,  318;  analogy 
of  statements  with  those  of  Betanzos  and 
Cieza,  319 

Sambucus  Peruvianus,  18 

Sampaya,  village,  13,  14,  41,  50,  121,  260, 
269,  281;  Indian  magic  derived  from,  294 

San  Martin,  Fray  Tomas  de,  Dominican,  26, 
134 

San  Nicolas,  Fray  Andres  de,  232,  268,  286, 
329 

Sandals   (see  Costume),  68,  138 

Sans,  Father  Rafael,  Franciscan,  212,  261, 
271,  273,  327;  statement  about  Inca  wor- 
ship, 278 

Santa  Barbara  (see  Llalli-Sivi-Pata),  43,  172, 
176,  200 

Santa  Maria,  andenes  of,  183,  203;  wooden 
goblets  found  at,   185 

Santa  Rosa,  range  of,  4,  23 

Santiago    (St.    James),    100,    149 

Santiago  Huata,  peninsula  of,  9,  10,  16,  42, 
186,   188,  242 

Santo  ayre,  93,  141 

Sapahaqui,  hacienda,  79 

Sapo,  mountain,  32 


Sarmiento  Gamboa,  Pedro  de,  313,  314,  315; 

criticism  of  his  writings,  315;  tradition  on 

Titicaca  Island,  315 
Sayri,  Quichua  for  tobacco,  271 
Scorpion  on  Titicaca  Island,  49 
Seal  (see  Mythical  animal),  48 
Secluded   women    (falsely   called   "Virgins   of 

the  Sun"),  252,  255;  on  Titicaca,  231 
Sewing  machine  at  Sampaya  and  Copacavana, 

77 
Shamans    (see    Medicine-men),    94,    97,    120, 

160;  great  influence  over  Indians,   122 
Shiuana  of  Pueblo  Indians,  100 
Sicuri,   Indian  dancers,   116,   123 
Sicuyu,  promontorv  of,  42,  44,  45,   166,   183, 

221,  227,  228;  ruins  and  graves  at,  228 
Sign-language,  no  trace,  89 
Sillustani,  ruins,  5,  24,  32,  104,   186,   195 
Silverware  exhibited  on  festival.  111 
Skin  diseases  on  Island,  68 
Skulls,    artificial    flattening   of,    67,    138;    fe- 
male, not  deformed,  170;  of  children  from 

Kasapata,  166 
Skunk  in  Aj'mara  lore,   102 
Slings,  88 

Smallpox  on  Island,  68 

Snake  symbol  on  roofs  on  Indian  houses,  107 
Snowfalls,  16 
Sorata,  group  of  mountains,  3,  7,  8,  13,  261, 

275,  276 
Sorata,  town,  87 

Sorcerers  (see  Shamans,  etc.)  120 
Sorcery  and  witchcraft,  85 
Spanish  colonists,   difficulties  of  position   and 

lack  of  resources,  76 
Spiders,  used  in  divining,  102 
Squier,    E.    G.,    5,    116,    189,    191,    192,    194, 

202,  203,  204,  205,  208,  229,  260,  263,  265 
Statues  reported  to  have  existed  on  Titicaca 

(see  Ramos),  239 
Sticks  with  notches,  for  keeping  accounts,  89 
Stone  chests  containing  pouches,  221 
Stone  statues  near  Have,  6 
Stone  toads,  to  intercede  for  rain,  103 ;   rain 

fetishes,   270 
Stones,  said  to  be  sacrificial,  205,  210,  211 
Stool  of  Stone  (see  Kasapata),  140 
Storehouses,  69,  70 
Storms  on  Lake  Titicaca,  12,  15,  16 
Strawberries,  18 
Suchez,  range,  7 
Suchez,  river,  9 

Sucking,  Indian  medicinal  practice,  120 
Sun,    no   supreme   deity  of  the   Aymara,    94 ; 

merely  one  of  the  fetishes,  150 
Sun    and   Moon,    not  worshipped  as   such  by 

the  Incas,  277;  fetishes,  regarded  by  Incas 

as  husband  and  wife,  279 
Sunchuli,  range,  7 
Sun-Father  and  Moon-Mother,  Inca  belief  in, 

277,  278 
Suntur  Paucar,  312 

Sun-worship  not  enforced  by  the  Incas,  277 
Supay   (see  Evil  spirits),  93,  150 

Taapac,  11,  29,  31,  327 

Tacanas  (see  Andenes),  5 

Tambo  (ruined)  at  Kasapata,  213 

Tambo  Colorado,  near  Pisco,  Peru,  222 

Tambotoco  (see  Sarmiento),  313,  316 

T'ana,  221 

Tanca-tanca,  ruins,  27 

Tanimpata,  hacienda,  33 

TantalidsB  (aquatic  birds),  12 

Taquia,   or  llama  dung,   used  as  combustible, 

20,  34,  70,  72,  111 
Taquili,  island,  5 


INDEX 


357 


Taraco,  gulf  of,  10,  12 

Taraco,  village,  4 

Taruca,  indigenous  deer,  20 

Terhuel,  P.  Luis,  319,  337 

Theodolite,  influenced  by  ferrugineous  rocks, 
41,  55 

Thermometric  observations  on  islands  of  Titi- 
eaca  and  Koati,  17,  18 

Thunder  and  lightning,  Inca  fetishes,  151 

Tiahuanaco,  ruins  and  village,  10,  11,  12,  25, 
89,  92,  93,  100,  114,  116,  118,  119,  120, 
141,  149,  173,  298,  318,  321,  328;  Indian 
oosmogonic  lore  at,  10;  church  books,  36; 
house-building  at,  96 ;  wooden  goblets  at, 
185 ;  early  traditions  about,  299 ;  abode  of 
the  Creator,  according  to  Molina,  312 

Tican-avchi,  221,  250,  279 

Ticani,  promontory,  44,  46,  217,   224,  227 

Tichicasa,  also  Thichicasa  (see  Titicaca),  62, 
220 

Ticiviracocha,  11,  321 

Tile-roofs,  78 

Tinea,  at  Cachilaya,  near  Chililaya,  97;  on 
Koati,  97,  285 

Tinea  ceremonial,  96;  at  Kasapata  before  ex- 
cavations, 97,  98 

Tiola,  bird  of  evil,  102 

Tiquina,   San  Pablo  de,  village,   14,  33 

Tiquina,  San  Pedro  de,  village,  14,  32,  295 

Tiquina,  Straits  of,  9,   10,  14,  15,  34,  188 

Titi,  wild  cat  (see  Mulu-mulu),  47,  56,  102, 
214;  piece  of  skin  of,  used  in  witchcraft,  97 

Titicaca,  etymology  of  name,  218;  supposed 
name  of  idol,  261 

Titicaca,  Island,  4,  7,  8,  10,  13,  15,  16,  17, 
18,  20,  28,  41,  42,  45,  49,  51,  54,  62, 
64,  65.  66,  67,  68,  73,  79,  91,  117,  118, 
119,  121,  137,  186,  259,  276,  321,  328; 
abandoned  after  1534  and  reoccupied  later 
by  Aymar4s  only,  239;  ancient  pilgrimage 
to  Sacred  Rock,  238;  called  "Island  of  the 
Sun,"  237;  first  visit  to,  by  Spaniards,  61; 
inferior  workmanship  on  Inca  structures, 
236;  older  reports  exaggerated,  238;  orig- 
inally inhabited  by  Aymar4  Indians,  187; 
seat  of  an  ancient  shrine,  237 

Titicaca,  Lake,  3,  4,  7,  9,  11,  12,  28,  186, 
267;  altitude  above  ocean,  23;  depths,  9, 
10,  13,  28,  54;  legend  about  drying  up  of, 
295;  sinking  of  level  (see  Torar),  31; 
swimming  in,  243  ;  water  of,  9,  10 

Titicaca  basin,  31 

Titicacao  (see  Titicaca),  64 

Titi-Kala  (Sacred  Rock,  Rock  of  the  Cat), 
44,  62,  189,  214;  gold  and  silver  ob- 
jects found  at,  220;  object  of  special  cult, 
237.  276,  277,  284;  ruins  at,  219,  220, 
221,   232 

Titin-Uayani,  172 

Tito  Yupanqui,  Francisco,  33 

Toads,  intercessors  for  rain,  103 

Tocay,'309 

Toledo,  Don  Francisco  de.  Viceroy,  22,  65, 
157,   175,  311,  313,  314,  316 

Tonapa,  11,  31,  318,  327;  changed  people  of 
Tiahuanaco  into  stones,  318;  story  of, 
probably  an  Aymara  myth,  328;  wander- 
ings of,  according  to  Salcamayhua,  318,  319 

Tools,  modern,  used  by  Indians,  77,  143 

Topa  Ynga  Yupangue,  said  to  have  conquered 
Cuzco  (see  Gutierrez  de  Santa  Clara),  303 

Topasaire,  tobacco,  271 

Topo,  or  Tumi,  pins,  142,  181,  207,  226,  227 

Topo  of  gold  from  Muro-Kato,  226 

Torno  Kupana,  ruin,  55 

Totora,  12,  15,  34,  47,  179 

Tovar,  Agustin,  5 


Tracks  of  the  Sun  and  Moon  on  Titicaca,  217, 
294 

Trading  trips  to  lower  regions   (Yungas),  87 

Tradition,  about  ancient  wall  protecting  Copa- 
cavana,  282 ;  about  origin  of  the  Incas 
from  Tiquina,  295;  of  creation  of  sun  and 
moon  on  Titicaca  Island,  294,  295,  301, 
312;  of  white  men  on  Titicaca,  reported 
by  Cieza,  300 

Traditions  about  Titicaca  Island,  284;  local 
AymarS  lore,   329 

Treasure,  search  for,  in  Lake  Titicaca,  64 

Trephined  skulls,  172,  173,  174;  in  collec- 
tion at  Cuzco,  241 

Trephining  among  Indians  of  Bolivia  and 
Peru,   174 

Tribe,  83 

Tropical  fruit,    87 

Tuapaca,   11,  29 

Tunapa  (see  Tonapa,  also  Tadpac),  327,  328 

Tunta   (see  Chunu),  36 

Tupac  Amaru  (see  Indian  uprising),  83 

Tupac  Yupanqui,  Inca  war-chief,  visit  to 
Titicaca  Island,  138,  212,  246,  255;  visit 
to  Koati,  261 

Turi-Turini,  cliff,  44,  217 

Turks  Island,   antiquities  from,   141 

Turquoises,  181 

Uacuyu,  hamlet,  51,  56;  ruins  at  base  of,  201 

Uajran-Kala,  peninsula,  44,   176,   182 

Uhle,  Max,  36 

Uilacota,  lake  of  blood,  251 

Uila-Ke,  height  of,  on  Koati,  42,  285 

Uila-Peki,  promontory,  41,  259,  260,  272 

Uilcaconga,  mountain,  6 

Uinamarca,  basin  of,  9 

Uinamarca,  lagune  of,  12,  14,  282 

Uincha,   also  Vincha,  head-band,   142 

Uira-ko-ua,  plant  used  in  witchcraft,  95,  96, 

97 
Uito-Pampa  (see  Koati),  49,  50,  51 
Umayo,  lake,  5,  24,  31 
Untu  (see  Llama  tallow),  97,  105 
Unya-siri,  69,  78,  94 
Urcu  (see  Owl),  101,  121 
Uros,  Indians,  36,  67;  clans  of,  36 
Uturuncu     (see    Jaguar),     156;     Callahuaya 

medicine,    104 
Uyu-iri   (name  for  Illimani),  8,  33 

Vaca  de  Castro,  Crist6val,  official  investiga- 
tion of  ancient  lore  of  Cuzco  Indians  (In- 
cas), 297,  317 

Valera,  Father  Bias,  136,  323;  biographical 
data  concerning,  310;  his  writings  used  by 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  310 

Valverde,  Pray  Fernando  de  (Augustine),  329 

Valverde,  Pray  Vicente  de,  135 

Vampires,  sorcerers,  156 

Vega,  Garcilasso  de  la,  303,  319,  322,  323, 
324;  biographical  notice  of,  306;  interested 
tendencies  displayed  in  his  book,  307; 
sources  of  information,  307;  traditions 
from  Collasuyu  and  Cuntisuyu,  309 

Vegetation  on  islands  and  lake-shore,  18 

Venereal  diseases,  138 

Verbena,  46 

Versions  of  Titicaca  traditions,  two  distinct, 
from  middle  of  sixteenth  century,  305 

Viacha,  village,  71 

Vicuna,  20,  35 

Vicuna  dance,  or  Chokela  (see  Chacu-ayllu), 
103 

Vilcanota,  oracle  at,  256 

Vilcanota,  range  of,  4,  9,  23,  214 


358 


INDEX 


Viracocha,  '  Inca    war-chief,    295,    300.    304 
333;  creations  of,  313,  315  ' 

viracochas,  294,  295    331 
Vizcarra,  Pr.  P.  J.  M.,   132,   133,  267 
Vizcarra,  P.  Jose,  64  .  ,         i 

Vizcarra,  P.  Nicanor,  295 
Volcanoes,  important  Indian  fetishes,  161 
Votive  offerings  of  gold  and  silver  figures,  250 

Watch-towers,  ancient,  236 
Water-snake  (see  Taurinka),  48 
Waterspouts  on  Titicaca,  6,  25 
Weaving  implements  of  Chullpas,   186 

w'e',^erThaS'26V°  '"'''""'^  ''''^''  '' 
Witchcraft  on  Island,  93 

p™se°  ''^5'^'''^^'=^  Island  for  ceremonial  pur- 
Wooden  goblet  found  at  Santa  Maria,  48 
Yacolla,  142 
Yampupata,  hamlet  of,  13,  42,  52,  281-  Inca 

rums  at,  282  '  *       ^^ 


Yampupata,  Straits,  7,  13,  15    47    IQQ 
4.»P"f a., steamer  on  Lake  Titicaca,  6 
Yatiri,     fetish,  sacrifices  to,"  250 
^atiri,  Indian  medicine-man,  etc.,  120    159 
Yaur^  (see  Needles  of  copper  and  bronze),  77, 

Yaurinka,  water-snake,  48    107 
Ye-ja-cbi,  projection  of  land,  44,  183 

"m'e'lathoTl'64^^"^^"^^^  '^''*^'<=''^«  ^S--* 
Yerba  de  Castilla,  hellebore,  105 
Yntip-Raymi,  278 
Yumani,  hacienda,  14,  42,  47,  55    56    79    «■> 

88    167,   170,   190,   191,  'ig?,   igs! Mg' 

203 ;  remains  at,  197,  262  ' 
Yungas,  227 

Yunguyu,    village,    26,    27,     127,  188-    Inca 

rums  at,  281                                  '  '         ^^ 

Zampona,  large  pan-flute,  112 

Zapalla  Inga  (see  Zdraje),  304 

^apana,  chief  of  the  Collas,  333 

ZSrate,   Agustin  de,   his  book,   303;   tradition 

7»^-f°'''^n  "*  I?^^^  ^'■"'^  Titicaca,  303  ° 

Zepita,  village,  26 


GETTY  CENTER  LIBRARY       ' 

llllllllliililllllllillilllllllillllllllllillllllllllll 


